Traversing the Mexican odyssey: Reflections on political change and the study of Mexican politics

Mexican Studies - Estudios Mexicanos

Volumn 18, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 159-188

  Williams, Mark Eric ^a  

^a MIDDLEBURY COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 33845391192     PISSN: 07429797     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/msem.2002.18.1.159     Document Type: Review

References (134)

1. Martin C. Needler, Mexican Politics: The Containment of Conflict (New York: Praeger, 1982), 1
2. For example, see Robert E. Scott, Mexican Politics in Transition (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1964)
3. Phillip Russell, Mexico in Transition (Austin: Colorado River Press, 1977)
4. Judith Gentleman, ed., Mexican Politics in Transition (Boulder: Westview, 1987)
5. Susan Kaufman Purcell, Mexico in Transition: Implications for U.S. Policy (New York: Council on Foreign Relations, 1988)
6. and Wayne A. Cornelius, Mexican Politics in Transition: The Breakdown of a One-Party-Dominant Regime (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1996)
7. On the presidency see Kenneth F. Johnson, "Mexico's Authoritarian Presidency," in Presidential Power in Latin American Politics, ed. Thomas V. DiBacco (New York: Praeger, 1977), 33-55
8. For examples of case study public policy research, see Susan Kaufman Purcell, The Mexican Profit-Sharing Decision: Politics in an Authoritarian Regime (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975)
9. and Merilee S. Grindle, Bureaucrats, Politicians and Peasants in Mexico: A Case Study in Public Policy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977)
10. On sectoral studies see Kevin J. Middlebrook, The Paradox of Revolution: Labor, the State, and Authoritarianism in Mexico (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995)
11. On state agencies see John Bailey Governing Mexico: The State-craft of Crisis Management (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988)
12. On the party system see Dale Story, The Mexican Ruling Party, Stability and Authority (Stanford: Hoover Institute, 1980)
13. On elite biographical studies see Roderic A. Camp, Mexico's Leaders, Their Education and Recruitment (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1980)
14. and Peter H. Smith, Labyrinths of Power: Political Recruitment in Twentieth-Century Mexico (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979)
15. On clientelism see Merilee S. Grindle, "Patrons and Clients in the Bureaucracy: Career Networks in Mexico," Latin American Research Review 12, no. 1 (1977): 37-77
16. On state-society relations see Susan Eckstein, The Poverty of Revolution: The State and the Urban Poor in Mexico (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977)
17. and José Luis Reyna and Richard S. Weinert, eds., Authoritarianism in Mexico (Philadelphia: Institute for Human Studies, 1977)
18. See the discussion by Robert Bates, "Letter from the President," Newsletter of the APSA Organized Section in Comparative Politics 8, no. 1 (Winter 1997): 1-2
19. See Susan Kaufman Purcell, "Decision-making in an Authoritarian Regime: Theoretical Implications from a Mexican Case Study" World Politics 26 (October 1973): 28-54
20. Roderic Ai Camp, Politics in Mexico, 2nd. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 13
21. and Miguel Ángel Centeno, Democracy within Reason: Technocratic Revolution in Mexico (University Park: The Pennsylvania University Press, 1993), 32
22. Some very high quality studies fall into the descriptive/speculative category. See for example, the essays in Wayne A. Cornelius, Judith Gentleman, and Peter H. Smith, eds., Mexico's Alternative Political Futures (La Jolla: The Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1989)
23. For an example of analysis decidedly short on theory but long on description and narration, see Judith A. Teichman, Privatization and Political Change in Mexico (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1995)
24. For representative studies see José Luis Reyna, "Redefining the Authoritarian Regime," in Authoritarianism in Mexico, ed. José Luis Reyna and Richard S. Weinert (Philadelphia: Institute for Human Studies, 1977), 155-71
25. John W. Sloan, "The Mexican Variant of Corporatism," Inter-American Economic Affairs 38, no. 4 (Spring 1985): 3-18
26. Enrique de la Garza Toledo, "The Restructuring of State-Labor Relations in Mexico," in The Politics of Economic Restructuring: State-Society Regions and Regime Change in Mexico, ed. Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego), 195-217
27. and Jonathan Fox, "The Difficult Transition from Clientelism to Citizenship: Lessons from Mexico," World Politics 46 (January 1994): 151-84
28. Only two comprehensive crossnational comparative studies of Mexico and other countries exist: Sylvia Ann Hewlett and Richard S. Weinert, eds., Brazil and Mexico: Patterns in Latin Development (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1982)
29. and Merilee S. Grindle, Challenging the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996)
30. Pablo González Casanova, Democracy in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970)
31. For a counter argument which asserts that centralized authority was not as strong or uniform throughout the republic as the classic model suggests, see Jeffrey W. Rubin, Decentering the Regime: Ethnicity, Radicalism, and Democracy in Juchitán, Mexico (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997)
32. For a general discussion of Mexican presidencialismo see Jeffrey Weldon, "The Political Sources of Presidencialismo in Mexico," in Presidentialism and Democracy in Latin America, ed. Scott Mainwaring and Matthew Soberg Shugart (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 225-58
33. On the court's lack of independence see Alicia Ely Y Amin and Pilar Noriega García, "The Absence of the Rule of Law in Mexico: Diagnosis and Implications for a Mexican Transition to Democracy," Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Journal 21 (July 1999): 467-518
34. At least through 1993 roughly 90 percent of all bills emerged from the executive, not Congress. See Roderic Ai Camp, Politics in Mexico (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 136
35. Stephen D. Morris, Political Reformism in Mexico: An Overview of Contemporary Mexican Politics (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1995), 18
36. See Story, The Mexican Ruling Party, 131-2
37. Raymond Vernon, The Dilemma of Mexico's Development: The Roles of the Private and Public Sectors (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), 123-49
38. On the rise of the técnico, see Roderic A. Camp, "The Political Technocrat in Mexico and the Survival of the Political System," Latin American Research Review 20, no. 1 (1987): 97-118
39. and Miguel Ángel Centeno and Sylvia Maxfield, "The Marriage of Finance and Order: Changes in the Mexican Political Elite, " Journal of Latin American Studies 24 (February 1992): 57-85
40. For a concise portrait of the functions of these political alliance networks, see David Ronfeldt, Wither Elite Cohesion in Mexico: A Comment, P-7509 (Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, 1988)
41. Wayne A. Cornelius and Ann L. Craig, "Politics in Mexico," in Comparative Politics Today, ed. Gabriel Almond and G. Bingham Powell (Boston: Little, Brown, 1988), 425-84
42. Camp, Politics in Mexico, 103
43. Centeno, Democracy Within Reason, 149-71
44. A. Phillips Griffiths, "Representing as a Human Activity," in Representation, ed. Hanna Pitkin (New York: Atherton Press, 1969), 136
45. Daniel Levy and Gabriel Székely Mexico: Paradoxes of Stability and Change (Boulder: Westview Press, 1983), 52
46. On Mexico's "limited pluralism" see John F. H. Purcell and Susan Kaufman Purcell, "Mexican Business and Public Policy," in Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America, ed. James M. Malloy (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977), 191-226
47. The PRI's peak organizations included the Confederation of Workers of Mexico (labor), the National Peasant Confederation(campesinos), and the National Confederation of Popular Organizations (midle-class professionals and state employees). On Mexican corporatism see Evelyn P. Stevens, "Mexico's PRI: The Institutionalization of Corporatism?" in Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America, ed. James M. Malloy (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1977), 227-58
48. Roger D. Hansen, The Politics of Mexican Development (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971), 113
49. Survey research based on the 1988 and 1991 national elections found that Mexicans did not use the ballot to express their policy preference. Indeed, economic policy concerns had no direct impact on voter choice in either election. See Jorge I. Domínguez and James A. McCann, "Shaping Mexico's Electoral Arena: The Construction of Partisan Cleavages in the 1988 and 1991 National Elections," American Political Science Review 89, no. 1 (March 1995): 35-48
50. Jorge I. Domínguez and James A. McCann, Democratizing Mexico: Public Opinion and Electoral Choices (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 113
51. This is as true for labor and peasants as it is for business. As Peter Smith observed, policy disputes between the private sector and the state typically centered on the implementation of existing law, not the formulation of new laws. See Peter H. Smith, "Does Mexico Have a Power Elite?" in Authoritarianism in Mexico, ed. José Luis Reyna and Richard S. Weinert (Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues, 1977), 129-51
52. In-depth case studies of major public policies in Mexico underscore how limited an impact public contestation had on the content of policy decisions. With respect to rural development policies, for example, Merilee Grindle found that "demand-making behavior of citizens and parties in support of policy alternatives play[ed] a very insignificant part in the development or approval of government plans"; similarly, David Mares discovered little evidence that organized labor, business, or peasants directly influenced the government's 1980 decision not to join the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. See Merilee S. Grindle, Bureaucrats, Politicians, and Peasants in Mexico: A Case Study in Public Policy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 109
53. and David Mares, "Explaining Choice of Development Strategies: Suggestions from Mexico, 1970-1982," International Organization 39 (Autumn 1985): 607-97
54. This pattern of decision-making was evident across a host of issue areas. See Guy E. Poitras, "Welfare Bureaucracy and Clientele Politics in Mexico," Administrative Science Quarterly 18 (March 1973): 18-20
55. Guy Benveniste, Bureaucracy and National Planning: A Sociological Case Study in Mexico (New York: Praeger, 1970)
56. Terry L. McCoy "A Paradigmatic Analysis of Mexican Population Policy," in The Dynamics of Population Policy in Latin America, ed. Terry L. McCoy (Cambridge: Ballinger Publishing Co., 1974), 377-408
57. Susan Kaufman Purcell, "Business-Government Relations in Mexico: The Case of the Sugar Industry," Comparative Politics 13 (1975): 211-31
58. and Stephen Mumme, C. Richard Bath, and Valerie J. Assetto, "Political Development and Environmental Policy in Mexico," Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 7-34
59. See Douglas C. Bennett and Kenneth E. Sharpe, Transnational Corporations Versus the State: The Political Economy of the Mexican Auto Industry (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985)
60. For a general review of Mexico's reform experience see Nora Lustig, Mexico: The Remaking of an Economy 2nd. ed. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1998)
61. and Mark Eric Williams, Market Reforms in Mexico: Coalitions, Institutions, and the Politics of Policy Change (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001)
62. Guillermo Trejo and Claudio Jones, "Political Dilemmas of Welfare Reform: Poverty and Inequality in Mexico," in Mexico Under Zedillo, ed. Susan Kaufman Purcell and Luis Rubio (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1998), 67-99
63. See Manuel Pastor Jr. and Carol Wise, "Mexican-Style Neoliberalism, State Policy and Distributional Stress," in The Post-Nafta Political Economy: Mexico and the Western Hemisphere, ed. Carol Wise (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988), 41-81
64. and Diana Alarcón and Terry McKinley, "Increasing Wage Inequality and Trade Liberalization in Mexico," in Poverty, Economic Reform, and Income Distribution in Latin America, ed. Albert Berry (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1998), 137-53
65. Wayne A. Cornelius, "Foreword," in The Politics of Economic Restructuring: State-Society Regions and Regime Change in Mexico, ed. Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1994), xi-xx
66. See Enrique Dussel Peters, "Cambio estructural y potencialidades de crecimiento del sector manufacturero en México (1982-1991)," in México:La nueva macroeconomía, ed. Julio López (Mexico: Centro de Estudios para un Proyecto Nacional/Nuevo Horizonte Editores, 1994), 149-229
67. and Enrique Quintana López, "La bancarrota de Fundidora: Dimes y diretes financieros," El Cotidiano 3, no. 12 (1980): 27-31
68. See Middlebrook, The Paradox of Revolution, 297
69. See Pastor and Wise, "Mexican-Style Neoliberalism"; Carlos Marichal, "The Rapid Rise of the Neobanqueros, Mexico's New Financial Elite," NACLA Report on the Americas 30 (May/June 1997): 27-30
70. Blanca Heredia, "State-Business Relations in Contemporary Mexico," in Rebuilding the State: Mexico after Salinas, ed. Mónica Serrano and Victor Bulmer-Thomas (London: Institute of Latin American Studies, University of London, 1996), 131-50
71. and Hector E. Schamis, "The Politics of Economic Reform: Distributional Coalitions and Policy Change in Latin America," Working Paper 250 (Notre Dame: Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, University of Notre Dame, 1998), 20-5
72. See Marichal, "The Rapid Rise of the Neobanqueros"; and Celso Garrido, "National private groups in Mexico, 1987-1993," CEPAL Review 53 (August 1994): 159-75
73. See Kathleen Bruhn, Taking on Goliath: The Emergence of New Left Party and the Struggle for Democracy in Mexico (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1997)
74. see also Judith Teichman, "Economic Restructuring, State-Labor Relations, and the Transformation of Mexican Corporatism," in Neo-liberalism Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexico's Political Future, ed. Gerardo Otero (Boulder: Westview, 1996), 149-66
75. To stimulate investment and production in agriculture and prepare this sector for North American economic integration, the Salinas administration amended Article 27 of the federal Constitution in 1991. The amendment redefined rural property rights from communal to private holdings, and in traditional top-down fashion, the government devised and imposed the reform without consulting peasant farmer organizations or their representatives in the PRI. See Merilee S. Grindle, "Reforming Land Tenure in Mexico: Peasants, the Market, and the State," in The Challenge of Institutional Reform, ed. Riordan Roett (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1996), 39-56
76. To be fair, NAFTA was only one factor behind the Chiapas rebellion. Zapatistas also cited repression and corruption among their complaints. See Neil Harvey, "Rural Reforms and the Zapatista Rebellion: Chiapas, 1988-1995," in Neoliberalism Revisited: Economic Restructuring and Mexico's Political Future, ed. Gerardo Otero (Boulder: Westview, 1996), 187-208
77. Maxwell A. Cameron and Vinod K. Aggarwal, "Mexican meltdown: states, markets and post-NAFTA financial turmoil," Third World Quarterly 17, no. 5 (1996): 975-87
78. Denise Dresser, Neopopulist Solutions to Neoliberal Problems: Mexico's National Solidarity Program (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1991)
79. Edward Gibson, "The Populist Road to Market Reform: Policy and Electoral Coalitions in Mexico and Argentina," World Politics 49 (April 1997): 356
80. See Manuel Pastor and Carol Wise, "The Origins and Sustainability of Mexico's Free Trade Policy," International Organization 48 (1994): 459-89
81. Teichman, Privatization and Political Change, 188
82. Throughout his term Salinas exercised the full range of constitutional and extra-constitutional powers - dominating the legislative agenda, dismissing seventeenstate governors, hand-picking his successor, and injecting the presidency directly into electoral politics via the National Solidarity Program. See Wayne A. Cornelius, Mexican Politics in Transition, 36
83. Sallie Hughes, "A long climb back," Macleans, June 24, 1996, 25
84. Luis Rubio, "Coping with Political Change," in Mexico under Zedillo, ed. Susan Kaufman Purcell and Luis Rubio (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1998), 5-36
85. Ernesto Zedillo, "Address by Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León," Publius: The Journal of Federalism 29 (Fall 1999): 15-22
86. See Wayne A. Cornelius, "Subnational Politics and Democratization: Tensions between Center and Periphery in the Mexican Political System," in Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico, ed. Wayne A. Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt and Jane Hindley (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1999), 3-16
87. Deborah L. Riner and John V. Sweeney "The Effects of NAFTA on Mexico's Private Sector and Foreign Trade and Investment," in Mexico's Private Sector: Recent History, Future Challenges, ed. Riordan Roett (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1998), 161-87
88. Scholars of economic transitions contend that coalitions between state reformers, business, and/or labor are required to build social consensus around new policies, provide reformist governments the support they need to govern effectively and thereby help ensure the policies themselves are durable. See G. John Ikenberry "The International Spread of Privatization Policies: Inducements, Learning, and 'Policy Bandwagoning,'" in The Political Economy of Public Sector Reform and Privatization, ed. Ezra N. Suleiman and John Waterbury (Boulder: Westview Publishers, 1990), 88-110
89. John Waterbury, "The Political Management of Economic Adjustment and Reform," in Fragile Coalitions: The Politics of Economic Adjustment, ed. Joan M. Nelson (Washington, D.C.: Overseas Development Council, 1989), 39-56
90. and Stephan Haggard and Steven Webb, "Introduction," in Voting for Reform: Democracy, Political Liberalization and Economic Adjustment, ed. Stephan Haggard and Steven Webb (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 1-36
91. See Trejo and Jones, "Political Dilemmas of Welfare Reform." For discussion of how governments might incorporate social policy goals into broader neoliberal frameworks see Nancy Birdsall, Carol Graham and Richard H. Sabot, eds., Beyond Trade Offs: Market Reform and Equitable Growth in Latin America (Washington, D.C.: Inter-American Development Bank, 1998)
92. See Moisés Naim, "Latin America's Journey to the Market: From Macroeconomic Shocks to Institutional Therapy," ICEG Occasional Paper 62 (San Francisco: ICS Press, 1995)
93. Leslie Crawford, "Zedillo under fire as peso wobbles: Political troubles add to problems facing Mexico's president," Financial Times, August 31, 1995, 3
94. Samuel P. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968)
95. Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, "Introduction," in Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America, ed. Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), 1-34
96. For one of the few early works on the PRI's chief opposition, the PAN, see Donald J. Mabry Mexico's Acción Nacional: A Catholic Alternative to Revolution (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1973)
97. For recent works on both the PAN and PRD see Jean-Francois Prud'homme, "The National Action Party's (PAN) Organizational Life and Strategic Decision," Documento de Trabajo 59 (Mexico: CIDE, 1997)
98. On the concept and importance of core constituencies see Edward Gibson, Class and Conservative Parties: Argentina in Comparative Perspective (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), 7-14
99. See also Prud'homme, "The National Action Party's (PAN) Organizational Life and Strategic Decisions"; and David Shirk, "Vicente Fox and the Rise of the PAN," Journal of Democracy 11 (October 2000): 25-32
100. Joseph Klesner, "Electoral Politics and Mexico's New Party System" (paper presented at the 1998 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, The Palmer House Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, September 24-20, 1998)
101. See Jonathan T. Hiskey "Does Democracy Matter? Electoral Competition and Local Development in Mexico" (paper presented at the 2000 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Hyatt Regency Miami, March 10-18, 2000)
102. See Hector Fix-Fierro, "Judicial Reform and the Supreme Court of Mexico: The Trajectory of Three Years," United States Mexico Law Journal 6 (Spring 1998): 1-21. Close studies of Mexico's Supreme Court are few and far between, and most research has been undertaken by legal scholars, not political scientists
103. See, for example, Hector Fix-Zamudio, "El ejecutivo federal y el poder judicial," in El sistema presidencial mexicano: algunas reflexiones (Mexico: Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1988), 209-365
104. Jorge A. Vargas, "Mexico's Legal Revolution: An Appraisal of Its Recent Constitutional Changes, 1988-1995," The Georgia Journal of International and Comparative Law 25 (Summer 1996): 497-559
105. Fix-Fierro, "Judicial Reform and the Supreme Court of Mexico"
106. and Pilar Domingo, "Judicial Independence: The Politics of the Supreme Court in Mexico," Journal of Latin American Studies 32 (2000): 705-34
107. Domingo, "Judicial Independence."
108. For recent offerings see Alonso Lujambio, Federalismo y Congreso en el Cambio Político de México (Mexico: UNAM, 1995)
109. and Roderic A. Camp, "Mexico's Legislature, Missing the Democratic Lockstep," in Legislatures and Democratic Transformation in Latin America, ed. David Close (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1995), 17-36
110. Some scholars contend that while the Congress lacks sufficient resources and staff to legislate effectively the prohibition against reelection is the single most important constraint on its autonomy and capacity to co-govern. This constraint promotes distance between Congress and the electorate, guarantees law makers remain inexperienced, and ensures they fail to develop loyalty to their constituents and institution. See Michael C. Taylor, "Constitutional Crisis: How Reforms to the Legislature Have Doomed Mexico," MS/ES 13 (Summer 1997): 299-325
111. M. Delal Baer, "The Press," in Prospects for Mexico (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Service Institute, U.S. State Department, 1988), 93-111
112. See Sallie Hughes, "Culture Clash in the Newsroom: News Media Transformation in A Liberalizing Regime
113. and Chappell Lawson, "Building the Fourth Estate" (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1999)
114. For insights into these issues see Miguel Basa ez, "Public Opinion Research in Mexico," in Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Methods and Analysis, ed. Peter H. Smith (Boulder: Westview, 1995), 257-74
115. see also Chappel Lawson, "Media Opening and Political Scandal in Mexico" (paper presented at a meeting of the Latin American Studies Association, Hyatt Regency Miami, Miami, Florida, March 16-18, 2000)
116. See for example, Merilee S. Grindle, Audacious Reforms: Institutional Invention and Democracy in Latin America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000)
117. George E. Peterson, Decentralization in Latin America: Learning through Experience (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1997)
118. Eliza Willis, Christopher da C. B. Garman, and Stephan Haggard, "The Politics of Decentralization in Latin America," Latin American Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999): 7-56
119. Christopher Garman, Stephan Haggard, and Eliza Willis, "Fiscal Decentralization: A Political Theory with Latin American Cases," World Politics 53 (January 2001): 205-36
120. and Teresa Ter-Minassian, "Decentralizing Government," Finance and Development 34 (September 1997): 36-9
121. Peter M. Ward and Victoria E. Rodríguez, "New Federalism, Intra-governmental Relations and Co-governance in Mexico," Journal of Latin American Studies 31 (1999): 673-710
122. Victoria E. Rodríguez, "Recasting Federalism in Mexico," Publius 28 (Winter 1998): 235-48
123. See Jonathan Fox and Josefína Aranda, "Decentralization and Rural Development in Mexico" (paper presented at the 19th International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Washington, D.C., September 1995)
124. Kaufman and Trejo, "Regionalism, Regime Transformation, and PRONASOL"; Wayne A. Cornelius, Todd A. Eisenstadt, and Jane Hindley eds., Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico (La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, 1999)
125. and Chappell Lawson, "Mexico's Unfinished Transition: Democratization and Authoritarian Enclaves in Mexico," MS/ES 16, no. 2 (Summer 2000): 207-87
126. See Diane E. Davis, "Social Movements and Mexico's Crisis," Journal of International Affairs 43 (Winter 1990): 343-67
127. David Thelen, "Mexico, the Puzzle: A Conversation about Civil Society and the Nation with Ilan Semo," in The Journal of American History 80 (September 1999): http://historycooperative.org/journals/jah/86.s/semo.html (January 30, 2001)
128. Gabriel Quadri de la Torre, "Una breve crónica del ecologismo en México," Ciencias 4 (1990): 56-64
129. and Joe Foweraker and Ann L. Craig, Popular Movements and Political Change in Mexico (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1990)
130. Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan, "Toward Consolidated Democracies," in Consolidating Third Wave Democracies: Themes and Perspectives, ed. Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner, Yun-han Chu, and Hung-mao Tien (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 14-33
131. E. E. Schattschneider, Party Government (New York: Rinehart, 1942), 1
132. On horizontal accountability, see Guillermo O'Donnell, "Horizontal Accountability in New Democracies," in The Self-Restraining State: Power and Accountability in New Democracies, ed. Andreas Schedler, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1999), 29-51
133. Catalina Smulovitz and Enrique Peruzzotti, "Societal Accountability in Latin America, Journal of Democracy 11 (July 2000): 147-58
134. See Alison Brysk, "Democratizing Civil Society in Latin America," Journal of Democracy 11 (July 2000): 152-1651