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Volumn 12, Issue 3-4, 2006, Pages 555-576

Race, religion and identity in South Africa: A case study of a charismatic congregation

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CULTURAL IDENTITY; CULTURAL INFLUENCE; IDENTITY CONSTRUCTION; NATIONAL IDENTITY; POWER RELATIONS; RACE; RELIGION;

EID: 33749000857     PISSN: 13537113     EISSN: 15572986     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13537110600882858     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (12)

References (60)
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    • "Identity as a Variable"
    • There is vast debate in the social science literature about identity. For a useful summary of the contemporary debate and prevailing conceptual confusion, see Weatherhead Initiative in International Affairs, Harvard University, The research presented here makes use of a social constructivist framework
    • There is vast debate in the social science literature about identity. For a useful summary of the contemporary debate and prevailing conceptual confusion, see Rawi Abdelal, Yoshiko M. Herrera, Alastair Iain Johnston, and Rose McDermott, "Identity as a Variable," Weatherhead Initiative in International Affairs, Harvard University, http://www.wcfia.harvard.edu/misc/initiative/identity/papers/index.htm. The research presented here makes use of a social constructivist framework.
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    • "Coloured" was a racial category used to classify people of "mixed race" descent
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    • note
    • In a draft version of this article, I used the term "multiracial," which provoked objections from participants in the research and academic commentators. Throughout my research, there was no clear consensus as to which term the participants from the congregation, or South Africans in general, preferred. For instance, the congregation's website uses all three terms. A participant offered this feedback: I have noticed you have preferred to use the term "multiracialism" deliberately instead of non-racialism. Needless to say that I find this offensive⋯ For me, this seeks to emphasize how distinct one's race is amongst others. This was a similar tactic which was used by the oppressive white regime during the old apartheid era. They would, by crook and other means, bus in a load of black people into white areas or establishments to show a picture of a "happy South Africa" whilst our black people suffered silently in pain.... I speak as a South African with black experience. Non-racialism is a political state ofmind where, in my position in Christ, race is not emphasized but a commitment to fighting racism in all of its shape and size (email communication, 16 Feb. 2006).
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    • The "covenantal" aspects of Afrikaner identity derived from a particular interpretation of Calvinist theology. Akenson, God's People; (New York: St. Martin's Press,)
    • The "covenantal" aspects of Afrikaner identity derived from a particular interpretation of Calvinist theology. Akenson, God's People; Liz Fawcett, Religion, Ethnicity and Social Change (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000);
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    • (2001) Journal of Theology for Southern Africa , vol.109 , pp. 41-65
    • Hendriks, J.1    Erasmus, J.2
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    • The terms "Pentecostal" and "charismatic" are contested, and scholars have drawn a number of distinctions between them. Pentecostalism is often used to identify with the revival associated with Azusa Street, California, around the turn of the 20th century; whilst charismatic Christianity is often used to identify with revivals that have taken place in the last 40 years or so. Margaret Poloma uses the term Pentecostal/charismatic to emphasize the continuities and cross-fertilization of these forms of Christianity, and that is the convention I use here. Poloma, Main Street Mystics (New York: Altamira, 2003); see also (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,)
    • The terms "Pentecostal" and "charismatic" are contested, and scholars have drawn a number of distinctions between them. Pentecostalism is often used to identify with the revival associated with Azusa Street, California, around the turn of the 20th century; whilst charismatic Christianity is often used to identify with revivals that have taken place in the last 40 years or so. Margaret Poloma uses the term Pentecostal/charismatic to emphasize the continuities and cross-fertilization of these forms of Christianity, and that is the convention I use here. Poloma, Main Street Mystics (New York: Altamira, 2003); see also Allan Anderson, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004);
    • (2004) An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity
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    • note
    • The congregation was not associated with John Wimber's Vineyard movement, which originated in California.
  • 51
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    • New Frontiers, which has approaching 500 churches worldwide, is not a denomination in the conventional sense of having institutionalized structures or a headquarters, but there is much cooperation amongst congregations. See
    • New Frontiers, which has approaching 500 churches worldwide, is not a denomination in the conventional sense of having institutionalized structures or a headquarters, but there is much cooperation amongst congregations. See http://www.newfrontiers.xtn.org.
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    • accessed 21 Jan
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    • note
    • The participant's use of "multipeople" here is interesting. No other interviewees used this term. Participants tended to slip back and forth between the terms "multiracial," "multicultural" or "non-racial."
  • 56
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    • The empirical categories are based on narrative analysis of the interview transcripts. I conceived of the categories as fluid and existing in the "real world" rather than as abstract "ideal" types. By listening to the stories of the people who actually inhabit the categories, I aimed to deepen my understanding of the cognitive, normative and practical content of these categories as understood by the participants. In contrast to abstract and often restrictive ideal types, empirical types have the advantage of existing as "real types used by real people." (London: Macmillan Press,)
    • The empirical categories are based on narrative analysis of the interview transcripts. I conceived of the categories as fluid and existing in the "real world" rather than as abstract "ideal" types. By listening to the stories of the people who actually inhabit the categories, I aimed to deepen my understanding of the cognitive, normative and practical content of these categories as understood by the participants. In contrast to abstract and often restrictive ideal types, empirical types have the advantage of existing as "real types used by real people." John D. Brewer and Gareth Higgins, Anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland: The Mote and the Beam (London: Macmillan Press, 1998), p. 132.
    • (1998) Anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland: The Mote and the Beam , pp. 132
    • Brewer, J.D.1    Higgins, G.2
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    • note
    • I limited the data presented in this table to people who regularly attend Jubilee and who once regularly attended Jubilee and have left. The data from six interviewees was omitted.
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    • http://www.restitution.org.za.
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    • "An Example of a Local Church Response"
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    • Stephen van Rhyn and Dave Adams, "An Example of a Local Church Response" (http://www.restitution.org.za/localchurchresponse.htm, accessed 01 Sept. 2005).
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    • note
    • Some of Jubilee's projects, such as the Pregnancy Help Centre and Beauty for Ashes, are formally evaluated and monitored. This is especially so if the projects partner with other groups or receive outside funding. Gladys Ganiel is Lecturer in Reconciliation Studies at the Irish School of Ecumenics, Trinity College Dublin. She was a recipient of the Royal Irish Academy's Third Sector Research Programme Award for doctoral studies, which she completed in politics at University College Dublin (2005). She has been a postdoctoral scholar at the University of Cape Town.


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