The Aboriginal franchise and its consequences

Australian Journal of Politics and History

Volumn 52, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 517-561

  Goot, Murray ^a  

^a MACQUARIE UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

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EID: 33845419467     PISSN: 00049522     EISSN: 14678497     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1467-8497.2006.00432a.x     Document Type: Article

References (624)

1. P. Loveday, "The Politics of Aboriginal Society", Politics, Vol. 18, 1 (1983), p. 4.
2. W.E.H. Stanner, "After the Dreaming", in White Man Got No Dreaming: Essays 1938-1973 (Canberra, 1968/1979), p. 207ff.
3. In 1960, it was still possible to publish a landmark account of politics of each State without mentioning Aborigines, even in discussions of the suffrage; see, S.R. Davis, ed., The Government of the Australian States (London, 1960).
4. As Loveday spoke it was still possible to publish the most comprehensive overview of Australian local government without mentioning Aborigines in discussions of the suffrage; see I. Power, R. Wettenhall and J. Halligan, eds., Local Government Systems of Australia (Advisory Council for Inter-government Relations Information Paper No. 7, Canberra, 1981).
5. S. Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians (St Leonards, NSW, 1999), pp. 93-4.
6. W. Sanders, J. Taylor, and K. Ross, "Participation and Representation in ATSIC Elections", Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 35, 3 (2000), pp. 493-51;
7. see also W. Sanders, "Delivering Democracy to Indigenous Australians: Aborigines, Torres Strait Islanders and Commonwealth Electoral Administration", in M. Sawer, ed., Elections: Full, Free and Fair, (Annandale, NSW, 2001), pp. 169-72.
8. P. Grimshaw, "Federation as a Turning Point in Australian History", Australian Historical Studies, No. 118 (2002), p. 30.
9. As late as 1891, even in New South Wales, the voting rights of Aborigines were "repeatedly questioned"; A. Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, Parliament and "Protection" in New South Wales 1856-1919 (Annandale, NSW, 2006, p. 76.
10. B. Attwood and A. Markus, The 1967 Referendum, Or When Aborigines Didn't Get The Vote (Canberra, 1997), pp. 14, 149 note 46;
11. Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, pp. 25, 31, 122.
12. But compare A. Oldfield, Woman Suffrage in Australia: A Gift or a Struggle? (Cambridge, 1992), p. 64,
13. on views of the politicians, with J. Chesterman and B. Galligan, Citizens Without Rights: Aborigines and Australian Citizenship (Cambridge, 1997), p. 14,
14. who cast doubt on a similar claim by Diane Barwick. Among historians the assertion that Aborigines did not vote until well into the twentieth century has been circulated widely. See, for example, A. Davidson, From Subject to Citizen: Australian Citizenship in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 191, 196;
15. L. Broom and F.L. Jones, A Blanket A Year (Canberra, 1973), p. 8;
16. and G. Souter, Acts of Parliament: A Narrative History of the Senate and House of Representatives (Carlton, Vic., 1988), p. 31
17. who has Aborigines from South Australia and Tasmania, but nowhere else, able to vote in the federal elections in 1901. Similar misapprehensions among Aborigines may be inferred from L. Lippmann, Generations of Resistance (Melbourne, 1981), p. 42,
18. and B. Attwood and A. Markus, "The Fight for Aboriginal Rights", in R. Manne, ed., The Australian Century: Political Struggle in the Building of a Nation (Melbourne, 1999), p. 55.
19. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 14, 224 note 11.
20. In New South Wales those of "no fixed abode", disproportionately Aboriginal, were also disenfranchised; Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, p. 5.
21. T.H. Marshall, Citizenship and Social Class and Other Essays (Cambridge, 1950), p. 24.
22. J.S. Mill, "Representative Government", in A.D. Lindsay, ed., Utilitarianism, Liberty and Representative Government (London, 1861/1910), p. 282.
23. The legacy of this kind of reasoning lives on. Thus, Gordon Tullock has recently suggested that "people who are dependent upon the government for their livelihood should not be permitted to vote because they will have the strongest possible motive to vote almost entirely in terms of their own personal income"; G. Tullock, On Voting: A Public Choice Approach (Cheltenham, 1998), p. 103.
24. T.H. Kewley, Social Security in Australia (Sydney, 1965), p. 8.
25. Rowse, by contrast, argues that "a tradition of suspicion and denigration of those receiving relief, inherited from Britain, is evident in much of the writing about public policy in relation to Aborigines; T. Rowse, White Flour, White Power: From Rations to Citizenship in Central Australia (Cambridge, 1998), p. 31.
26. C.A. Hughes and B.D. Graham, A Handbook of Australian Government and Politics 1890-1964 (Canberra, 1968), pp. 423,461,497, 561, 588.
27. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 14, 66.
28. Parliament [of the Commonwealth of Australia], "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", Parliamentary Papers Vol. II, No. H of RI [Group H] (1961), p. 1, 400.
29. P. Hasluck, One People (Canberra, 1961), p. 19.
30. J.T. Patten and W. Ferguson, "Citizen Rights for Aborigines!: Official Statement on Behalf of the Aborigines Progressive Association", The Publicist, 1 January 1938, pp. 5-7;
31. also reprinted in J. Walter and M. MacLeod, The Citizen's Bargain: A Documentary History of Australian Views Since 1890 (Sydney, 2002), pp. 121-4.
32. See also Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, pp. 76-8.
33. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 15.
34. J. Warden, "Tasmania", in H. Irving, ed., The Centenary Companion to Australian Federation (Cambridge, 1999), p. 215.
35. P. Grimshaw and K. Ellinghaus, "White Women, Aboriginal Women and the Vote in Western Australia", Studies in Western Australian History, No. 19 (1999), pp. 3-4;
36. P. Grimshaw, "Settler Anxieties, Indigenous Peoples, and Women's Suffrage in the Colonies of Australia, New Zealand and Hawai'i, 1888 to 1902", Pacific Historical Review, Vol. 69, 4 (2000), pp. 559-61.
37. P. Biskup, Not Slaves, Not Citizens: The Aboriginal Problem in Western Australia 1868-1954 (St Lucia, 1973), p. 144;
38. H.P. Schapper, Aboriginal Advancement to Integration: Conditions and Plans for Western Australia (Canberra, 1970), p. 14.
39. In 1934 "some coloured persons", in Derby, not qualified to vote for the lower house of the state parliament "had gained enrolment on a property qualification to vote for the upper house"; P. Hasluck, Shades of Darkness: Aboriginal Affairs, 1925-1965 (Carlton, Vic., 1988), p. 49.
40. Grimshaw and Ellinghaus, "White Women, Aboriginal Women and the Vote in Western Australia", pp. 1-9;
41. Grimshaw, "Federation as a Turning Point", p. 33;
42. P. Grimshaw, "White Women as 'Nation Builders': Gender, Colonialism and the Federal Vote", in J. Chesterman and D. Philips, eds, Selective Democracy: Race, Gender and the Australian Vote (Armadale, Vic., 2003);
43. and P. Grimshaw, "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Act, 1985 to 1989", Queensland Review, Vol. 12, 2 (2005), pp. 9-22.
44. In the same year, a visitor's account of Australian life was published in which an "authority" was said to have predicted that "by the middle of the present century" full-blooded Aborigines would be "practically extinct" in Queensland. Aborigines were in a state of "rapid decay", contact with "civilisation" had proved "fatal" and since their "regeneration" seemed "out of the question", the laws of some of the Australian States might well be revised, and "steps taken for their stricter enforcement"; E.C. Buley, Australian Life in Town and Country (New York and London, 1905), pp. 195-6, 206-7.
45. In Western Australia, too, where no Aboriginal person had been enfranchised on the grounds of their owning property, subsequent legislation deleted reference to this exception; Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 66.
46. P. Havemann, "Indigenous Rights in the Political Jurisprudence of Australia, Canada and New Zealand", in P. Havemann, ed., Indigenous People's Rights in Australia, Canada and New Zealand (Auckland, 1999), p. 35;
47. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 36, 129;
48. P. Stretton and C. Finnimore, "Black Fellow Citizens: Aborigines and the Commonwealth Franchise", Australian Historical Studies. No. 101 (1993),p. 522.
49. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 13, 31, 63;
50. J. Chesterman and B. Galligan, eds., Defining Australian Citizenship: Selected Documents (Carlton South, Vic., 1999), p. 95;
51. C. Price, "Immigration and Ethnic Origin", in W. Vamplew, ed., Australians: Historical Statistics (Broadway, NSW, 1987), p. 4.
52. The best account is in J. Chesterman, "An Unheard of Piece of Savagery: Indigenous Australians and the Federal Vote", in Chesterman and Philips, Selective Democracy.
53. Helen Irving suggests that if Australia had federated in 1911, pressure from the Labor Party and women's groups would have deprived Aborigines of the suffrage; H. Irving, "What if Federation had Failed in 1900?", in S. MacIntyre and S. Scalmer, eds, What If? Australian History as It Might Have Been (Carlton, Vic., 2006), pp. 58-9.
54. There are excerpts from the 1902 debate in Chesterman and Galligan, Defining Australian Citizenship, pp. 94-97,
55. and in Walter and MacLeod, The Citizen's Bargain, pp. 78-80.
56. See also: C.M.H. Clark, A History of Australia Vol. 5 (Carlton, Vic., 1981), pp. 217-8;
57. Grimshaw, "A White Woman's Suffrage", pp. 82-84;
58. and Grimshaw, "White Women as 'Nation Builders'", which highlights concerns about Aboriginal women getting the vote. Compare the view of an American political scientist who detected only "a tinge of racial hostility";
59. H.S. Albinski, Canadian and Australian Politics in Comparative Perspective (New York, 1973), p. 123.
60. Concerns about the treatment of Aborigines, compared to the treatment in New Zealand of Maori, was one reason why the idea of a federation of Australian and New Zealand came to nought; J. Evans, et al., Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights: Indigenous Peoples in British Settler Colonies, 1830-1910 (Manchester, 2003), pp. 144, 149.
61. Neither Higgins' biographer nor Isaacs' academic biographer refers to Higgins' or Isaacs' position on the Aboriginal franchise; see J. Rickard, H.B. Higgins: The Rebel as Judge (North Sydney, 1984),
62. and Z. Cowen, Isaac Isaacs (Melbourne, 1967).
63. Watson's biographers pass over his position on the Aboriginal suffrage as well; see, A. Grassby and S. Ordonez, The Man That Time Forgot: The Life and Times of John Christian Watson, Australia's First Labor Prime Minister (Annandale, NSW, 1999), p. 66,
64. who claim that Labor in 1902 stood for "full adult franchise", and R. McMullin, So Monstrous A Travesty: Chris Watson and the World's First National Labour Government (Melbourne, 2004).
65. B. Galligan, "Parliament's Development of Federation", in G. Lindell and R. Bennett, eds, Parliament: The Vision in Hindsight (Sydney, 2001), p. 22.
66. C. Saunders, ed., The Australian Constitution (Carlton, Vic, 1900/1997), p. 37.
67. See also H. Irving, ed., The Centenary Companion to Australian Federation (Cambridge, 1999), p. 434.
68. Chesterman, "An Unheard of Piece of Savagery", p. 26.
69. The constitutional conventions of the 1890s saw almost no discussion of an Aboriginal franchise; see I. Hagger, "General Index to Subjects", in G. Craven, ed., The Convention Debates 1891-1898: Commentaries, Indices and Guide (Sydney, 1986), p. 231.
70. nd ed. (South Melbourne, 1997), p. 4.
71. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 74-9, 88-91;
72. D. Jaensch, The Legislative Council of the Northern Territory: An Electoral History, 1947-1974 (Darwin, 1990), p. 2.
73. P. Brazil and B. Mitchell, eds., Opinions of Attorney-Generals of the Commonwealth of Australia Volume 1: 1901-14 (Canberra, 1981), pp. 619, 695;
74. G. Gray, "From Nomadism to Citizenship: A.P. Elkin and Aboriginal Advancement", in N. Peterson and W. Sanders, eds, Citizenship and Indigenous Australians: Changing Conceptions and Possibilities (Cambridge, 1998), p. 72, note 61.
75. J. Quick and R.R. Garran, The Annotated Constitution of the Australian Commonwealth (Sydney, 1901/1976), pp. 484-7;
76. but cf. M. Coper, Encounters with the Australian Constitution (North Ryde, 1987), p. 337.
77. A.P. Elkin, Citizenship for the Aborigines: A National Aboriginal Policy (Sydney, 1944), p. 105;
78. C.D. Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia: Aboriginal Policy and Practice Vol. II (Canberra, 1971), pp. 392-3.
79. M. Einfeld, "Murphy and Human Rights", in J.A. Scutt, ed., Lionel Murphy: A Radical Judge (Carlton, Vic., 1987), p. 204;
80. nd ed. (Annandale, NSW, 1998), pp. 160-61.
81. J. Hirst, Australia's Democracy: A Short History (Crows Nest, NSW, 2002), pp. 112-13.
82. Stretton and Finnimore, "Black Fellow Citizens", pp. 527-9;
83. T. Clarke and B. Galligan, '"Aboriginal Native' and the Institutional Construction of the Australian Citizen 1901-48", Australian Historical Studies, No. 105 (1995), p. 533;
84. A.P. Elkin, Aborigines and the Franchise (Granville, NSW, 1946), pp. 1-2.
85. M. Roe, The State of Tasmania: Identity at Federation Time (Hobart, 2001), p. 176.
86. H. Irving, "Citizenship before 1949", in K. Rubenstein, ed., Individual Community Nation: Fifty Years of Australian Citizenship (Melbourne, 2000), p. 12.
87. In British settler societies, the idea that Indigenous rights depended on their "progress" in "civilisation" was "never far from the surface"; Evans, et al., Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights, p. 63.
88. For a 1938 statement of the view that "education" was a pre-requisite for "full citizen rights", from the New South Wales Public Service Board, see S. Stone, Aborigines in White Australia: A Documentary History of the Attitudes Affecting Official Policy and the Australian Aborigine 1697-1973 (South Yarra, 1974), pp. 180-1.
89. T. Hunter, "The Myth of Equality: The Denial of Citizenship Rights for Aboriginal People in Western Australia", Studies in Western Australian History, No. 22 (2001), pp. 71-5.
90. B. Attwood and A. Markus, eds., The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights (St Leonards, NSW, 1999), pp. 146-50;
91. A. Markus, "William Cooper and the 1937 Petition to the King", Aboriginal History, Vol. 7, 1-2 (1983), p. 52;
92. R. McGregor, "Protest and Progress: Aboriginal Activism in the 1930s", Australian Historical Studies, No. 101 (1993), pp. 556-8.
93. G. Griffith, "The Politics of Difference: The Political Representation of Ethnic and Racial Minorities", Briefing Paper 025/95 (Sydney, 1995), p. 24;
94. C.M. Tatz, "Aborigines and Politics", in H. Mayer and H. Nelson, eds, Australian Politics: A Fifth Reader (Melbourne, 1980), p. 500.
95. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, pp. 164-5;
96. J. Horner, Vote Ferguson for Aboriginal Freedom (Sydney, 1974), p. 157;
97. S. Bennett, Aborigines and Political Power (North Sydney, 1989), p. 126;
98. Tatz, "Aborigines and Politics", p. 500.
99. K. Blackburn, "White Agitation for an Aboriginal State in Australia (1925-1929)", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 45, 2 (1999), pp. 159-60, 162, 165.
100. See also T. Rowse, "What if the Federal Government had Created a Model Aboriginal State?" in Macintyre and Scalmer, What If?
101. E. Burke, "A Letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe", in P.J. Stanlis, ed., Edmund Burke: Selected Writings and Speeches (Garden City, NY, 1792/1963), p. 259.
102. B. Kingston, The Oxford History of Australia, 1860-1900: Glad Confident Morning (Melbourne, 1988), p. 246;
103. but cf. Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, p. 123,
104. for the 1880s. It was precisely the burden that MPs bore in relation to "infants and aliens" that lay behind Whitlam's attempt, in 1974, to have seats distributed on the basis of population rather than on the basis of electors; see G. Whitlam, The Whitlam Government 1972-1975 (Ringwood, Vic, 1985), p. 659.
105. Cited in Homer, Vote Ferguson for Aboriginal Freedom, pp. 68-71;
106. see also, P. Golding, Black Jack McEwen: Political Gladiator (Carlton South, Vic., 1996), pp. 99-100.
107. H. Irving, To Constitute A Nation: A Cultural History of Australia's Constitution (Cambridge, 1997), p. 127.
108. Hirst, Australia's Democracy, pp. 183, 339.
109. The date derives from Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 118.
110. Elkin gives the date as 1943;
111. Aborigines and the Franchise, p. 5.
112. Souter, Acts of Parliament, p. 394.
113. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 118-9, 157-8;
114. Chesterman and Galligan, Defining Australian Citizens hip, pp. 106-7.
115. Cited in M. Griffiths, Aboriginal Affairs: A Short History (Kenthurst, NSW, 1995), p. 71.
116. In arguing that "Aborigines had effectively been excluded from the vote because the right to vote was governed by state legislation", Davidson falls into the same error; Davidson, From Subject of Citizen, p. 196.
117. Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia, pp. 391-92.
118. In 1954, according to Havemann, under the Native Administration Act Amendent Act, the Commonwealth enfranchised Aboriginal servicemen and individuals with less than 25 per cent Aboriginal blood. Havemann, "Indigenous Rights", p. 41.
119. This account is mistaken: the 1954 Act was a Western Australian not Commonwealth Act. See Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 166-67.
120. Hunter, "The Myth of Equality", pp. 76-80;
121. Stone, Aborigines in White Australia, pp. 184-5;
122. A-M. Jordens, Redefining Australians: Immigration, Citizenship and National Identity (Marrickville, NSW, 1995), p. 12;
123. Schapper, Aboriginal Advancement to Integration, p. 17;
124. Gray, "From Nomadism to Citizenship", note 62;
125. T. Long, "The Development of Government Aboriginal Policy: The Effect of Administrative Changes", in R.M. Berndt and C.M. Berndt, eds, Aborigines of the West: Their Past and Their Present (Perth, 1979), p. 361;
126. C.E. Barnes, The Australian Aborigines (Canberra, 1967), p. 54;
127. A.O. Neville, Australia's Coloured Minority: Its Place in the Community (Sydney, 1947), p. 241.
128. For doubts about whether the franchise was available to Certificate holders, see Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 132-3, 166, and
129. Attwood and Markus, The 1967 Referendum, pp. 16-17.
130. Elkin, Citizenship for the Aborigines, p. 82ff.
131. According to A.O. Neville, they had been introduced in every state;
132. Australia's Coloured Minority, p. 241.
133. A.P. Elkin, Aborigines and Citizenship (Sydney, [1958]), p. 23.
134. Chesterman and Galligan, apparently unaware of Elkin, overlook the dual nature of the system and stress revocability;
135. Citizens Without Rights, p. 133.
136. For widely differing interpretations of "integration", compare Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 161
137. and R. Broome, Aboriginal Australians (Sydney, 1982/1994), p. 177. Chesterman and Galligan's criticism of the South Australian Commonwealth Electoral Officer for taking no action to enrol Aborigines who were "primitive, illiterate, nomadic [...]" (p. 159) overlooks the possibility that the Officer was working on the Electoral Act's unspoken assumptions.
138. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", (1961), p. 1396ff.
139. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", Ibid., (1961), p. 1405.
140. Elkin, Aborigines and the Franchise, p. 4;
141. see also Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia, p. 385.
142. A.P. Elkin, "The Rights of Man in Primitive Society", in UNESCO, ed., Human Rights: Comments and Interpretations (London, 1949), pp. 233-4.
143. Mill, "Representative Government", p. 280;
144. Elkin, Aborigines and the Franchise, p. 2-5;
145. but compare Gray, "From Nomadism to Citizenship", pp. 64, 68.
146. See, for example, A.A. Calwell, "Discussion", in J. Wilkes, ed., New Guinea and Australia (Sydney, 1958), pp. 118-9.
147. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines" (1961), pp. 14045.
148. H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", in D. Jaensch and P. Loveday, eds, Election in the Northern Territory 1974-1977 (Darwin, 1979), p. 114.
149. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 162;
150. B. Gaze and M. Jones, Law, Liberty and Australian Democracy (Sydney, 1990), pp. 90-91.
151. Excerpts from debate in the House of Representatives are in Walter and MacLeod, The Citizen's Bargain, pp. 206-208.
152. th century"; Q. Beresford, Governments, Markets and Globalisation: Public Policy in Context (St Leonards, NSW, 2000), p. 130.
153. See also Doukakis, The Aboriginal People, p. 7.
154. One way around this problem is to give "apathy" a history; thus, Rowley (Outcasts in White Australia, p. 76) suggests that what was seen as "apathy" in the 1930s is "nowadays" seen as an alternative to "aggression". Pittock and Lippmann also stress the importance of passive resistance, mistaken by whites for "indifference";
155. A.B. Pittock and L. Lippmann, "Aborigines", in R. Forward, ed., Public Policy in Australia (Melbourne, 1974), pp. 55, 57.
156. J. Beckett, "Discussion of Mr Rowley's Paper and General Discussion", in I.G. Sharp and C.M. Tatz, eds, Aborigines in the Economy (Brisbane, 1966), pp. 359-60;
157. see also Attwood and Markus, The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights, pp. 17-18.
158. In Western Australia, Aboriginal Affairs officials who received a submission to the Moseley Royal Commission from a group of Broome women who were "half-castes" or "quadroon" thought the authors of the submission "troublemakers"; C. Choo, "A Challenge to Human Rights: Aboriginal Women in the West Kimberley", Studies in Western Australian History, No. 19 (1999), p. 54.
159. For the fear of authority that meant only "the brave ones would have become involved in Aboriginal activities", see R. Huggins and J. Huggins, Auntie Rita (Canberra, 1994), p. 85.
160. C.M. Tatz, Four Kinds of Dominion ([Armidale, NSW]: University of New England, 1972), p. 19;
161. Tatz, "Aborigines and Civil Law", in Aborigines and the Law, eds., P. Hanks and B. Keon-Cohen (Sydney, 1984), p. 105;
162. see P. Jacobs, Mister Neville (Fremantle, 1990), pp. 149-50
163. for one 1928 instance. Although Tatz is reluctant to treat this question of representativeness seriously, there may be occasions when it ought to be taken seriously; cf. the report of a 1972-73 Aboriginal survey in Carnarvon, Western Australia, in which: only a quarter (25 per cent) of respondents held whites "responsible for their present socioeconomic inequality", three-quarters (73 per cent) felt there was "no categorical ill-treatment of Aborigines", and two-thirds (68 per cent) thought white assistance to Aborigines was "sufficient"; H. Dagmar, "Marginal Australians: A Prelude to Political Involvement", in M.C. Howard, ed., "Whitefella Business": Aborigines in Australian Politics (Philadelphia, 1978), pp. 139-43.
164. C.D. Rowley, "From Humbug to Politics: Aboriginal Affairs and the Academy Project", Oceania, Vol. XLIII, 3 (1973), pp. 14-15.
165. Tatz may be right in observing that "Aboriginal resistance has often been called apathy or dumbness or stupidity" (see also Rowley, "From Humbug to Politics", p. 9); he may even be right in arguing "that what looks like Aboriginal apathy or dumbness is really a very serious form of not passive, but active resistance"; but how this form of resistance would be recognised by the "dominant society", be regarded as "serious" by it, or come to influence its political decisions, is quite unclear -not least because of Tatz's own insistence that such activity lies beyond "the political weapons we [whites] understand". C.M. Tatz, ed., Black Viewpoints; The Aboriginal Experience (Sydney, 1975), p. 67.
166. Tatz, Four Kinds of Dominion, p. 19.
167. Tatz, "Aborigines and Civil Law", pp. 106-107.
168. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, p. 9;
169. Grimshaw, "Federation as a Turning Point", p. 41.
170. K. Ferres and D. Meredyth, An Articulate Country: Re-inventing Citizenship in Australia (St. Lucia, 2001), p. 128;
171. also J. Eveline, "Feminism, Racism and Citizenship in Twentieth-Century Australia", in P. Crawford and P. Maddern, eds, Women as Australian Citizens (Carlton, Vic, 2001), pp. 169-72.
172. Walter and Macleod, The Citizen's Bargain, p. 135;
173. J. Summers, "The Parliament and Indigenous Peoples 1901-1967", in Lindell and Bennett, Parliament: The Vision in Hindsight, p. 182;
174. C. Bourke, "Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders", in J. McLaren, ed., A Nation Apart (Melbourne, 1983), p. 36.
175. See also Lippmann, Generations of Resistance, p. 42,
176. and Attwood and Markus, The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights, p. 147.
177. J. Jupp, Australian Party Politics (Carlton, Vic., 1964), p. 216;
178. rd ed. (Sydney, 1977), pp. 58, 61.
179. H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", p. 113.
180. J. Chesterman, "Defending Australia's Reputation: How Indigenous Australians Won Civil Rights Part I", Australian Historical Studies, No. 116 (2001), pp. 37-8;
181. J. Chesterman, Civil Rights: How Indigenous Australian Won Formal Equality (St. Lucia, 2005), p. 19.
182. I. Howie-Willis and C.M. Tatz, "FCAATSI", in The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, Vol. 1, ed., D. Horton (Canberra, 1994), p. 359;
183. F. Bandler, Turning the Tide: A Personal History of the Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders (Canberra, 1989), pp. 10-14;
184. F. Bandler and L. Fox, The Time Was Ripe (Sydney, 1983), p. 99.
185. It is also a sensitive one. Compare (a) the proposal by two sociology professors, in the early 1970s, that organisations "with a strong interest in or antipathy towards Aborigines deserve continuous sociological monitoring" - to determine, among other things, "the role, if any of whites" - because "for the foreseeable future non-Aboriginal organisations will continue to be highly influential in determining the fate of aborigines" with (b) the rather defensive way in which Heather Goodall raises the "high degree of control over the Aboriginal movement by white left-wing supporters" that commentators "assumed" during the 1950s and 1960s. Broom and Jones, A Blanket A Year, p. 82;
186. H. Goodall, Invasion to Embassy: Land in Aboriginal Politics in New South Wales, 1770-1972 (St Leonards, NSW, 1996), p. 261.
187. Cited in W. Sanders, "Aboriginal Policy", in S. Prasser, J.R. Nethercote and J. Warhurst, eds, The Menzies Era: A Reappraisal of Government, Politics and Policy (Sydney, 1995), p. 262.
188. That the government was motivated, above all, by concerns for its international reputation was hardly a new idea; see, for example, Jupp, Australian Party Politics, p. 216,
189. and O.H.K. Spate, Australia (London, 1968), p. 236.
190. Although Chesterman insists that she "significantly understates the position", Jennifer Clark, using similar sources, made much the same point: "I believe it is not too strong to argue that in 1961 the fear of foreign criticism was a genuine encouragement for reform and a necessary complement to domestic calls for change"; J. Clark, '"Something to Hide': Aborigines and the Department of External Affairs, January 1961 - January 1962", Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 83, 1 (1997), pp. 81-2.
191. For a more circumspect, but empirically richer account, missed by Clark but noted by Chesterman, see S. Taffe, "Australian Diplomacy in a Policy Vacuum: Government and Aboriginal Affairs, 1961-62", Aboriginal History, Vol. 19, 1-2 (1995), pp. 165, 169-71.
192. Moreover, international pressure had been building for longer than Chesterman allows. In early 1960, for example, Zelman Cowen remarked that Australia had been "under criticism" during the 1950s for "our migration policies, our policies towards the aborigines and our policies as administrators of trust and dependent territories"; unless Australia made it clear "that we do not believe in doctrines of racial superiority or racial exclusiveness", he warned, it would find itself "increasingly isolated"; Z. Cowen, "The Way Ahead", in J.F. Blaxland, G. Major and O.E. Phillips, eds, Australia: 1970 and Beyond (Sydney, 1961), p. 176.
193. Barnes, The Australian Aborigines, pp. 51-2.
194. Curiously, Tom Millar dates international concern about "Australia's treatment of her Aborigines" from the second half of the 1960s; stranger still is Rowley's reference to the early 1980s; T.B. Millar, Australia's Foreign Policy (Sydney, 1968), p. 6.
195. See also C.D. Rowley, "Aborigines Since 1788", in The Australian Encyclopaedia, 4 ed. (Sydney, 1983), p. 212.
196. Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia, p. 405;
197. R. Ward, The History of Australia: The Twentieth Century (New York, 1977), p. 348;
198. see also G. Greenwood, "Australian Foreign Policy in Action", in G. Greenwood and N. Harper, eds, Australia in World Affairs 1961-1965 (Melbourne, 1968), pp. 856.
199. Beckett suggests a broader connection between the emphasis on citizenship, "as a counter to ideas of class struggle", and the Cold War; J. Beckett, "The Past in the Present: the Present in the Past: Constructing a National Aboriginality", in J.R. Beckett, ed., Past and Present: The Construction of Aboriginally (Canberra, 1988), p. 202.
200. Cited in Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 161;
201. Hasluck, Shades of Darkness, pp. 88-9.
202. H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", pp. 112-3;
203. see also F. Alexander, Australia Since Federation (Melbourne, 1967), p. 316.
204. R. Porter, Paul Hasluck: A Political Biography (Nedlands, WA, 1983), pp. 216-7.
205. For Calwell, see I. McAllister and R Moore, Party Strategy and Change: Australian Electoral Speeches Since 1946 (Melbourne, 1991), p. 73.
206. Paul Kelly appears to attribute the legislation solely to this; P. Kelly, 100 Years: The Australian Story (Crows Nest, NSW, 2001), p. 171.
207. For Labor's response to the original bill, see A. Brooks, "A Paragon of Democratic Virtues? The Development of the Commonwealth Franchise", University of Tasmania Review, Vol. 12, 2 (1993), p. 220.
208. While Whitlam led Labor's attack, speaking to the Australian Institute of Political Science, in 1960, on "the question of egalitarianism" in relation to electoral systems, he said not a word about Aborigines; E.G. Whitlam, "Discussion", in Blaxland, Major and Phillips, Australia: 1970 and Beyond, p. 142
209. nd ed. (Croydon, Vic., 1964), p. 48;
210. Brooks, "A Paragon of Democratic Virtues?", pp. 221-2.
211. Sanders, "Aboriginal Policy", p. 262.
212. Cited in W. Sanders, "An Abiding Interest and a Constant Approach: Paul Hasluck as Historian, Reformer and Critic of Aboriginal Affairs", in T. Stannage, K. Saunders and R. Nile, eds, Paul Hasluck in Australian History: Civic Personality and Public Life (St. Lucia, 1998), pp. 110, 115.
213. Anon, "The Outback Aborigines", Current Affairs Bulletin, Vol. 23, 3 (1958), pp. 46-7.
214. T.G.H. Strehlow, Assimilation Problems: The Aboriginal Viewpoint (Adelaide, 1964), p. 6.
215. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 161-2.
216. F. Gale and A. Brookman, Race Relations In Australia - The Aborigines (Sydney, 1975), p. 63.
217. Gale and Brookman's view is surely more plausible than Miller's. He argues that it was only "in the last decade" (from around the mid-1950s) that "public opinion" was "aroused" in these states; the federal government's initiative passes without mention; J.D.B Miller, Australia (London, 1966), p. 82.
218. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, pp. 118-9, 121.
219. The most comprehensive account of changing concepts of Aboriginality is in J. McCorquodale, "Aboriginal Identity: Legislative, Judicial and Administrative Definitions", Australian Aboriginal Studies, No. 2 (1997), pp. 24-35;
220. see also, Clarke and Galligan, '"Aboriginal Native'".
221. G.C. Bolton, "Black and White After 1897", in C.T. Stannage, ed., A New History of Western Australia (Nedlands, WA, 1981), pp. 157-8.
222. H. Phillips, "The Modern Parliament, 1965-1989", in D. Black, ed., The House on the Hill: A History of the Parliament of Western Australia 1832-1990 (Perth, 1991), p. 185.
223. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, p. 298.
224. A point ignored in M. Wood, "Western Australia", in Power, Wettenhall and Halligan, Local Government Systems of Australia, pp. 664-65.
225. D. McLean, "Aboriginal Local Government Power in Western Australia", in Aboriginal Self-determination in Australia, (Canberra, 1994), p. 140.
226. L. Ryan, "Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders" in A. Patience, ed., The Bjelke-Petersen Premiership 1968-1983: Issues in Public Policy (St. Lucia, 1985), pp. 116-7.
227. Introducing the legislation in 1965, the Minister claimed that the Universal Declaration of Human rights had "been the guiding light"; C.M. Tatz, "Aborigines -Equality or Inequality", Australian Quarterly, Vol. XXXV, 1 (1966), pp. 88-90.
228. Grimshaw, "Federation as a Turning Point", p. 33;
229. Chesterman and Galligan, Defining Australian Citizenship, ch. 3;
230. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 66, 89, 92, 105, 111-3, 135, 149-50;
231. Elkin, Aborigines and the Franchise, pp. 2-3.
232. In 1945, when the Commonwealth Electoral Office asked the Superintendent of the Cherbourg Aboriginal Settlement for the number of residents who would be entitled to enrol, the Queensland Cabinet refused to supply it; Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines" (1961), p. 1399.
233. R. Wear, Johannes Bjelke-Petersen: The Lord's Premier (St. Lucia, 2002), p. 76;
234. Tatz, "Aborigines -Equality or Inequality", pp. 82-3, 85,
235. whose claim that voting rights had not been extended is incorrect; and Tatz, "Aborigines and Politics", p. 500.
236. See also J. Beckett, Torres Strait Islanders: Custom and Colonialism (Cambridge 1987), p. 74.
237. Neither the official history of the Parliament, written by the State Public Relations Officer nor the subsequent "revisionist" history of Queensland politics written by a Queensland academic gives the slightest hint that Queensland Aborigines or Torres Strait Islanders were ever excluded from the franchise; see, C. Lack, Three Decades of Queensland Political History 1929-1960 (Brisbane, 1960), p. 58,
238. and R. Fitzgerald, From 1915 to the Early 1980s: A History of Queensland (St. Lucia, 1984).
239. Elkin, Citizenship for the Aborigines, p. 36.
240. A point ignored in D. Tucker, "Queensland", in Power, Wettenhall and Halligan, Local Government Systems of Australia, p. 391.
241. R. Kidd, The Way We Civilise: Aboriginal Affairs -The Untold Stories (St. Lucia, 1997), pp. 242-4;
242. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, pp. 169-72;
243. C. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics (Carlton, Vic., 1992), p. 114;
244. Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia, pp. 403-5.
245. J. Beckett, "Elections in a Small Melanesian Community", Ethnology Vol. VI, 3 (1967), pp. 332-44.
246. W. Sanders, "Reshaping Governance in Torres Strait: The Torres Strait Regional Authority and Beyond", Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 30, 3 (1995), pp. 506-9.
247. For the subsequent history, see W. Sanders, "Torres Strait Governance Structures and the Centenary of Australian Federation", Australian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 50, 3 (2000), pp. 22-33.
248. M. Johnston, The Menzies Era: 1949-1966 (Melbourne, 1987), p. 95.
249. P. Loveday, "Local Governance in Aboriginal Communities from the Assimilation Period to the 1970's", in J. Wolfe, "That Community Government Mob": Local Government in Small Northern Territory Communities (Darwin, 1989), pp. 15, 17.
250. P. Loveday, "Local Governance in Aboriginal Communities from the Assimilation Period to the 1970's", "That Community Government Mob": Local Government in Small Northern Territory Communities, Ibid. (1989), pp. 15,
251. Subsequent developments are outlined in J. Wolfe, "That Community Government Mob ".
252. Parliament [of the Commonwealth of Australia], Joint Select Committee on Electoral Reform: First Report (Canberra, 1983), p. 108.
253. Introduced by the Hawke Government, compulsory voting for Aborigines figured in Gough Whitlam's 1977 policy speech; cited in McAllister and Moore, Party Strategy and Change, p. 128.
254. C.A. Hughes, A Handbook of Australian Government and Politics 1965-1974 (Canberra, 1977), p. 113.
255. D. Jaensch and D. Wade-Marshall, Point of Order! The Legislative Assembly of the Northern Territory (Darwin, 1994), pp. 62-3.
256. Compare attitudes to voting for the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee (NACC): the Committee of Review, and the bulk of its submissions, recommended that the NACC continue to be elected under conditions of voluntary voting; L.R. Hiatt (Chair), The Role of the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee (Canberra, 1976), pp. 86-8.
257. Cited in A. Bolger and H. Rumley, "Aboriginal Participation in the 1977 W.A. State Election", in B. Hamilton, ed., In Firm Hands; The Western Australian State Elections 1977 (Perth, 1979).
258. See Gaze and Jones, Law, Liberty and Australian Democracy, pp. 93-94, for a critique of the judicial defence of this.
259. D. McLean, "Aboriginal Local Government Power in Western Australia", in C. Fletcher, ed., Aboriginal Self-determination in Australia (Canberra, 1994), p. 140.
260. E. Simon, Through My Eyes (Adelaide, 1986), p. 186.
261. G. Nettheim, Victims of the Law: Black Queenslanders Today (Sydney, 1981), p. 128.
262. M. Weiner, "Political Participation: Crisis of the Political Process" in L. Binder, et al., Crises and Sequences in Political Development (Princeton, NJ, 1971), p. 177.
263. Elkin, Citizenship for the Aborigines, p. 106;
264. G. Blainey, A Shorter History of Australia (Port Melbourne, 1994), pp. 44-5.
265. nd ed. (Carlton, Vic., 1942/1970), p. 158;
266. Dagmar, "Marginal Australians", p. 136.
267. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines" (1961), p. 1401;
268. Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 135, on section 41;
269. F. Gale, Urban Aborigines (Canberra, 1972), p. 43, on South Australia.
270. H.M. Smith and E.H. Biddle, Look Forward, Not Back: Aborigines in Metropolitan Brisbane, 1965-1966 (Canberra, 1975), pp. 106, 109-10, 115.
271. A. McGrath, '"Beneath the Skin': Australian Citizenship, Rights and Aboriginal Women", Journal of Australian Studies, No. 37 (1993), p. 102.
272. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines" (1961), p. 1403;
273. compare Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, p. 158.
274. H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", pp. 115, 128-35.
275. P. Loveday, "Aborigines and Politics, A Northern Territory Perspective" (Canberra: Australasian Political Studies Association Conference, 1981), p. 4.
276. A. Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory: Still Something Different", Current Affairs Bulletin, Vol. 62, 5 (1985), p. 10;
277. P. Loveday, "The Australian Aboriginal Electoral Information Service", Australian Journal of Public Administration, Vol. XLVII, 4 (1988), p. 346;
278. see also D. Wade-Marshall and P. Loveday, "Topics, Methods and Sample", in D. Jaensch and P. Loveday, eds, Territonans or Mobile Australians? (Darwin, 1983), p. 2;
279. P. Loveday, A. Randall, W. Sanders and D. Jaensch, "The Aboriginal Election Information Service; Report of the Review 1987-1988" (Darwin, 1988), p. 19.
280. R. Gibbins, Federalism in the Northern Territory: Statehood and Aboriginal Political Development (Darwin, 1988), pp. 75-7;
281. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order!, pp. 63, 74;
282. Sanders, "Delivering Democracy to Indigenous Australians", pp. 166-68.
283. P. Loveday, "The Poll and the Aboriginal Vote", in Challenge From the Nationals: The Territory Election 1987, eds., D. Jaensch and P. Loveday (Darwin, 1987), p. 138;
284. P. Loveday and D. Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote: The Federal Election in the North 1984 (Darwin, 1985), p. 71;
285. and Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order! p. 34.
286. Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians, p. 79.
287. See also Sanders, "Delivering Democracy to Indigenous Australians".
288. For an example of a pamphlet produced by an Aboriginal organisation, see Voting in the Northern Territory (Sydney: Grace Bardsley Aboriginal Fund, 1975).
289. Broom and Jones, A Blanket A Year, pp. 9, 81;
290. see also S. Robinson, "The Aboriginal Embassy: An Account of the Protest of 1972", Aboriginal History, No. 18 (1994), pp. 49-63.
291. J.C. Pierson, "Aboriginal Power and Self-determination in Adelaide", in M.C. Howard, ed., Aboriginal Power in Australian Society (St. Lucia, 1982), p. 187.
292. T. Long, "The Development of Government Aboriginal Policy", p. 363.
293. M. Howard, "Aboriginal Political Change in an Urban Setting: The NACC Election in Perth", in R.M. Berndt, ed., Aborigines and Change: Australia in the '70s (Canberra, 1977), p. 371.
294. Bolger and Rumley, "Aboriginal Participation in the 1977 W.A. State Election";
295. A. Bolger and H. Rumley, "Political Developments Among Kimberley Aborigines 1977-1980", in E.J. Harman and B.W. Head, eds, State, Capital and Resources in the North and West of Australia (Nedlands, WA, 1981).
296. See also the review of the NACC which argued that participation in elections to the NACC reduced "the sense of alienation and futility" suffered by Aboriginal people and might have provided "a stepping stone to increased participation in the political life of the nation as a whole"; Hiatt, The Role of the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee, p. 58.
297. P. Loveday, D. Jaensch and W. Sanders, The Western Australian State Election 1986 and the Aboriginal Vote in the Kimberley (Darwin, 1986), p. 52.
298. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics, pp. 117-9.
299. A.J. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory (St Lucia, 1979), pp. 156, 161.
300. P. Loveday and J. Summers, "Aborigines and Electoral Politics", in D. Jaensch and P. Loveday. eds, Under One Flag: The 1980 Northern Territory Election (Sydney, 1981), pp. 94-8.
301. Loveday, "The Poll and the Aboriginal Vote", p. 156;
302. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 107;
303. P. Loveday and D. Jaensch, The NAC Election in the Northern Territory 1981 (Darwin, 1982), p. 38;
304. P. Loveday and W. Sanders, "Aboriginal Votes and Aboriginal Candidates", in P. Loveday and D. Jaensch, eds, A Landslide Election: The NT 1983 (Darwin, 1984), p. 66.
305. Loveday, "The Australian Aboriginal Electoral Information Service", pp. 345-46.
306. See also Loveday, "The Aboriginal Election Information Service; Report of the Review 1987-1988".
307. See M. Goot, "Distrustful, Disenchanted and Disengaged? Public Opinion on Politics, Politicians and the Parties: An Historical Perspective", in D. Burchell and A. Leigh, eds, The Prince's New Clothes: Why Do Australians Dislike Their Politicians? (Sydney, 2002), p. 19.
308. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 92;
309. Loveday, "Aborigines and Politics, A Northern Territory Perspective".
310. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, pp. 99-108;
311. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", pp. 142-43.
312. R.T. Libby, Hawke's Law: The Politics of Mining and Aboriginal Land Rights in Australia (Nedlands, WA, 1989), p. 46.
313. Loveday et al., The Western Australian State Election 1986, pp. 28-30.
314. Phillips, "The Modern Parliament, 1965-1989", p. 213;
315. N. O'Brien and S. Rintoul, "Labor List Gives Black MP a Lift", Australian, 13 February, 2001, p. 6;
316. D. Reardon, "New MP First for Australia", Age, 12 February, 2001, p. 4. The 1977 contest is discussed below.
317. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order! p. 63;
318. R. Gerritsen and D. Jaensch "The Northern Territory", in B. Galligan, ed., Australian State Politics (Melbourne, 1986), p. 140;
319. Bennett, Aborigines and Political Power, pp. 114-5;
320. Gibbins, Federalism in the Northern Territory, pp. 75-7;
321. A.J. Heatley, "Constitutional. Legislative and Political Developments", in Jaensch and Loveday, Under One Flag, pp. 20-1.
322. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory, pp. 66-7.
323. The case for compulsory voting with optional preferential voting is argued in D. Jaensch, "Political Representation in a Unique Polity", in R. Herr and P. Loveday, eds, Small is Beautiful: Parliament in the Northern Territory (Canberra, 1981), p. 80.
324. D. Jaensch and P. Loveday, "The Results: What, Where, Why", in Jaensch and Loveday, Under One Flag, pp. 173-4;
325. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 125.
326. Wade-Marshall and Loveday, "Topics, Methods and Sample", p. 2.
327. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory, pp. 56, 66.
328. Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory", pp. 10, 66.
329. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order! p. 82;
330. Gibbins, Federalism in the Northern Territory, pp. 74-6.
331. Parliament [of the Commonwealth of Australia], "Report on Constitutional Development from the Joint Committee on the Northern Territory", Parliamentary Paper No. 281 (1974), pp. 14-15.
332. See also Jaensch, "Political Representation in a Unique Polity", p. 82.
333. For continuing speculation about a separate political party, see M. Saunders, P. Toohey and S. Rintoul, '"Pet nigger' label reinforces calls for black seats", Australian, 8 November 2000
334. and D. Carment "Political Chronicles: Northern Territory", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 51, 4 (2005), p. 621.
335. J. Jupp, "Political Parties, the Ethnic Minorities and Aborigines", in M. Simms, ed., The Paradox of Parties: Australian Political Parties in the 1990s (St Leonards, NSW, 1996), p. 103.
336. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics, p. 117.
337. Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory", p. 10.
338. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order! p. 62.
339. A.J. Heatley, '"And Then There Were Two...': The 1977 Northern Territory Legislative Assembly Election", in A.J. Heatley and K.H. Kennedy, Monographs Political and Historical (Darwin, 1978), p. 79;
340. but cf. Loveday, "Aborigines and Politics, A Northern Territory Perspective", pp. 2-3,6;
341. and H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", pp. 136-7.
342. Heatley, '"And Then There Were Two...'", p. 119;
343. D. Jaensch, "The 1974 Election: Ballanda at Play", in Jaensch and Loveday, Elections in the Northern Territory 1974-1977, p. 14;
344. D. Jaensch, "The 1977 Election", in Jaensch and Loveday, Elections in the Northern Territory 1974-1977, p. 207;
345. D. Jaensch, "Politics of the Northern Territory", Current Affairs Bulletin, Vol. 56, 5 (1979), pp. 1617.
346. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order!, p. 82.
347. D. Jaensch, "Electoral Behaviour in the Urban Electorate", in Jaensch and Loveday, Challenge From the Nationals, pp. 59-67.
348. Loveday, "Aborigines and Politics, A Northern Territory Perspective", p. 5.
349. See also, Jaensch and Loveday, "The Results: What, Where, Why", p. 178.
350. P. Loveday, D. Jaensch, and B. Berzins, Labor's Win: The Northern Territory Election, 2001 (Sydney, 2002), p. 64.
351. Gibbins, Federalism in the Northern Territory, pp. 79-81;
352. Loveday, "The Poll and the Aboriginal Vote", pp. 145-6, 153.
353. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 96.
354. D. Jaensch and D. Wade-Marshall, The 1994 Elections in the Northern Territory (Darwin, 1994), p. 59.
355. D. Jaensch and D. Wade-Marshall, The 1997 Elections in the Northern Territory (Canberra and Darwin, 1997), p. 61.
356. Loveday, Jaensch and Berzins, Labor's Win, p. 69.
357. Loveday, Jaensch and Berzins, Labor's Win, p. 69. Ibid.
358. Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory", p. 12.
359. Jaensch and Loveday, "The Results: What, Where, Why", pp. 174-8.
360. In the Darwin survey, for example, respondents were asked which of a number of groups (Catholics, rich people, etc.) they associated with each of the parties. But Aborigines were not on the list; D. Rumley. "The 1974 Election in Darwin: A Survey Analysis of Three Electorates", in Jaensch and Loveday, Election in the Northern Territory 1974-1977, pp. 102-3.
361. D. Jaensch, D. Slee and J. Summers, "Contests in the Centre Electorates", in Jaensch and Loveday, Under One Flag, pp. 138-9.
362. A. Heatley, "Problems and Group Power Perceptions", in Jaensch and Loveday, Territorians or Mobile Australians? , pp. 82-88.
363. Gibbins, Federalism in the Northern Territory, p. 78.
364. Loveday, "The Poll and the Aboriginal Vote", pp. 158-9.
365. For slightly different figures from the 1984 survey, see Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 118,
366. and for the 1987 survey, Gibbins Federalism in the Northern Territory, p. 81.
367. D. Jaensch, "The Party System in the late 1970s", in Jaensch and Loveday, Under One Flag, p. 73;
368. Jaensch, Slee and Summers, "Contests in the Centre Electorates", pp. 138-9.
369. Jaensch, "Electoral Behaviour in the Urban Electorate", p. 186.
370. D. Jaensch, "Parties and the Party System", in Jaensch and Loveday, Territorians or Mobile Australians?, pp. 90-91.
371. Jaensch, "The Party System in the late 1970s", pp. 71-2.
372. Heatley, "Problems and Group Power Perceptions", pp. 79-80.
373. Jaensch, "Electoral Behaviour in the Urban Electorate", pp. 183-4. In surveys conducted in 1983 and 1984, Aboriginal voters also ranked Aboriginal issues highly;
374. Loveday and Jaensch, Mobile Polling and the Aboriginal Vote, p. 116.
375. Jaensch, Slee and Summers, "Contests in the Centre Electorates", p. 36;
376. Rumley, "The 1974 Election in Darwin, p. 109.
377. A. Heatley and D. Jaensch, "Electoral patterns and Voting Choice", in Jaensch and Loveday, Territorians or Mobile Australians?, pp. 22-23, 27;
378. D. Jaensch, "Party Allegiance", in Jaensch and Loveday, Territorians or Mobile Australians?, p. 59.
379. Jaensch, "Parties and the Party System", p. 92.
380. Heatley, "Problems and Group Power Perceptions", p. 81.
381. Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory", p. 12;
382. McAllister, Mackerras and Boldiston, Australian Political Facts, p. 184;
383. M. Mackerras, "Election Results", in C. Bean, I. McAllister and J. Warhurst, eds, The Greening of Australian Politics (Melbourne, 1990), p. 191.
384. Loveday, Jaensch and Berzins, Labor's Win, p. 69.
385. On the predictions, see: W. Sanders, "The 2001 Northern Territory Election: The End of an Era, a Victory for Labor and for Two-Party Democracy", Australian Quarterly, Vol 73, 6 (2001), p. 22;
386. M. Mackerras, "Labor will win seats but not the election", Australian, 1 August 2001;
387. and M. Moore, "Could it ever be time for Labor?", Age, 4 August 2001.
388. S. Bennett, "Federalism and Aboriginal Affairs", Australian Aboriginal Studies, Vol. 1 (1988), pp. 128-37.
389. E. Adler et al., Justice For Aboriginal Australians: Report of the World Council of Churches team visit to the Aborigines June 15 to July 3, 1981 (Sydney, 1981), p. 52.
390. Cited in Whitlam, The Whitlam Government 1972-1975, p. 466.
391. R. Tickner, Taking a Stand: Land Rights to Reconciliation (Crows Nest, NSW, 2001), pp. 11-12.
392. P. Toohey, "Jury out on ALP's custodial policies", Australian, 20 August 2001;
393. P. Toohey, "Northern Territory chief fails Aboriginal people (again)", Australian, 24 May 2006.
394. Sanders offers an alternative reading: that far from white voters being rednecks, there is a growing liberal constituency that wants "cultural differences [...] managed through the political system rather than exacerbated"; Sanders, "The 2001 Northern Territory Election", p. 27.
395. th anniversary ed. (Princeton, 2002/1982), p. 117.
396. W.E.H. Stanner, "Aborigines in the Affluent Society: The Widening Gap", in White Man Got No Dreaming, p. 379.
397. Dagmar, "Marginal Australians", p. 127.
398. Spate, Australia, p. 251.
399. See also C. Mahar, "Expressions of Aboriginal Nationalism in the 1970s", Melbourne Historical Journal, No. 28 (2001), pp. 46-59.
400. B. Sykes, "Opening Statement", in A. Turner, ed, Black Power in Australia: Bobbi Sykes versus Senator Neville T. Bonner (South Yarra, Vic., 1975);
401. Gale and Brookman, Race Relations In Australia, p. 64;
402. and K.J. Gilbert, Because A White Man 'll Never Do It (Sydney, 1973).
403. Tatz, Four Kinds of Dominion, p. 20.
404. See also the Council for Aboriginal Affairs cited in H.C. Coombs, Kulinma: Listening To Aboriginal Australians (Canberra, 1978), p. 217.
405. H.C. Coombs, Aboriginal Australians 1967-1976, The Third Walter Murdoch Lecture (Perth, 1976).
406. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle for Aboriginal Rights.
407. M. Lake, Faith: Faith Bandler, Gentle Activist (Crows Nest, NSW, 2002), pp. 67, 84-85, 114.
408. Ferres and Meredyth, An Articulate Country, p. 126.
409. D.J. Jones and J. Hill-Burnett, "The Political Context of Ethnogenesis: An Australian Example", in Howard ed., Aboriginal Power in Australian Society, p. 238.
410. Smith and Biddle, Look Forward, Not Back, p. 111, for the data.
411. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", (1961), p. 1398.
412. G. Stokes, "The 'Australian Settlement' and Australian Political Thought", Australian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 39, 1 (2004), p. 14;
413. Chesterman, Civil Rights, pp. 184-5.
414. See, for example, W.R. Keech, The Impact of Negro Voting: The Role of the Vote in the Quest for Equality (Chicago, 1967).
415. Hasluck, Shades of Darkness, p. 89;
416. McAllister and Moore, Party Strategy and Change, for the speeches themselves.
417. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory, p. 155. Contrast this with the view that, by the late 1970s, Aborigines in the Territory had "begun asserting themselves with some effect";
418. D. Altman, Rehearsals for Change: Politics and Culture in Australia ([Melbourne], 1980), p. 63.
419. D. Jaensch, "Political Parties, 1983-1987", in Jaensch and Loveday, Challenge From the Nationals, pp. 17-8.
420. Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians, pp. 126-7;
421. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics, pp. 124, 145;
422. Phillips, "The Modern Parliament, 1965-1989", p. 237;
423. McLean, "Aboriginal Local Government Power in Western Australia", p. 142.
424. G. Cowlishaw, Rednecks, Eggheads and Blackfellas: A Study of Racial Power and Intimacy in Australia (St Leonards, NSW, 1999), ch. 9;
425. Attwood and Markus, "The Fight for Aboriginal Rights";
426. B. Hocking, "Colonial Laws and Indigenous Peoples: Past and Present Laws Concerning the Recognition of Human Rights of Indigenous Native Peoples in British Colonies with Particular Reference to Australia", in B. Hocking, ed., International Law and Aboriginal Human Rights (Sydney, 1988).
427. Davidson, From Subject to Citizen, pp. 195-6.
428. See, Chesterman and Galligan, Citizens Without Rights, ch. 6.
429. Nor does Peter Botsman, when he asserts the even stranger proposition that voting is "an empty exercise" for anyone (a fortiori, most Aborigines) not free of "economic and social deprivation"; P. Botsman, The Great Constitutional Swindle: A Citizen's View of the Australian Constitution (Annandale, NSW, 2000), p. 129.
430. See also A. Sen, Development as Freedom (New York, 1999).
431. Kelly, 700 Years;
432. R.Manne, "Crumbling Consensus", Australian Book Review, No. 229 (April 2001), p. 40.
433. Tony Griffiths, in a class of his own, mixes condescension with historical ignorance when he writes: "Guest appearances at the 1963 polls were made by Aboriginals, all of whom were eligible to vote for the first time. Before this, they had had to enrol as electors and voting was compulsory for them only if they were on the lists"; T. Griffiths, Beautiful Lies: Australia from Menzies to Howard (Kent Town, SA, 2005), p. 96.
434. C.M. Tatz, "Education and Land Rights: Australian and South African Ideologies", in F.S. Stevens, ed., Racism: The Australian Experience: Vol. 2 Black versus White (Sydney, 1972), p. 265.
435. Tatz, "Education and Land Rights", p. 255.
436. On assimilation, see Schapper, Aboriginal Advancement to Integration, p. 76
437. and, more generally, T. Rowse ed., Contesting Assimilation (Perth, 2005).
438. C.M. Tatz, Race Politics in Australia: Aborigines, Politics and Law (Armidale, NSW, 1979), p. 19.
439. C.M. Tatz, "Aborigines: Political Options and Strategies", in Berndt, ed., Aborigines and Change, pp. 384, 387, 1970: 41.
440. See also M. Thornton, "Legal Citizenship", in W. Hudson and J. Kane, eds, Rethinking Australian Citizenship (Cambridge, 2000), p. 118,
441. and H. Rumley, "Political Participation by Aborigines", p. 113.
442. Tatz, "Aborigines: Political Options and Strategies", p. 388;
443. C.M. Tatz, "Aborigines and the White Problem", in H. Mayer and H. Nelson, eds, Australian Politics: A Fourth Reader (Melbourne, 1976) p. 201.
444. Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians, pp. 93-4.
445. See also, S. Castles and A. Davidson, Citizenship and Migration: Globalisation and the Politics of Belonging (Basingstoke, 2000), p. 108.
446. Tatz, "Aborigines and the White Problem", p. 203.
447. See also Davidson, From Subject to Citizen, p. 198.
448. Pitkin, who famously did not commit herself to any notion of "true" representation, was the theorist to whom Tatz attributes this model of "true representativeness"; H.F. Pitkin, The Concept of Representation (Berkeley, 1967), p. 11. In his review of the National Aboriginal Conference, a successor body to the NACC, Coombs noted that its members were not duly authorised "to decide or in other ways to act for, or represent the community without reference back to it";
449. H.C. Coombs, "Towards a National Aboriginal Congress: Extracts From a Report to the Hon. Clyde Holding Minister for Aboriginal Affairs, April 1984", CRES Paper No. 2 (Canberra, 1986), p. 2.
450. See also Loveday and Jaensch, The NAC Election in the Northern Territory 1981. For a highly critical appraisal of electoral systems "imposed" on Kooris,
451. see E.M.D. Fesl, Conned! (St. Lucia, 1993), pp. 186-8, 191);
452. she instances the mechanism for electing the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission, but her criticisms would apply equally to the NACC. For other criticisms of electoral systems for Aboriginal advisory bodies, see Stanner, "Aborigines in the Affluent Society", pp. 367-8. A few years earlier, Tatz himself had described advisory councils as "bland tokenism", organised around "toy telephones";
453. Tatz, Four Kinds of Dominion, p. 19,
454. and C.M. Tatz, "Aborigines: Law and Political Development", Australian Quarterly, Vol. 42, 4 (1970), p. 41.
455. Aboriginal views of the NACC, mostly unfavourable, are reported in Hiatt, The Role of the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee, p. 32;
456. see also M. Howard, Aboriginal Politics in Southwestern Australia (Nedlands, WA, 1981), ch. 6.
457. For a review of Hiatt, see S.M. Weaver, "Australian Aboriginal Policy: Aboriginal Pressure Groups or Government Advisory Bodies?", Oceania, Vol. 54 (1983): Part I, pp. 1-22;
458. S.M. Weaver, Oceania, Part II, pp. 85-108.;
459. also T. Rowse, '"Democratic Systems Are an Alien Thing to Aboriginal Culture...'", in M. Sawer and G. Zappala, eds, Speaking For The People: Representation in Australian Politics (Carlton, Vic., 2001), p. 109.
460. For critical views of other advisory councils, see Rex Marshall in Tatz, Black Viewpoints, p. 59.
461. Tatz, Four Kinds of Dominion, p. 18.
462. Tatz, "Aborigines and the White Problem", p. 201;
463. see also Charles Perkins, in Tatz, Black Viewpoints, p. 122.
464. Tatz, "Aborigines and Civil Law", p. 105.
465. Evans, et al., Equal Subjects, Unequal Rights, p. 70;
466. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", (1961) p. 1405;
467. Davidson, From Subject to Citizen, p. 197.
468. M. Goot, "Electoral Systems", in D. Aitkin, ed., Surveys of Australian Political Science (Sydney, 1985), p. 184.
469. E. Etzioni-Halevy, Political Administration and Electoral Power: A Comparative Study (London, 1979), p. 8.
470. C. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics: Intergovernmental Relations (Carlton, Vie, 1991), p. 117.
471. See also Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians, p. 80 for a critique of these campaigns.
472. Cited in Heatley, '"And Then There Were Two...'", p. 78.
473. B. Barry, Political Argument (London, 1965), p. 38.
474. For one case, involving drink, see M. Sawer, "Enrolling the People: Electoral Innovation in the New Australian commonwealth", in G. Orr, B. Mercurio and G. Williams, eds, Realising Democracy: Electoral Law in Australia (Annandale, NSW, 2003), p. 59. Asked to enquire into a complaint that a CLP candidate had "offered incentives for votes because he had distributed kangaroo tails to some of his Aboriginal constituents", the Northern Territory's electoral commissioner "suggested that this was probably okay as it was somewhat like holding a sausage sizzle in one's electorate";
475. Sanders, "The 2001 Northern Territory Election", p. 25.
476. Noted by Bennett, Aborigines and Political Power, pp. 118, 126-7.
477. Rowse, '"Democratic Systems Are an Alien Thing to Aboriginal Culture...'", pp. 108-12.
478. Coombs, "Towards a National Aboriginal Congress", p. 2.
479. Cited in Rowse, '"Democratic Systems Are an Alien Thing to Aboriginal Culture...'", pp. 114, 116. Hiatt, cited by Rowse (p. 109) as an "atypical" anthropologist by virtue of his NACC Report (The Role of the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee), also straddles Rowse's divide. "The tenacity of their roots, embedded deeply in the indigenous polity and temper", Hiatt writes in reference to his 1976 Report, "has helped to make assimilation of Aboriginal communities into the imported structures of British government a task of notorious difficulty";
480. L.R. Hiatt, Arguments About Aborigines (Cambridge, 1996), p. 99.
481. Coombs, Aboriginal Australians 1967-1976. p..
482. For "civilising", see Gray, "From Nomadism to Citizenship", p. 61;
483. also, Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, pp. 147, 155.
484. P. Read, "Aboriginal Rights", in H. Radi, ed., Jessie Street: Documents and Essays (Broadway, NSW, 1990), p. 263; emphasis added.
485. Attwood and Markus, "Representation Matters: The 1967 Referendum and Citizenship", in Peterson and Sanders eds., Citizenship and Indigenous Australians, p. 128. "Many Aborigines interpreted the right to vote in federal elections [...] as also giving them 'citizenship' and thus the right to drink alcohol";
486. M. Brady, Indigenous Australia and Alcohol Policy: Meeting Difference with Difference (Sydney, 2004), p. 19, emphasis in the original.
487. Simon, Through My Eyes, p. 183ff.
488. Cited in Q. Beresford, and P. Omaji, Our State of Mind: Racial Planning and the Stolen Generations (Fremantle, WA, 1998), p. 63.
489. V. Brodie, My Side of the Bridge (Kent Town, 2002), p. 100,
490. a reference supplied by Tim Rowse; B. Attwood, Rights for Aborigines (Crows Nest, NSW, 2003), p.201, for Vroland;
491. and L. Behrendt, Achieving Social Justice: Indigenous Rights and Australia's Future (Annandale, NSW, 2003), p. 14.
492. The "paradox" is also articulated by Bert Groves, in M. Lake, "Citizenship as Non-Discrimination: Acceptance or Assimilation? Political Logic and Emotional Investment in Campaigns for Aboriginal Rights in Australia, 1940 to 1970", Gender & History, Vol. 13, 3 (2001), p. 585.
493. See also J. Chesterman, "Taking Civil Rights Seriously", Australian Journal of Politics and History, Vol. 46, 4 (2000), p. 509.
494. L.R. Hiatt, "Reply to Cowlishaw", Australian Aboriginal Studies, No. 1 (1983), p. 53.
495. P. Eatock, "A Small but Stinging Twig: Reflections of a Black Campaigner", in H. Mayer, ed., Labor To Power: Australia's 1972 Election (Sydney, 1973), p. 152;
496. S. Harris, This Our Land (Canberra, 1972), pp. 100-1. Eatock's involvement, but not her candidature, is noted in Robinson's account of "the efficacy of protest within a framework of Australian democracy" Robinson, "The Aboriginal Embassy: An Account of the Protest of 1972".
497. See Lake, "Citizenship as Non-Discrimination", p. 571.
498. W. Atkinson, "What Did the Vote Mean to Yorta Yorta Peoples?", in Chesterman and Philips, eds., Selective Democracy, p. 35.
499. Jupp, "Political Parties, the Ethnic Minorities and Aborigines", p. 103;
500. A. Darby, '"Black Chick' Talks Politics in Tasmania", Age, 22 July, 2002, p. 5. In 2001, Pat Dixon became the first Aboriginal woman to be pre-selected by Labor in New South Wales for a federal seat, though scarcely a winnable one (New England);
501. P. Woods, "Pat Opened the Doors to Government for Aboriginal People", Sydney Morning Herald, 17 October, 2001. At the same time, Labor pre-selected Warren Mundine to the third place on its NSW Senate ticket. Had he won, he would have been the third Aborigine to sit in the Federal Parliament and the first to represent Labor;
502. A. West, "Mundine Fights for Senate Seat", Sun-Herald, 4 November, 2001, p. 9,
503. th Aboriginal MP and only the fourth indigenous woman elected to any Australian parliament";
504. D. Jopson, "Set to fly as an MP - and a leader for all the people", Sydney Morning Herald, 28-29 September 2002.
505. Rex Marshall and Vera Lovelock in Tatz, Black Viewpoints, pp. 53-4, 62-3.
506. G. Cowlishaw, "Introduction: Representing Racial Issues", Oceania, Vol. 63, 3 (1993), p. 188;
507. L. Duncan, "Protest and Aborigines: An Initial View", in D. Edgar, ed., Social Change in Australia: Readings in Sociology (Melbourne, 1974), p. 607;
508. but cf. T. Rowse, "Are we all blow-ins?", Oceania, Vol. 61, 2 (1990), pp. 185-91,
509. and T. Rowse, "Rethinking Aboriginal 'Resistance': The Community Development Employment (CEPD) Program", Oceania, Vol. 63, 3 (1993), pp. 283-86.
510. Pittock and Lippmann, "Aborigines", pp. 84-5;
511. Charles Perkins, cited in A. Burger, Neville Bonner: A Biography (South Melbourne, 1979), pp. 66, 82.
512. For example, D. Deacon, "Koori Women: Racism and Politics", in S. Hawthorne and R. Klein, eds, Australia For Women: Travel and Culture (North Melbourne, 1994), p. 99.
513. Harris, This Our Land, pp. 106-7;
514. Burger, Neville Bonner, pp. 64, 76, 82, 92.
515. Toohey, "Northern Territory chief fails Aboriginal people (again)";
516. Sanders, "The 2001 Northern Territory Election", pp. 25, 27;
517. W. Sanders, "Labor's Landslide, CLP's Tsunami: The 2005 Northern Territory Election", Australian Quarterly, Vol. 77, 3 (2005), pp. 4-6.
518. T. Widders, "Black Alternatives: Aborigines in the Seventies and Beyond", in M. Smith and D. Crossley, eds, The Way Out: Radical Alternatives in Australia (Melbourne, 1975), p. 119;
519. Harris, This Our Land, p. 4;
520. V. Burgmann, Power and Protest: Movements for Change in Australian Society (St Leonards, NSW, 1993), p. 30.
521. nd ed. (London, 1959), p. 18. However, after the 1967 referendum he reported that "Aborigines have not been of political consequence in Australia, although their increasing numbers and growing awareness could make them a minor force in a decade";
522. th ed. (London, 1971), p. 7.
523. Other "minority groups in Australia", Michael Howard noted, "with fewer people than the Aborigines have attained considerably more power"; Aboriginal Politics in Southwestern Australia, p. 147. But Howard was not necessarily thinking of voting power.
524. Rowley, "Aborigines: White Settlement and Interaction", p. 61.
525. Cited by Clarke and Galligan, '"Aboriginal Native'", p. 531; emphasis supplied.
526. Jupp, Australian Party Politics, p. 216.
527. Pittock and Lippmann, "Aborigines", p. 84.
528. Harris, This Our Land, p. 101
529. Coombs, Kulinma, pp. 218-19. In the 1960s, James Jupp thought Aborigines did less well than other groups not only because of their numbers but because, like pensioners, they were "notoriously hard to organize" and because none of the parties' "supporting interests" were "very concerned" about them;
530. nd ed. (Carlton, Vic., 1968), pp. 212, 215, 218.
531. Libby, Hawke's Law, p. 47;
532. also Heatley, "Politics of the Northern Territory", p. 10. Compare Rowse's view that in 1981 there were "only five federal electorates in which the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voters were more than 4 per cent of those enrolled";
533. T. Rowse, "Assimilation and After", in A. Curthoys, A.W. Martin and T. Rowse, eds, Australians From 1939 (Broadway, NSW, 1987), p. 144 (emphasis added).
534. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics, p. 115;
535. Beckett, Torres Strait Islanders, p. 172. Torres Strait Islanders, says Beckett, "started using [their vote] very quickly from the mid '60s [...] and they were certainly courted by state and federal members, though - except at the time of the Border scare -they mostly voted Labor"; pers. comm., 31 May 2001.
536. P.L. Reynolds, "One Nation's Electoral Support in Queensland: The 1998 State and Federal Elections Compared", in M. Leach, G. Stokes and I. Ward, eds, The Rise and Fall of One Nation (St Lucia, 2000), pp. 166-7.
537. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory, pp. 52-3.
538. Jaensch and Wade-Marshall, Point of Order\ p. 117;
539. M. Moore, "Politicians play their trump card", Sydney Morning Herald, 4-5 August 2001. Whether and in what sense the parties' Aboriginal candidates might be described, in Tracker Tilmouth's phrase, as "pet niggers", is another question;
540. P. Toohey, "We're ALP's Pet Niggers: Tracker", Australian, 8 November, 2000, p. 1.
541. W. Sanders, "Local Government and Indigenous Australians: Developments and Dilemmas in Contrasting Circumstances", Discussion Paper No. 84 (Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, 1995), pp. 14, 17, 27.
542. Nettheim, Victims of the Law, p. 128;
543. Sanders, "Delivering Democracy to Indigenous Australians", p. 166, for the ATSIEIS.
544. Kidd, The Way We Civilise, p. 243.
545. Attwood and Markus, The Struggle For Aboriginal Rights, p. 286.
546. D. Wells, The Deep North (Collingwood, Vie., 1987), p. 44.
547. P. Coaldrake, Working the System: Government in Queensland (St. Lucia, 1989), p. 39.
548. A. Bolger and H. Rumley, "Voting Rights for Black Australians", Legal Service Bulletin, 3, 6 (1978), pp. 221-25.;
549. Tatz, Race Politics in Australia, pp. 24-41;
550. Tatz, "Aborigines and Politics", pp. 505-9;
551. R.B. Sykes, Black Majority (Hawthorn, 1989), pp. 119-20;
552. Gaze and Jones, Law Liberty and Australian Democracy, p. 87. It is not entirely coincidental that in 1893 the attack on the Aboriginal franchise in Western Australia had been led by the member for East Kimberley and West Kimberley;
553. Grimshaw and Ellinghaus, "White Women, Aboriginal Women and the Vote in Western Australia", pp. 2, 6.
554. A. Bolger and H. Rumley, "Voting Rights for Black Australians", Legal Service Bulletin, 4, 2 (1979), p. 39;
555. Phillips, "The Modern Parliament, 1965-1989", p. 217.
556. Bolger and Rumley, "Voting Rights for Black Australians";
557. Bennett, Aborigines and Political Power, p. 115;
558. S. Hawke and M. Gallagher, Nookambah: Whose Land, Whose Law (Fremantle, WA, 1989), pp. 92-3, 98-9;
559. Sykes, Black Majority, pp. 120-22;
560. Gaze and Jones, Law, Liberty and Australian Democracy, p. 87;
561. Phillips, "The Modern Parliament, 1965-1989", p. 217.
562. S. Fitzgerald, "Universal Franchise? Criminal Disqualification in a Liberal Democracy" (BA Honours Thesis, Department of Politics and International Relations, Macquarie University, 2002). Under Commonwealth legislation, passed in 2004 and supported by both Labor and the Coalition, "people serving a full-time sentence of three years or more" are prevented now "from enrolling or voting". This, too, discriminates indirectly against Indigenes;
563. see C.A. Hughes and B. Costar, Limiting Democracy: The Erosion of Electoral Rights in Australia (Sydney, 2006), pp. 82-3.
564. Bennett, Aborigines and Political Power, p. 115;
565. Sykes, Black Majority, pp. 120-22.
566. McLean, "Aboriginal Local Government Power in Western Australia", p. 141.
567. Fletcher, Aboriginal Politics, pp. 115-7, 123.
568. For example, D. Aitkin, ed., The Life of Politics: The Howson Diaries (Ringwood, Vie., 1984), p. 10;
569. W. McNally, Goodbye Dreamtime (Melbourne, 1973), p. 93;
570. J. Molony, The Penguin Bicentennial History of Australia (Ringwood, Vic., 1987), p. 345;
571. and Sykes, "Opening Statement", p. 26;
572. as well as those noted by Attwood and Markus, "Representation Matters", pp. 119, 135. In her Boyer Lectures, Inga Clendinnen not only thinks of 1967 as the year in which Aborigines were allowed to vote, but thinks it also marked the year in which Aborigines "ceased to be 'protected persons'", were "recognised as free citizens" and began to enjoy "the belated drive towards social and political equality";
573. I. Clendinnen, True Stories (Sydney, 1999), p. 87.
574. D.A. Kemp, Society and Electoral Behaviour in Australia (St Lucia, 1978), pp. 295-99;
575. S. Bennett, "The 1967 Referendum", Australian Aboriginal Studies, No. 2 (1985), pp. 26-31;
576. Bennett, White Politics and Black Australians, pp. 22-4.
577. pace D. Jaensch, "Parliament and Government", in D. Jaensch, ed., The Flinders History of South Australia: Political History (Netley, 1986), p. 352.
578. W. Sanders, "Finding a Path", in N. Pearson and W.Sanders, Indigenous Peoples and Reshaping Australian Institutions: Two Perspectives (Discussion Paper No. 102, Centre for Aboriginal Economic Policy Research, 1995), pp. 14-15.
579. Rowse, White Flour, White Power, pp. 38-41.
580. W.E.H. Stanner, "After the Dreaming", pp. 209, 216.
581. Compare, for example, the quite different views of W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship (Oxford, 1995), ch. 7,
582. and B. Barry, Culture and Equality (Cambridge, 2001), ch. 8.
583. Chesterman, "Taking Civil Rights Seriously", p. 509;
584. but compare Lake, "Citizenship as Non-Discrimination", p. 568.
585. Parliament, "Report from the Select Committee on Voting Rights of Aborigines", (1961), p. 1403.
586. Gilbert, Because A White Man 'll Never Do It, p. 48.
587. See also Frank Walker, cited in M. Griffiths, Aboriginal Affairs; A Short History 1788-1995 (Kenthurst, NSW, 1995), p. 254;
588. and, for an Aboriginal voice, Sykes, "Opening Statement", pp. 26-7.
589. Parliament, "Report on Constitutional Development" (1974) pp. 18-23, 71-76;
590. Heatley, The Government of the Northern Territory, pp. 66, 79 note 17;
591. Tatz, "Aborigines and Politics", p. 500.
592. Markus, "William Cooper and the 1937 Petition to the King", p. 48.
593. Sanders, "Finding a Path", p. 11;
594. A. Phillips, "Representation Renewed", in Zappala and Sawer eds., Speaking For The People.
595. See, for example, Parliament of New South Wales, Enhancing Aboriginal Political Representation (Sydney, 1998), pp. 11-14;
596. and submissions to the Constitutional Commission, Final Report of the Constitutional Commission (Canberra, 1988), pp. 717-18.
597. Most recently, the Legal, Constitutional and Administrative Review Committee of the Queensland Parliament; R. Odgers, "Inquiry rejects dedicated indigenous seats in the House", Courier-Mail, 12 September 2003.
598. See also the note struck for the Canadian Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing in R. Gibbins, "Electoral Reform and Canada's Aboriginal Population: An assessment of Aboriginal Electoral Districts", in R.A. Milen, ed., Aboriginal Peoples and Electoral Reform in Canada (Toronto, 1991), pp. 182-3.
599. Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation, Going Forward: Social Justice for the First Australians, (Canberra, 1995), p. 53;
600. ATSIC, Recognition, Rights and Reform (Canberra, 1995), pp. 48-51;
601. Aden Ridgeway, cited in Toohey, "We're ALP's Pet Niggers".
602. F. Brennan, One Land, One Nation: Mabo: Towards 2001 (St. Lucia, 1995), p. 210;
603. D. Campbell, "Reconciliation Requires Representation", Australian, 6 February, 2001, p. 13;
604. Neill, "No Room for Aborigines in a Pork-Barrel Vision";
605. J. Uhr and J. Wanna, "The Future Roles of Parliament", in M. Keating, J. Wanna and P. Weller, eds, Institutions on the Edge? Capacity For Governance (St Leonards, NSW, 2000), p. 31.
606. National Multicultural Advisory Council, Multicultural Australia: The Next Steps - Towards and Beyond 2000, Vol. 1 (Canberra, 1995), p. 14.
607. G. Zappala and M. Sawer, "Conclusion: Representation - Problems and Prospects" in Sawer and Zappala, Speaking For The People, p. 290.
608. R. Jones, et al., "Australian Election Study, 1993: Reader's Guide to the Machine-Readable Data File" (Canberra: Social Science Data Archives, Australian National University, 1993), p. 53;
609. R. Jones, I. McAllister, and D. Gow, "Australian Election Study, 1996: Reader's Guide to the Machine-Readable Data File" (Canberra: Social Science Data Archives, Australian National University, 1996), p. 56;
610. D. Gow, C. Bean, and I. McAllister, "Australian Constitution Referendum Study, 1999: Reader's Guide to the Machine-Readable Data File" (Canberra: Social Science Data Archives, Australian National University, 2000), p. 42;
611. C. Bean, D. Gow and I. McAllister "Australian Election Study, 2001: Reader's Guide to the Machine-Readable Data File" (Canberra: Social Science Data Archives, Australian National University, 2002), p. 74;
612. and C. Bean et al. "Australian Election Study, 2004: Reader's Guide to the Machine-Readable Data File" (Canberra: Social Science Data Archives, Australian National University, 2005), p. 87.
613. See, M. Goot, "The Australian Party System, Pauline Hanson's One Nation, and the Party Cartelisation Thesis", in Ian Marsh, ed., Political Parties in Transition? (Sydney, 2006), pp. 184-5.
614. In addition, the problem of defining who is or is not an Aborigine - which has surfaced in relation to ATSIC elections - it is likely to grow; ABC, "Blackfella, Whitefella", Four Corners (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 26 August, 2002).
615. We might note that when Cooper argued for Aboriginal seats, he did not assume that they would necessarily be held by Aborigines; McGregor, "Protest and Progress", p. 567.
616. H. McQueen, "Bourgeois Democracy: A Sham", in H. Mayer and H. Nelson, eds, Australian Politics: A Third Reader (Melbourne, 1973).
617. th century, 75 per cent of Age and Sydney Morning Herald readers who wrote in (n=4657) nominated "giving Aborigines the right to vote"; the only event out of 10 nominated by a larger proportion was "giving women the right to vote" (88 per cent). J. Button, "Poll of the century", Age, 12 July 1999.
618. Coombs, "Towards a National Aboriginal Congress", pp. 7-13;
619. M. Dillon and H.C. Coombs, "Instruments of Control", in H.C. Coombs, H. McCann, H. Ross and N.M. Williams, eds, Land of Promises : Aborigines and Development in the East Kimberley (Canberra, 1989), pp. 126-7.
620. Tatz, Race Politics in Australia, p. 24.
621. This is a view he subsequently modified, so that politics and law both matter. C.M. Tatz, Aborigines and Uranium and Other Essays (Richmond, Vie., 1982), p. 80;
622. Tatz, "Aborigines and Civil Law", pp. 108-109.
623. McGrath, '"Beneath the Skin'", p. 110;
624. G. Bolton, The Oxford History of Australia, 1942-1988: The Middle Way (Melbourne, 1990), p. 190.