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Volumn 20, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 491-520

Contesting women's rights: Charting the emergence of a transnational conservative counter-network

(1)  Chappell, Louise a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HUMAN RIGHTS; SOCIAL MOVEMENT; WOMENS STATUS;

EID: 33750507277     PISSN: 13600826     EISSN: 1469798X     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13600820600929853     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (58)

References (219)
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    • The NGO conference sponsored by the United Nations, which ran parallel to the Beijing Conference, was attended by over 30,000 people, while 3,000 gained official accreditation to attend the FWCW
    • The NGO conference sponsored by the United Nations, which ran parallel to the Beijing Conference, was attended by over 30,000 people, while 3,000 gained official accreditation to attend the FWCW. Friedman, op. cit., p. 313.
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    • The Holy See (a non-member state) has permanent observer status in the United Nations. Its status has been recently challenged by a coalition of women's religious and reproductive rights NGOs known as Seechange, which has petitioned the United Nations to remove the special status of the Church. In its view, the status gives the Holy See an unfair advantage compared to other NGOs and religions groups, enabling it to benefit from the consensus voting system of the United Nations and exert a degree of influence far beyond its authority. Catholics for a Free Choice (CFFC) Press Release available: (accessed 2 February 2004)
    • The Holy See (a non-member state) has permanent observer status in the United Nations. Its status has been recently challenged by a coalition of women's religious and reproductive rights NGOs known as Seechange, which has petitioned the United Nations to remove the special status of the Church. In its view, the status gives the Holy See an unfair advantage compared to other NGOs and religions groups, enabling it to benefit from the consensus voting system of the United Nations and exert a degree of influence far beyond its authority. Catholics for a Free Choice (CFFC) "International Campaign Calls in to Question Vatican's Seat at UN", Press Release (1999), available: www.cath4choice/ nobandwidth/English/new/pressrelease/internationalcampa. (accessed 2 February 2004).
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    • Soft international law refers to non-legally binding instruments that nevertheless create expectations about future action. Hard law relates to binding legal obligations on states, such as international treaties. (Manchester: Manchester University Press) In relation to women's rights, soft law has been developed through the documents to emerge from the international women's conferences. Examples of hard law are the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court
    • Soft international law refers to non-legally binding instruments that nevertheless create expectations about future action. Hard law relates to binding legal obligations on states, such as international treaties. Hilary Charlesworth and Christine Chinkin, The Boundaries of International Law: A Feminist Analysis (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), p. 66. In relation to women's rights, soft law has been developed through the documents to emerge from the international women's conferences. Examples of hard law are the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
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    • The G77 is the largest Third World coalition in the United Nations. It provides the means for the developing world to articulate and promote its collective economic interests and enhance its joint negotiating capacity on all major international economic issues in the UN system, and promote economic and technical cooperation among developing countries. Many Islamic countries that have played a prominent role in UN conference debates on women's issues are members of the G77, including Egypt, Morocco, Iran, Kuwait, Malaysia and Libya.
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    • In no sense does this paper suggest that either all Christian or Islamic activists fit within a conservative patriarchal paradigm. In Catholic, Protestant and Islamic traditions an array of alternative positions exist to challenge these views and much work, especially by feminist religious practitioners, has been undertaken to highlight the extent to which religious texts have been distorted to suit patriarchal political objectives. For Catholicism see
    • In no sense does this paper suggest that either all Christian or Islamic activists fit within a conservative patriarchal paradigm. In Catholic, Protestant and Islamic traditions an array of alternative positions exist to challenge these views and much work, especially by feminist religious practitioners, has been undertaken to highlight the extent to which religious texts have been distorted to suit patriarchal political objectives. For Catholicism see Neale, op. cit.;
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