Smoking and "early modern" sociability: The great tobacco debate in the ottoman middle east (seventeenth to eighteenth centuries)

American Historical Review

Volumn 111, Issue 5, 2006, Pages 1352-1377

  Grehan, James ^a  

^a PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ECONOMICS; ETHNOLOGY; HISTORY; LEGAL ASPECT; PATHOLOGY; PHYSIOLOGY; PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT; REVIEW; SMOKING; TOBACCO; TURKEY (REPUBLIC);

HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 18TH CENTURY; SMOKING; TOBACCO; TURKEY;

EID: 33846541819     PISSN: 00028762     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/ahr.111.5.1352     Document Type: Review

References (201)

1. 'Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti (1754-1822), 'Aja'ib al-athar fi al-tarajim wa al-akhbar, ed. 'Abd al-Rahim 'Abd al-Rahim, 4 vols. (Cairo, 1997), 1: 55.
2. For one of the most trenchant critiques, see Jack Goldstone, "The Problem of the 'Early Modern' World," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 41 (1998): 249-284.
3. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, "Connected Histories: Notes towards a Reconfiguration of Early Modern Eurasia," Modem Asian Studies 31 (1997): 735-762;
4. John F. Richards, "Early Modern India and World History, "Journal of World History 8 (1997): 197-209;
5. Evelyn Rawski, "The Qing Formation and the Early Modern Period," in Lynn Struve, ed., The Qing Formation in World Historical Time (Cambridge, Mass., 2004);
6. David Ludden, "Urbanism and Early Modernity in the Tirunelveli Region," Bengal Past and Present 114 (1995): 9-40.
7. For a more Eurocentric perspective on this debate, see the collection of essays in Daedalus 127, no. 3 (1998).
8. For a recent discussion of consumerism in the Ottoman Empire, see Suraiya Faroqhi, Subjects of the Sultan: Culture and Daily Life in the Ottoman Empire (New York, 2000);
9. Donald Quataert, ed., Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire, 1550-1922 (Albany, N.Y., 2000).
10. For one other recent attempt at finding "early modernity" in the Middle East, mainly in the architecture of eighteenth-century Istanbul, see Shirine Hamadeh, "Ottoman Expressions of Early Modernity and the 'Inevitable' Question of Westernization," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 63 (2004): 32-51.
11. In South Asia, for example, tobacco had conquered a huge market for itself by the middle of the seventeenth century; Ashin Das Gupta, The World of the Indian Ocean Merchant, 1500-1800 (New York, 2001), 208;
12. B. G. Gokhale, "Tobacco in 17th-Century India," Agricultural History 48 (1974): 484-492;
13. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mogul India (1556-1707) (New York, 2001), 50-51.
14. On the spread of tobacco to East Asia, see Fernand Braudel, The Structures of Everyday Life: The Limits of the Possible, trans. Siân Reynolds (New York, 1979), 262-264;
15. G. Kiernan, Tobacco: A History (London, 1991), 25;
16. Berthold Laufer, Tobacco and Its Use in Asia (Chicago, 1924), 1-5, 10-11.
17. See, for example, the comment in Ibrahim Peçevi (1574-1649?), Tarih-i Peçevi, 2 vols. (Istanbul. 1866), 1: 365.
18. Ekmeleddin Ihsanoǧlu, "Ottoman Science in the Classical Period and Early Contacts with European Science and Technology," in Ihsanoǧlu, ed., Transfer of Modern Science and Technology to the Muslim World (Istanbul, 1992), 39-40.
19. For examples of medical uses, see 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi (1641-1731), al-Sulh bayn al-ikhwan fi hukm ibahat al-dukhan, ed. Ahmad Muhammad Dahman (Damascus, 1924), 26-28.
20. Mar'i bin Yusuf al-Karmi (d. 1623/1624), Tahqiq al-burhan fi sha'n al-dukhan aladhi yashrabuhu al-nas al-an, ed. Mashhur bin Hasan Al Salman (Beirut, 1974), 109.
21. On the spread of tobacco to Arabia around the same time, see Muhammad al-Muhibbi (1651-1699), Khulasat al-athr fi a'yan al-qarn al-hadi 'ashar, 4 vols. (Beirut, n.d.), 2: 80.
22. Seventeenth-century authors suggest that West Africa may have acted as a second source for the diffusion of tobacco (at least along the southern shores of the Mediterranean). See, for example, Ibrahim al-Laqani (d. 1631/1632), Nasihat al-ikhwan bi-ijtinab al-dukhan, ed. Ahmad Mahmud Al Mahmud (Manamah, 1990), 59;
23. al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 19. Lending credibility to these claims is the archaeological evidence. Pipes from seventeenth-century Palestine, for example, have shown a distinct resemblance to West African styles;
24. Uzi Baram, "Entangled Objects from the Palestinian Past: Archaeological Perspectives for the Ottoman Period, 1500-1900," in Uzi Baram and Lynda Carroll, eds., A Historical Archaeology of the Ottoman Empire: Breaking New Ground (New York, 2000), 137-159.
25. To take a key benchmark: the price of tobacco would remain low even as, in Egypt and Syria, wheat roughly doubled in price over the same period; André Raymond, Artisans et commerçants au Caire au XVIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1974), 1: 76-77, 79, 216; 2: 514.
26. For a comparison with the price of coffee, ibid., 1: 70. For similar trends in Syria,
27. see James Grehan, Everyday Life and Consumer Culture in Eighteenth-Century Damascus (Seattle, Wash., forthcoming), chap. 4. On the limited role of coffee drinking in the countryside,
28. see Michel Tuchscherer, "Les Cafés dans l'Égypte ottomane (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles)," in Hélène Desmet-Grégoire and François Georgeon, eds., Cafés d'Orient revisités (Paris, 1997), 93.
29. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 36.
30. Al-Laqani, Nasihat, 72;
31. Ahmad al-Budayri (d. 1763?), Hawadith dimashq al-yawmiyya, ed. Ahmad "Izzat 'Abd al-Karim (Cairo, 1959), 140.
32. See also ibid., 130;
33. William Wittman, Travels in Turkey, Asia Minor, Syria, and across the Desert into Egypt (London, 1803), 245, 390.
34. Joseph Tournefort (d. 1708), A Voyage into the Levant, 3 vols. (London, 1741), 3: 56, 173;
35. Egmond van der Nijenburg (d. 1747), Travels through Part of Europe, Asia Minor, the Islands of the Archipelago. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, Mt. Sinai &c., 2 vols. (London, 1759), 2: 48, 204;
36. Richard Pococke (d. 1765), A Description of the East and Some Other Countries (London, 1743), 1: 72-73, 128;
37. Vivant Denon (d. 1825), Travels in Upper and Lower Egypt, trans. Arthur Aikin, 2 vols. (London, 1803), 1; 155, 320;
38. F. Volney. Travels in Syria and Egypt in the Years 1783, 1784, and 1785, 2 vols. (London, 1794), 2: 409;
39. John Lewis Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia (London, 1829), 426;
40. Napoleon I and Gilles Néret, Description de l'Égypte, 9 vols. (Alexandria, 1943), 6: 548-549.
41. These barriers ensured that even at the end of the eighteenth century, many parts of the countryside in Western Europe could not count on regular supplies of tobacco; Jacob M. Price, "Tobacco Use and Tobacco Taxation: A Battle of Interests in Early Modern Europe," in Jordan Goodman, Paul E. Lovejoy, and Andrew Sherratt, eds., Consuming Habits: Drugs in History and Anthropology (New York. 1995), 166-169.
42. Baram, "Entangled Objects," 149-150.
43. See the description in Edward Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (London, 1908), 138.
44. See, for example, al-Jabarti, 'Aja'ib, 1: 417, 483.
45. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 19;
46. see also Jordan Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (New York, 1993), 86-87.
47. Rudi Matthee argues that one key difference between Ottoman and Iranian tobacco culture was that in Iran, the choice of smoking implement was more directly correlated with class. Wealthy Iranians showed an unshakable devotion to the hookah, whereas the pipe was definitely plebeian; Matthee, The Pursuit of Pleasure: Drugs and Stimulants In Iranian History, 1500-1900 (Princeton, N.J., 2005), 132-133.
48. On snuff in China, see Goodman, Tobacco in History, 88-89;
49. on snuff-taking in Europe, see Wolfgang Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise: A Social History of Spices. Stimulants, and Intoxicants, trans. David Jacobson (New York, 1992), 131-146.
50. Contemporary reports mention desperate smokers in Istanbul who resorted to snuff during the height of Murad IV's anti-smoking campaign in the 1630s. Apart from this brief episode, it seems not to have attained much popularity. Katib Çelebi (1609-1657), The Balance of Truth, trans. Geoffrey Lewis (New York, 1957), 58.
51. Muhammad Raghib al-Tabbakh (1877-1951), I'lam al-nubala' bi-tarikh halab al-shahba', 7 vols. (Aleppo, 1988), 3: 355;
52. Muhammad Sa'id al-Qasimi (d. 1900), Qamus al-sana'at al-shamiyya, ed. Zafir al-Qasimi (Damascus, 1988), 330.
53. On the origins of the cigarette industry in the Middle East, see Donald Quataert, Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire, 1881-1908: Reactions to European Economic Penetration (New York, 1983), 17-18;
54. Relli Schechter, "Selling Luxury: The Rise of the Egyptian Cigarette and the Transformation of the Egyptian Tobacco Market, 1850-1914." International Journal of Middle East Studies 35 (2003): 51-75.
55. Braudel. Structures, 262.
56. Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 363-364;
57. Ralph Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East (Seattle, Wash., 1985), 77-78.
58. For biographies of prominent opponents, see Muhammad ibn al-Hanbali (1502/1503-1563), Durr al-habab fi tarikh a'yan halab, ed. Mahmud Ahmad al-Fakhuri and Yahya Zakariya 'Abbara, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1972), 1: 701; 2: 124, 225;
59. Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi (1570-1651), al-Kawakib al-sa'ira bi-a'yan al-mi'a al-'ashira, ed. Jibra'il Sulayman Jabbur, 3 vols. (Beirut, 1979), 2: 111-112, 152-153; 3: 222-223.
60. 'Abd al-Qadir al-Jaziri (1505/1506-1569), 'Umdat al-safwa fi hall al-qahwa, ed. 'Abdullah bin Muhammad al-Habashi (Abu Dhabi, 1996), 132-134, 65-66;
61. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses, 43.
62. On the views of opponents, see al-Jaziri, 'Umdat, 69-73;
63. for a rebuttal of these positions, see ibid., 74, 108, 130. For biographies of leading supporters, or those who had quietly incorporated coffee into their daily lives, see ibn al-Hanbali, Durr, 1: 1007-1008;
64. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib, 1: 185, 321;
65. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 1: 261, 301-302, 389-390; 2: 196-197.
66. See also Michael Winter, Society and Religion in Early Modem Egypt: Studies in the Writings of 'Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha'rani (London, 1982), 190-191.
67. Raymond, Artisans, chap. 5.
68. See the discussion in Faruk Beşer, "Islam Fikhi," in Nail Erhan, ed., Sigara ve Insan Saǧliǧi (Istanbul, 1993), 50.
69. For a historical overview of the arguments against tobacco, collected into a single volume, seeMuhammad ibn Ja'far al-Kittani (d. 1927), I'lan al-hujja wa iqamat al-burhan 'ala man' ma 'amma wa fasha min isti'mal 'ushbat al-dukhan (Damascus, 1990).
70. Al-Kittani was a Moroccan scholar who carried the legal battle against smoking into the early twentieth century. One of the virtues of his work, which is really a compendium of some three hundred years of Islamic denunciations of tobacco, is that it draws on all four Sunni legal schools (madhhab). Many arguments are preserved in full through long quotations, making it an ideal source for charting the evolution of the debate from its origins to the end of the Ottoman period. Most interesting is the pan-Islamic consistency of the anti-tobacco legal attacks, which transcended sectarian divisions. For Shiite denunciations of smoking, which followed roughly the same lines as Sunni critiques, see the discussion of Iranian debates in Matthee. The Pursuit of Pleasure. 135-137.
71. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 76-77.
72. Muhammad ibn Mustafa al-Khadimi (1701/1702-1762/1763), Bariqa mahmudiyya fi sharh tariqa muhammadiyya wa shari a nabawiyya fi sira ahmadiyya, 4 vols. (Istanbul, 1900), 4: 111.
73. See also the writings of Muhammad 'Ali ibn 'Alan al-Siddiqi; for his biography, see al-Muhibbi. Khulasat, 4: 187.
74. Al-Khadimi. Bariqa, 4: 111;
75. al-Karmi. Tahqiq, 114-122;
76. al-Kittani. I'lan, 57-59.
77. Al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 136-140.
78. See, for example, the stories in al-Laqani, Nasihat, 86-88.
79. Sarah Dickson, Panacea or Precious Bane: Tobacco in 16th-Century Literature (New York, 1954), 154.
80. Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 365.
81. See also al-Laqani, Nasihat, 80.
82. Al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 111-113;
83. al-Laqani, Nasihat, 92.
84. For a rebuttal, see al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 72-73.
85. See, for example, al-Khadimi, Bariqa, 4: 111-112.
86. Al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 122-126.
87. For a scornful refutation, see al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 79.
88. See also the entry for smoke in al-Nabulsi's dictionary of dreams; 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, Ta'tir al-anam fi tafsir al-ahlam, ed. Taha 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd, 2 vols. (Damascus, n.d.), 1: 211.
89. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 8;
90. al-Khadimi, Bariqa, 4: 112.
91. See, for example, Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 365.
92. See the discussion in several places in al-Laqani, Nasihat, 61, 65, 74, 82, 93. Another author who made disparaging comments about non-Muslims in connection with tobacco was Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi. who thought that smoking created a "slovenliness" that he associated with these minorities;
93. cited in al-Kittani, I'lan, 134.
94. The Ottomans were not alone among Muslim states in their attempt to stamp out smoking. At roughly the same time, both Safavid Iran (c. 1610) and Mughal India (1617) would announce their own anti-tobacco laws. See, respectively, Rudi Matthee, "Exotic Substances: The Introduction and Global Spread of Tobacco, Coffee, Cocoa, Tea, and Distilled Liquor, 16th to 18th Centuries," in Roy Porter and Mikulas Teich, eds., Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge, 1995), 35; and Gokhale, "Tobacco in 17th-Century India," 487.
95. Mustafa Naima (1655-1716), Tarih-i Naima, 6 vols. (Istanbul, n.d.), 2: 58-61;
96. al-Laqani, Nasihat, 85.
97. On the rise of the Kadizadeli movement, and its wide influence within Istanbul society, see Madeline Zilfi, "The Kadizadelis: Discordant Revivalism in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul," Journal of Near Eastern Studies 45 (1986): 251-269.
98. Naima, Tarih-i Naima, 3: 170-171.
99. See, for example, Kamil al-Ghazzi (1853?-1933), Nahr al-dhahab fi tarikh halab, 3 vols. (Aleppo, 1988), 3: 220-221;
100. Katib Çelebi, Fezleke-yi Katib Çelebi, 2 vols. (Istanbul, 1870), 2: 197.
101. The Ottomans were not alone in viewing public smoking as a menace. Governments in Germany and Russia also sought bans as a means of preventing fires. Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, 125-129;
102. Count Corti, A History of Smoking, trans. Paul England (New York, 1932), 140.
103. See, for example, Naima, Tarih-i Naima, 3: 168-169; 6: 230-231;
104. Katib Çelebi, Fezleke, 2: 154-155.
105. Donald Quataert, "Clothing Laws, State, and Society in the Ottoman Empire, 1720-1829," International Journal of Middle East Studies 29 (1997): 406. On the anxieties produced by the restructuring of the Ottoman state,
106. see, for example, Rifa'at 'Ali Abou-el-Haj, The Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries (Albany, N.Y., 1991);
107. Cornell Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (1541-1600) (Princeton, N.J., 1986);
108. Douglas Howard, "Ottoman Historiography and the Literature of 'Decline' of the 16th and 17th Centuries," Journal of Asian History 22 (1988): 52-77.
109. On the anxieties provoked by the appearance of coffeehouses in seventeenth-century England, see Brian Cowen, The Social Life of Coffee: The Emergence of the British Coffeehouse (New Haven, Conn., 2005), chaps. 4, 8.
110. Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 364. The arrival of the coffeehouse seems to have partly disrupted what one historian has called an "etiquette of controlled visibility." Members of the Ottoman elite, both male and female, preferred to minimize social interaction in public space. For a discussion of this "etiquette" in the sixteenth-century Middle East,
111. see Leslie Peirce, Morality Tales: Law and Gender in the Ottoman Court of Aintab (Berkeley, Calif., 2003), 156.
112. Mikha'il Burayk (d. 1782?), Tarikh al-sham, ed. Ahmad Ghassan Sabbanu (Damascus, 1982), 74.
113. See, for example, Muhammad Khalil al-Muradi (1759-1791/1792), Silk al-durar fi a'yan al-qarn al-thani 'ashar, 4 vols. (Beirut, 1988), 4: 130.
114. See, for example, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 179.
115. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 37;
116. al-Nabulsi, al-Haqiqa wa al-majaz fi al-rihla ila bilad al-sham wa misr wa al-hijaz, ed. Ahmad 'Abd al-Majid al-Haridi (Cairo, 1986), 58.
117. See also Barbara von Schlegell, "Sufism in the Ottoman Arab World: Shaykh 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi" (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1997), 90 .
118. Katib Çelebi, The Balance, 52.
119. See the remarks by Naima, who believed that the ban had merely made smoking seem more alluring; Naima, Tarih-i Naima, 3: 169.
120. In another sign of the widespread resistance or indifference to anti-tobacco campaigns, the closure of the coffeehouses in Istanbul ordered by Murad IV seems not to have taken place in the Arab provinces. Ayşe Saraçgil, "L'Introduction du café à Istanbul (XVIe-XVIIe siècles)," in Hélène Desmet- Grégoire and François Georgeon, eds., Cafés d'Orient revisités (Paris, 1997), 36-37.
121. On the legalization of tobacco under Baha'i Efendi, the şeyhülislam (chief jurisconsult) of Istanbul who issued the relevant fatwa, see Katib Çelebi, The Balance, 52.
122. Mehmed Raşid Paşa (d. 1735), Tarih-i Raşid, 6 vols. (Istanbul, n.d.), 2: 377-378.
123. Corti, A History of Smoking, 94-96, 151, 156-157, 160, 177.
124. Ahmad ibn Zayni Dahlan (1816/1817-1886), Khulasat al-kalam fi bayan umara' al-balad al-haram (Cairo, 1977), 193-194;
125. al-Jabarti, 'Aja'ib, 1: 260.
126. Al-Budayri, Hawadith, 130. One can gauge the scale of the problem from the reaction of al-Budayri, an ordinary barber who identified with conservative opinion: "The smoking [of tobacco] has become one of the greatest afflictions in Damascus."
127. 'Uthman ibn Bishr al-Najdi, 'Unwan al-majd fi tarikh Najd, 2 vols. (Port Said, 2001), 1: 191;
128. ibn Zayni Dahlan, Khulasat, 292;
129. A. Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought (New York, 2000), 168.
130. Ibn Zayni Dahlan, Khulasat, 193-194.
131. Dina Rizk Khoury, "Who Is a True Muslim? Exclusion and Inclusion among Polemicists of Reform in Nineteenth-Century Baghdad," in Virginia Aksan and Daniel Goffman, eds., Early Modern Ottoman History: A Reinterpretation (Cambridge, forthcoming),
132. cited by David Commins, The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia (New York, 2005), 30 n. 95.
133. Ahmad Ibn 'Abd al-Ghani (d. 1737), Awdah al-isharat fi-man tawalla misr al-qahira min al-wuzara' wa al-bashat, ed. 'Abd al-Rahim 'Abd al-Rahman 'Abd al-Rahim (Cairo, 1978), 447.
134. Al-Jabarti, 'Aja'ib, 1: 648. For other cases of scholars taking matters into their own hands,
135. see al-Muradi, Silk, 2: 31.
136. Corti, A History of Smoking, 134.
137. Al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 142, 152-157. For a similar ruling by a later scholar,
138. see Muhammad Ibn 'Abdin (1783/1784-1836), Radd al-muhtar 'ala durr al-mukhtar, 6 vols. (Beirut, 1994), 2: 295-296.
139. Al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 58. Another jurist who liked to smoke was Ahmad Baba al-Sudani, who made his home in Timbuktu. While passing through Cairo on the pilgrimage, he met Ibrahim al-Laqani, the arch-nemesis of tobacco, and began corresponding with him. After al-Sudani composed a fatwa legalizing smoking and forwarded it to Cairo, their friendship soured;
140. al-Nabulsi, al-Haqiqa, 429. On the avid smoking of Baha ' i Efendi, the şeyhulislam who eventually reauthorized the use of tobacco (c. 1650),
141. see Katib Çelebi, The Balance, 56-57.
142. See, for example, 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, Nihayat al-murad fi shark hadiyat Ibn al-'Imad, ed. 'Abd al-Razzaq al-Halabi (Limmasol, 1994), 581-582.
143. Naima, Tarih-i Naima, 6: 228.
144. By the late seventeenth century, mainstream scholarship in Iran had also turned toward a more tolerant view of tobacco; Matthee, The Pursuit of Pleasure, 140-141.
145. See, for example, the opinion of the Damascene scholar Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi; Ibn Abdin. Radd. 2: 296.
146. Al-Nabulsi. al-Sulh, 39. For his views on obedience to political authority, see ibid., 54-70.
147. Ibid., 21, 24, 33-34;
148. al-Nabulsi, Nihayat, 580.
149. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 50-53, 77-78.
150. Al-Nabulsi, Nihayat, 576-577;
151. see also 'Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa al-nadiyya: Shark al-tariqa al-muhammadiyya, 2 vols. (Lailbur, 1977), 1: 128. Not every jurist made the same distinction, but the principle of evaluating innovations, and not necessarily rejecting them out of hand, was fairly well established. One scholar fit them into the same five categories-mandatory (wajib), recommended (mandub), permitted (mubah), disapproved (makruh), and forbidden (muharram)-used for judging all other questions. Only the most uncompromising scholars, such as the leaders of the Kadizadeli movement, would have dismissed them altogether.
152. See, for example, the discussion in al-Karmi, Tahqiq, 146.
153. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 72-74, 79.
154. Ibid., 16-17.
155. See, for example, Molly Greene, A Shared World: Christians and Muslims in the Early Modem Mediterranean (Princeton, N.J., 2000).
156. Abd al-Ghani al-Nabulsi, Idah al-dallalatfi sima al-alat (Damascus, 1884), 17-18;
157. al-Nabulsi, Nihayat, 581;
158. al-Nabulsi, al-Hadiqa, 1: 128. As Michael Cook notes, al-Nabulsi's position was slightly eccentric in placing such firm restraints on commanding the right. No other scholars seem to have taken up his ideas and extended them;
159. Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong, 325-327.
160. Al-Nabulsi, al-Sulh, 6, 17.
161. For the most explicit statement of this position, al-Nabulsi, Idah, 12-14, 24-25.
162. Al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 3: 4, 244. For other derisive references to a life of pleasure-seeking,
163. see ibn al-Hanbali, Dun, 1: 590;
164. Najm al-Din al-Ghazzi, Lutf al-samar wa qatf al-thamr, ed. Mahmud alshaykh, 2 vols. (Damascus, 1981 ), 1: 75-76,124-125;
165. al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 240.
166. See also ' Ali al-Nurial-Safaqisi (d. 1706), Risala fi hukm al-sama ' wa fi wujub kitabat al-mushafbi ' l-rasm al- ' uthmani (Beirut, 1986), 17.
167. Al-Khadimi, Bariqa, 3: 18.
168. 89Al-Jaziri, 'Umdat, 94.
169. Ibn Hajar al-Haythami (d. 1566), Kaff al-ra'a' an muharramat al-lawh wa al-sama', ed. 'Adil 'Abd al-Murfim Abu al-'Abbas (Cairo, 1989), 94-122;
170. Shihab al-Din al-Qalyubi (d. 1659) and 'Umayra al-Burullusi (d. 1550/1551), Hashiyatan: al-Qafyubi wa 'Umayra, 4 vols. (Bombay, 1970), 4: 319-320;
171. Murtada al-Zabidi (d. 1791),Ithafal-sada al-muttaqin bi-sharh asrarihya" 'ulum al-din, 10 vols. (Cairo, 1893), 7: 431. On disapproval of "fun and games" in medieval Islamic literature,
172. see Franz Rosenthal, Gambling in Islam (Leiden, 1975), 9-26.
173. For disapproving references to chess playing, see al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 2: 276; 3: 101-102.
174. Hattox, Coffee and Coffeehouses, 55.
175. For a general discussion of this transition, see Goodman, Tobacco in History, 88. In China, too, the smoking of opium followed the spread of tobacco, and the two were soon mixed together;
176. Laufer, Tobacco and Its Use, 23-24.
177. For a summation of rulings on hashish and opium, see Ibn " Abdin, Radd, 2: 295.
178. Note also the legal interpretation cited by al-Jaziri, 'Umdat, 77. For references to Ottoman scholars who wrote about hashish and cannibus (banj),
179. see ibn al-Hanbali, Durr, 1: 92;
180. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib, 2: 79;
181. al-Tabbakh, 77am, 6: 165-166.
182. For a discussion of the consumption of opium in the medieval Middle East, see Franz Rosenthal, The Herb: Hashish versus Medieval Muslim Society (Leiden, 1971), 57-71.
183. The first references to harsh date from the 1530s, when narcotics were probably added to coffee. Al-Jaziri, Umdat, 132-134;
184. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib, 3: 185. On complaints lodged against coffeehouses where patrons smoked opium and other drugs,
185. see Abraham Marcus, The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the 18th Century (New York, 1989), 233. One European observer, resident in early nineteenth-century Cairo, noted the existence of special shops (mahshasha) where patrons smoked nothing but hashish;
186. Edward Lane, An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modem Egyptians (London, 1973), 334. Women, too, might consume opium or opiated mixtures. Evliya Çelebi (d. 1672?), the renowned Ottoman traveler, heard that husbands in the town of Afyon (which had already become a major region of poppy cultivation in Anatolia) sometimes had to hide their supplies from their wives;
187. Faroqhi, Subjects of the Sultan, 217. On the mixing of tobacco and drugs in seventeenth-century Iran,
188. see Matthee, The Pursuit of Pleasure, 131.
189. See, respectively, al-Muhibbi, Khulasat, 4: 6;
190. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib, 2: 9-10. For other ulama who smoked drugs,
191. see al-Ghazzi, Lutf, 1: 377; 2: 541;
192. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib, 1: 306. To the Syrian chronicler al-Ghazzi, it seemed as though "many Ottoman judges" had acquired this habit;
193. al-Ghazzi, al-Kawakib. 3: 35-36.
194. Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 365-366. On the presence of rowdy litterateurs in late-sixteenth-century Istanbul, contemptuously termed "city boys" (şehir oglanlan) by learned commentators,
195. see Fleischer, Bureaucrat and Intellectual, 223.
196. Al-Tabbakh, I'lam, 6: 257.
197. Peçevi, Tarih-i Peçevi, 1: 364.
198. Cited by al-Kattani, I'lan, 139. See also the portrait drawn by Mustafa Ali, a high-ranking Ottoman bureaucrat, for the coffeehouses of Cairo;
199. Mustafa Ali, Mustafa All's Description of Cairo of 1599, trans. Andreas Tietze (Vienna, 1975), 37-38.
200. One researcher has argued that in some Middle Eastern towns, including Cairo, taverns may not have appeared until Ottoman times. Paulina B. Lewicka, "Restaurants, Inns, and Taverns That Never Were: Some Reflections on Public Consumption in Medieval Cairo," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48 (2005): 40-91.
201. Schivelbusch, Tastes of Paradise, 129.