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Volumn 39, Issue 1, 2007, Pages 55-80

Women out of place? A micro-historical perspective on the black feminist movement in Salvador da Bahia, Brazil

Author keywords

Affirmative action; Brazil; Feminism; Gender; Identity politics; Racial dynamics

Indexed keywords

BLACK POPULATION; FEMINISM; HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE; RACIAL IDENTITY; WOMENS STATUS;

EID: 33847032498     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: 1469767X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X06002033     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (24)

References (106)
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    • The Legislative Assembly of Rio de Janeiro passed a law allocating a quota to blacks at the state university in 2001. See The Bahian state university followed suit in 2002, as did other institutions in other states. The Federal University of Bahia, following the CEAFRO campaign, instituted in 2005 a quota of 43% public school students, of which 85% were to be self-identified blacks, and 2% indigenous
    • The Legislative Assembly of Rio de Janeiro passed a law allocating a quota to blacks at the state university in 2001. See Marcos Chor Maio and Ricardo Ventura Santos, 'Politíca de cotas raciais, os "olhos da sociedade" e os usos da antropologia: O caso do vestibular da Universidade de Brasília (UnB)', Horiz. antropol, vol. 11, no. 23 (2005), pp. 181-14. The Bahian state university followed suit in 2002, as did other institutions in other states. The Federal University of Bahia, following the CEAFRO campaign, instituted in 2005 a quota of 43% public school students, of which 85% were to be self-identified blacks, and 2% indigenous.
    • (2005) Horiz. Antropol. , vol.11 , Issue.23 , pp. 181-214
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    • For debates on affirmative action see Mala Htun, 'From "racial democracy" to affirmative action: Changing state policy on race in Brazil', Latin American Research Review, vol. 39, no. 1 (2004), pp. 60-89;
    • (2004) Latin American Research Review , vol.39 , Issue.1 , pp. 60-89
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    • See Bailey, 'Group dominance'.
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    • (2004) Estudos Avançados , vol.18 , Issue.50 , pp. 67-80
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    • 'De armadilhas, conviccecões e dissensões: As relações raciais como Efeito Orloff
    • See and the articles published in this special number of Estudos Afro-Asiáticos discussing Bourdieu and Wacquant's article
    • See Jocélio Teles dos Santos, 'De armadilhas, conviccecões e dissensões: As relações raciais como Efeito Orloff, Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, vol. 24, no. 1 (2002), pp. 167-88, and the articles published in this special number of Estudos Afro-Asiáticos discussing Bourdieu and Wacquant's article.
    • (2002) Estudos Afro-Asiáticos , vol.24 , Issue.1 , pp. 167-188
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  • 43
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    • note
    • The Brazilian section of the Communist Internationale was founded in 1922 and known as the partidão. It split into the PCdoB and the Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) in 1962.
  • 44
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    • note
    • UNEGRO is a nation-wide organization with local branches in major cities.
  • 45
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    • note
    • The PT was founded in 1980 and came to power in the 1990s. Its leader, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, popularly known as Lula, was first elected president of Brazil in 2002 and was reelected to the presidency in October 2006.
  • 47
    • 79957350454 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Gender, race, and the struggle for social justice in Brazil'
    • Lovell, 'Gender, race';
    • Lovell, P.A.1
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    • 'Racism, culture and black identity in Brazil'
    • Michel Agier, 'Racism, culture and black identity in Brazil', Bulletin of Latin American Research, vol. 14, no. 3 (1995), pp. 245-64.
    • (1995) Bulletin of Latin American Research , vol.14 , Issue.3 , pp. 245-264
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    • See Telles suggests that the demographic concentration of blacks is related to this singular success of a positive black identity
    • See Sheriff, Dreaming Equality. Telles suggests that the demographic concentration of blacks is related to this singular success of a positive black identity;
    • Dreaming Equality: Color, Race and Racism in Urban Brazil
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    • 'Resisting Brazil: Perspectives on Brazilian nationalism from an urban heartland'
    • Cecilia McCallum, 'Resisting Brazil: Perspectives on Brazilian nationalism from an urban heartland', Ethnos, vol. 61, nos. 3-4 (1996), pp. 207-29;
    • (1996) Ethnos , vol.61 , Issue.3-4 , pp. 207-229
    • McCallum, C.1
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    • 'Dilemas nada atuais nas políticas para os afro-brasileiros: Ação afirmativa no Brasil dos Anos 60'
    • in Jéferson Bacelar and Carlos Caroso (eds.), (Rio de Janeiro)
    • Jocélio Teles dos Santos, ' Dilemas nada atuais nas políticas para os afro-brasileiros: Ação afirmativa no Brasil dos Anos 60', in Jéferson Bacelar and Carlos Caroso (eds.), Brasil um Pais de Negros? (Rio de Janeiro, 1998), pp. 221-33.
    • (1998) Brasil Um Pais De Negros? , pp. 221-233
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    • note
    • Laws against racial discrimination include the 1988 Constitution, the Caó Law of 1989, which reformed the penal code to make racism a crime, and Law 9.459 of 13 May 1997. Brazil has also ratified the 1965 Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination.
  • 58
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    • CEAFRO is a programme for black students founded in 1995 as an off-shoot of the Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais (CEAO) at the UFBA. The Instituto Steve Biko was founded in 1992 by Afro-Brazilian professors and students, with the declared objective of 'strengthening the fight against racial discrimination through concrete action: creating and offering conditions to facilitate the upward mobility of the low-income black community'. Towards this end, its activities aim to 'reconstruct Afro-Brazilians's ethnic identity, self-esteem and citizenship in the context of political and educational training.' - site accessed 11 February my translation)
    • CEAFRO is a programme for black students founded in 1995 as an off-shoot of the Centro de Estudos Afro-Orientais (CEAO) at the UFBA. The Instituto Steve Biko was founded in 1992 by Afro-Brazilian professors and students, with the declared objective of 'strengthening the fight against racial discrimination through concrete action: Creating and offering conditions to facilitate the upward mobility of the low-income black community'. Towards this end, its activities aim to 'reconstruct Afro-Brazilians's ethnic identity, self-esteem and citizenship in the context of political and educational training.' (www.stevebiko.org.br - site accessed 11 February 2005, my translation).
    • (2005)
  • 59
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    • 'Etnopolítica - A dinamica do espaco afro-baiano'
    • Michel Agier, 'Etnopolítica - a dinamica do espaco afro-baiano'. Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, vol. 22 (1992), pp. 99-115.
    • (1992) Estudos Afro-Asiáticos , vol.22 , pp. 99-115
    • Agier, M.1
  • 60
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    • 'Racism, culture'
    • Agier, 'Racism, culture', p. 257.
    • Agier, M.1
  • 62
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    • Goldman notes a similar tension between a 'segmentary logic' and the 'federalizing tendency' in the black cultural movement in Bahia
    • Goldman notes a similar tension between a 'segmentary logic' and the 'federalizing tendency' in the black cultural movement in Bahia; Goldman, Como Funciona a Democracia.
    • Como Funciona a Democracia
    • Goldman, M.1
  • 65
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    • Grupo de Estudos sobre Saúde da mulher (GEM)
    • Grupo de Estudos sobre Saúde da mulher (GEM).
  • 66
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    • note
    • I am grateful to Maria Helena Souza, one of the founding members of the Forum and 2006 Municipal Secretary for Women's Affairs in Salvador, for clarifying certain aspects of its history and functioning.
  • 67
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    • The history of the feminist movement in Salvador has yet to be written. Although black feminists organised separately, it seems nonetheless that there was a closer relationship between white and black feminists than in other parts of Brazil. See (Princeton)
    • The history of the feminist movement in Salvador has yet to be written. Although black feminists organised separately, it seems nonetheless that there was a closer relationship between white and black feminists than in other parts of Brazil. See Sonia E. Alvarez, Engendering Democracy in Brazil: Women's Movements in Transition Politics (Princeton, 1990);
    • (1990) Engendering Democracy in Brazil: Women's Movements in Transition Politics
    • Alvarez, S.E.1
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    • 'Gender, race, and the struggle for social justice in Brazil'
    • Lovell, 'Gender, race'.
    • Lovell, P.A.1
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    • note
    • The transition to democracy in Brazil saw the flourishing of a large number of political parties, some largely opportunist groupings and others, such as the two communist parties, drawing on a long history of ideological work and organisational struggle. Links between individual politicians and parties are weak, coalitions are formed across ideological lines and the practice of moving between parties is common. Lidice da Mata, for example, has shifted her party affiliation over two decades from the PCdoB (1985-1991), to the PSDB (1992-1998), and finally the PSB, (1998-2006).
  • 71
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    • For a discussion of party politics and the state in Brazil, see Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (eds.), (Pittsburgh)
    • For a discussion of party politics and the state in Brazil, see Peter R. Kingstone and Timothy J. Power (eds.), Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes (Pittsburgh, 2000).
    • (2000) Democratic Brazil: Actors, Institutions, and Processes
  • 74
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    • note
    • These comments are based on my discussions with feminists who participate in the movement but are not involved in party politics.
  • 76
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    • note
    • All translations of transcripts are my own.
  • 78
    • 33847056892 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Dilemas nada atuais nas políticas para os afro-brasileiros: Ação afirmativa no Brasil dos Anos 60'
    • Santos, 'Dilemas nada atuais'.
    • Santos, T.1
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    • See www.articulacaodemulheres.org.br.
  • 80
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    • note
    • The five sections are: 1) On Political Democracy; 2) On the Democratic State and Social Justice; 3) On Brazil's place in the International Arena; 4) On die Democratization of Social Life; 5) On Sexual and Reproductive Liberty.
  • 81
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    • On the contested transformation of Pelourinho from a low-income area inhabited by afrobahians, to a commercial and tourist area, see (New Brunswick)
    • On the contested transformation of Pelourinho from a low-income area inhabited by afrobahians, to a commercial and tourist area, see Kim Butler, Freedoms given, Freedoms Won: Afro-Brazilians in Post-Abolition São Paulo and Salvador (New Brunswick, 1998).
    • (1998) Freedoms Given, Freedoms Won: Afro-Brazilians in Post-Abolition São Paulo and Salvador
    • Butler, K.1
  • 82
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    • note
    • UNEB - Universidade Estadual da Bahia.
  • 83
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    • note
    • The association between female gender and domestic work is barely questioned in Brazil, so naturalized is its status. In Salvador, the overwhelming majority of domestic workers are black or brown. It is possible that middle-class black families employ a white domestic worker, but I have only come across one case. None of die black feminists I know employ domestic workers.
  • 84
    • 33847028600 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Lembrando Lélia Gonzalez'
    • in Jurema Werneck et al. (eds.), (Rio de Janeiro), my translation
    • Luiza Bairros, 'Lembrando Lélia Gonzalez', in Jurema Werneck et al. (eds.), O Livro da Saúde das Mulheres Negras (Rio de Janeiro, 2000), p. 43, my translation.
    • (2000) O Livro Da Saúde Das Mulheres Negras , pp. 43
    • Bairros, L.1
  • 85
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    • See also (Salvador/Rio de Janeiro)
    • See also Livio Sansone, Negritude sem etnicidade (Salvador/Rio de Janeiro, 2004), p. 82.
    • (2004) Negritude Sem Etnicidade , pp. 82
    • Sansone, L.1
  • 86
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    • note
    • Students with grants in such schools were usually obliged to perform services in exchange such as cleaning.
  • 87
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    • 'A brancura desconfortável das camadas medias brasileiras'
    • Middle-class whites in Rio de Janeiro are reluctant to self-identify as branco - see in (Rio de Janeiro) It is likely that the motives of Norvell's informants are of a different order to those of activists and politicians in Salvador. Critics in the black movement say that white Brazilians who claim African ancestry to illustrate their disavowal of racial difference sustain the disempowerment of blacks
    • Middle-class whites in Rio de Janeiro are reluctant to self-identify as branco - see John Norvell, 'A brancura desconfortável das camadas medias brasileiras' in Raça como retórica (Rio de Janeiro, 2001), pp. 245-67. It is likely that the motives of Norvell's informants are of a different order to those of activists and politicians in Salvador. Critics in the black movement say that white Brazilians who claim African ancestry to illustrate their disavowal of racial difference sustain the disempowerment of blacks.
    • (2001) Raça Como Retórica , pp. 245-267
    • Norvell, J.1
  • 88
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    • A 1992 offshoot of the PCB (N21)
    • A 1992 offshoot of the PCB (N21).
  • 89
    • 33847027808 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Partidão is a term used to denominate the communist party.
  • 91
    • 33847059028 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'From "racial democracy" to affirmative action: Changing state policy on race in Brazil'
    • 'From places greater emphasis on the then president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso's support for a proactive approach to racial inequality
    • Htun, 'From "racial democracy"' places greater emphasis on the then president, Fernando Henrique Cardoso's support for a proactive approach to racial inequality.
    • Htun, M.1
  • 92
    • 33847020283 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Resisting Brazil: Perspectives on Brazilian nationalism from an urban heartland'
    • This powerful group comprises die kin and supporters of die politician Antônio Carlos Magalhães who held office at state, municipal and federal levels on many occasions. Investment in a black regional identity has been a long-standing strategy of the Carlistas. On their cultural politics of race see
    • This powerful group comprises die kin and supporters of die politician Antônio Carlos Magalhães who held office at state, municipal and federal levels on many occasions. Investment in a black regional identity has been a long-standing strategy of the Carlistas. On their cultural politics of race see McCallum, 'Resisting Brazil';
    • McCallum, C.1
  • 93
    • 33847056892 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • 'Dilemas nada atuais nas políticas para os afro-brasileiros: Ação afirmativa no Brasil dos Anos 60'
    • Santos, 'Dilemas nada atuais'.
    • Santos, R.V.1
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    • Htun, 'From "racial democracy"'. By 2002, the Brazilian government had instituted a programme of quotas in some ministries, including the foreign ministry and the diplomatic service. The Legislative Assembly of Rio de Janeiro passed a law allocating a quota to blacks at the state university in 2001.
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    • See Marcos Chor Maio and Ricardo Ventura Santos, 'Política de cotas raciais, os "olhos da sociedade" e os usos da antropologia: O caso do vestibular da Universidade de Brasília (UnB)', Horiz. antropol., vol. 11, no. 23 (2005), pp. 181-214.
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    • note
    • The Bahian state university followed suit in 2002, as did other institutions in other states. The Federal University of Bahia, following the CEAFRO campaign, instituted in 2005 a quota of 43% public school students, of which 85% were to be self-identified blacks, and 2% indigenous.
  • 98
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    • Agier, 'Racism, culture'.
    • Agier, M.1
  • 100
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    • 'Dilemas nada atuais nas políticas para os afro-brasileiros: Ação afirmativa no Brasil dos Anos 60'
    • Santos, 'Dilemas nada atuais'.
    • Santos, R.V.1
  • 101
  • 102
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    • Cecilia McCallum, 'Racialized bodies, naturalized class: Moving through the city of Salvador da Bahia. American Ethnologist, vol. 32, no. 1 (2005), pp. 100-17.
    • (2005) American Ethnologist , vol.32 , Issue.1 , pp. 100-117
    • McCallum, C.1
  • 103
    • 33847010830 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
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    • Maio and Santos 'Política de cotas'.
    • Maio, M.C.1    Santos, R.V.2
  • 104
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    • 'Debating identity, working culture: Making cultural identities in Cali, Colombia'
    • Peter Wade, 'Debating identity, working culture: Making cultural identities in Cali, Colombia,' Current Anthropology, vol. 40, no. 4 (1999), pp. 449-71.
    • (1999) Current Anthropology , vol.40 , Issue.4 , pp. 449-471
    • Wade, P.1
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    • 'Classes sociais e grupos de prestigio'
    • In (Salvador)
    • Thales de Azevedo, 'Classes sociais e grupos de prestigio' In Ensaios de Antropologia Social (Salvador, 1959), pp. 103-20.
    • (1959) Ensaios De Antropologia Social , pp. 103-120
    • de Azevedo, T.1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.