Canon law and the end of the ordeal

Oxford Journal of Legal Studies

Volumn 26, Issue 3, 2006, Pages 473-513

  McAuley, Finbarr ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY COLLEGE DUBLIN   (Ireland)

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EID: 33748870735     PISSN: 01436503     EISSN: 14643820     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/ojls/gql015     Document Type: Article

References (416)

1. IV Lateran (1215) c. 18 (=X.3.50.9) in A. García y Garía (ed.), Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum Commentariis glossatorum (Vatican City, 1981) at 18; discussed below at section 8.
2. See also X 5.35.3 Dilecti filii, issued in 1220, where Pope Honorius III expressly extended the prohibition of 1215 to the secular sphere. The Abbreviations used in the notes to this article are as follows: D.1 c.1 = Decretum Gratiani, Distinctio I, can. I (=Pars I, Concordia discordantium canonum, Rome, 1582, repr. Venice, 1595, Lyon, 1606
3. Friedberg, ed., Leipzig, 1879) C.1 q.1 c.1 = Decretum Gratiani, Causa I, quaestio I, can. I (=Pars II, Concordia discordantium canonum, Rome, 1582, repr. Venice, 1595, Lyon, 1606
4. Friedberg, ed., Leipzig, 1879); X. 1.1.1 = Decretales Gregorii Noni, Lib. I, tit. I, cap. I (=Liber extra, Rome, 1582)
5. gl. ord. = Glossa ordinaria (standard commentary on texts of the Corpus iuris canonici and the Corpus iuris civilis); a.c. = Dictum of Gratian before chapter
6. C. = Causa (division of second part of Gratian's Decretum); p.c. = Dictum of Gratian after chapter
7. q. = quaestio (division within a causa of Gratian's Decretum)
8. s.v. = sub verbo (gloss on a phrase in a law or decretal); Dig. 1.1.1 = Digestum Justiniani, Lib. I, tit. I, lex I
9. Cod. 1.1.1 = Codex Justiniani, Lib. I, tit. I, lex I
10. PL = Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, ed. Migne (221 vols., Paris, 1844-1864)
11. QL = J. F. von Schulte, ed., Geschichte der Quellen und Literatur des Canonischen Rechts, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1875-1877, repr. Ganz, 1956)
12. Reg. = Die Register Innocenz' III. Ed. Othmar Hageneder et al. Five vols. Graz, Rome, Vienna, 1964-1997
13. ZSSRG-KA = Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rech-tsgeschichte, Kanonistiche Abteilung; Cor. = Corinthians; Deut. = Deuteronomy; Gen. = Genesis; Heb. = Hebrews; Lev. = Leviticus; Lk. = Luke; Matt. = Matthew; Num. = Numbers.
14. P. Fiorelli, La tortura giudiziaria nel diritto commune, vol. i (1953) at 8
15. R.C. van Caenegem, 'The Law of Evidence in the Twelfth Century: European Perspectives and Intellectual Background' in S. Kuttner and J.J. Ryan (eds), Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (1965) at 297-304
16. The Birth of English Common Law (1973) at 62-73
17. F. Pollock and F.W. Maitland, The History of English Law before the Time of Edward I, vol. ii (2nd edn, 1898) at 598-9
18. S.F.C. Milsom, Historical Foundations of the Common Law (1969) at 359
19. T.F.T. Plucknett, A Concise History of the Common Law (5th edn, 1956) at 113-25
20. J. Langbein, Torture and the Law of Proof. Europe and England in the Ancien Regime (1977) at 5-8
21. below n 164.
22. Plucknett, Concise History, above n 2 at 124-5
23. J. Baker, An Introduction to English Legal History (2nd edn, 1979) at 65
24. K. Shoemaker, 'Criminal Procedure in Medieval European Law. A Comparison between English and Roman-Canonical Developments after the IV Lateran Council' (1999) 116 ZSSRG-KA 174 at 181-4
25. C.L. Wells, 'The Origin of the Petty Jury' (1911) 27 LQR 347 at 357-61
26. F. McAuley and J.P. McCutcheon, Criminal Liability (2000) at 26-8.
27. J. Baldwin, 'The Intellectual Preparation for the Canon of 1215 against Ordeals' (1961) 36 Speculum 613-36
28. R. Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water. The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (1986) at 70-90.
29. The most celebrated Carolingian critic of the ordeal was Archbishop Agobard of Lyon (816-40), who taught that it was wrong to seek certainty through the ordeal since 'God's judgements are secret and impenetrable': Adversus legem Gundubadi, et impia certamina quae eam gerentur, PL 104 cols 117-9, 151.
30. On the early medieval sources, see C. Leitmaier, Die Kirche und die Gottesurteile (1953) at 44-6
31. J. Gaudemet, 'Les ordalies au moyen âge: Doctrine, legislation, et pratiques canoniques' (1965) 17 Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, La preuve, 2: 99-135.
32. F. Liebermann (ed.), Gezetze der Angelsachsen (3 vols, 1903-1916), vol. 2 at 601-4
33. T. L. M. E. de Rozière, Recueil général des formules usitées dans l'Empire des Francs du Ve au Xe siècle (3 vols, 1859-1871), vol. 2 at 770 et seq.
34. H.C. Lea, Superstition and Force (4th edn, 1892) at Pt III
35. P. Browe (ed.), De ordaliis, vol. 2 (1933) no. 1
36. Bartlett, above n 4 at 1
37. Plucknett, above n 4 at 114; text below at n 56. Broadly speaking, there were two types of unilateral ordeal. In trial by fire the proband had to carry a hot iron for a prescribed number of paces, walk bare-foot over nine ploughshares which had been heated by fire, or retrieve an object with his bare hand from a cauldron of hot water
38. Morris, below n 16 at 98. Following an interval of three days, the proband's injuries were examined by a priest on behalf of the court: If the wound had healed in the meantime, he was adjudged innocent; if it had become infected, he was guilty. In trial by water the proband was bound and secured by a rope and then suspended into a pit filled with water. If he sank a specified distance, marked by a knot on the rope, he was declared innocent. But if he floated he was guilty (on the theory that water would not receive a guilty man). While the presiding priest was responsible for interpreting the evidence of guilt or innocence, the physical manifestation of that evidence was regarded as the judicium Dei
39. Liebermann, above vol. 1 at 417-8
40. Shoemaker, above n 3 at 180.
41. J. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law (1995) at 48, 51 et seq.
42. C. Morris, The Discovery of the Individual 1050-1200 (1972) at 60.
43. The dialectical method used by the medieval canonists mirrored that of the philosophical theology of Peter Abelard (1079-1142) as set out in Sic et Non, PL 178 col 1339A;
44. below nn 41, 240.
45. Bartlett, above n 4 at 83;
46. Baldwin, above n 4 at 634-6.
47. 'Non negamus tamen quin ad divina aliquando recurrendum sit testimonia quando, praecedente ordinaria accusatione, omnino desunt humana testimonia': Ivo of Chartres (c. 1040-1115), Ep. 252, PL 162 col 258C; below nn 54, 68, 71, 244 and text
48. Bartlett, above n 4 at 24-29, 33
49. R.D. Groot, 'The Jury of Presentment before 1215' (1982) 26 AJLH 1
50. M.H. Kerr et al., 'Cold Water and Hot Iron: Trial by Ordeal in England' (1992) 22 JIH 573 at 575-6.
51. Trial by ordeal was also used in civil causes (even when one or both of the parties were ecclesesiastical persons): Bartlett, above n 4
52. Morris, below n 16 at 98 et seq.
53. R. Fraher, 'Preventing Crime in the High Middle Ages: The Medieval Lawyers' Search for Deterrence' in J.R. Sweeney and S. Chodorow (eds), Popes, Teachers and Canon Law in the Middle Ages (1989) 212 at 215 et seq.
54. H. Berman, Law and Revolution; The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (1983) at 90-113 below; section 4.
55. Below sections 5-7.
56. R. Fraher, 'IV Lateran's Revolution in Criminal Procedure: The Birth of Inquisitio, the End of Ordeals, and Innocent III's Vision of Ecclesiastical Politics' in R.I. Castillo Lara (ed.), Studia in Honorem Eminentissimi Cardinalis Alphonsi M. Stickler (1992) 97-111; below section 8.
57. Below section 8.
58. Below section 10.
59. Above n 4 at 162 et seq.; below nn 57, 58, 233, 240.
60. C. Morris, 'Judicium Dei: The Social and Political Significance of the Ordeal in the Eleventh Century' in D. Baker (ed.), Church, Society and Politics (1975) at 95
61. B. Tierney, The Crisis of Church and State 1050-1300 (1964, repr. 2004) at 2-3.
62. Above n 4 at 86.
63. D.20 c.3.
64. Num. 5: 12-28.
65. De divortio Lotharii, 6, PL 125 col 660A: 'De iudicio siquidem in libro Numeri scriptum est'; and col 664.
66. C.2 q.5 cc.20, 22.
67. C.2 q.5 c.21: 'In libro namque Numerorum legitur...Gratian [C.2 q.5. d.p.c.21, siding, without argument, with the prohibitionist line articulated by Pope Stephen V in Consuluisti, C.2 q.5 c.20] sed quelibet huiusmodi purgatio videtur esse inhibita, cum in premissa auctoritae Stephani Papae dicatur:'Spontanea confessione, etc.'
68. Verbum abbreviatum, 78, PL 205 cols 226-7.
69. 'Privilegia paucorum non faciant legem communem': Ibid col 543C.
70. Above n 4 at 85.
71. A. Watson, Sources of Law, Legal Change and Ambiguity (1984) at 22-4, 27-8, 68-75
72. The Evolution of Law (1985) at 43-65.
73. D.11 c.4: 'Usus et consuetude legem et rationem vincere non potest'.
74. D.12 c.8.
75. r.16 q.3 d.p.c.15 §4: 'Hec de prescriptionibus decennii, vel vicennii, vel tricennii intelligenda sunt, si sine interruptione possessa probentur'.
76. Gl. ord. to X.1.4.11. v legitime sit praescripta.
77. D.11 c.2: 'Statutis Pontificum consuetude cuiusquam refragari non potest'.
78. See, for example, Rufinus, Summa decretorum, to D.4 c.4 Statuimus, H. Singer (ed.), (1902) at 13.
79. Ibid to C.2 q.5 c.7 at 248. The language of C.2 q.5 c.7, issued in 1063, was equally forthright, describing ordeals as a 'vulgar...popular invention...lacking canonical sanction': 'Vulgarem denque, ac nulla canonica sanctione fultam legem... aut cuiuslibet popularis inventionis'.
80. X 5.34.8, lin. 8: 'peregrina iudicia sunt inhibita'.
81. B. Stock, The Implications of Literacy. Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the 11th and 12th Centuries (1984) at 42-59.
82. PL 162 cols 95-96, 235;
83. è siècle jusqu'au Decret de Gratien (1924) at 70-85.
84. C.2 q.5 d.a.c.20: 'Ferventis aquae et candentis ferri iudicium fieri in ecclesia prohibetur'.
85. C.2 q.5 d.p.c.20: 'Hoc autem utrum ad omnia genera purgationis, an ad hec duo tantum, que hic prohibita videntur, pertineat'.
86. For example, Bartlett, above n 4 at 82.
87. Above n 4 at 619.
88. Bologna, c. 1140
89. Abbreviations, above n 1.
90. On the development and application of the method of dialectical reasoning to the corpus of ecclesiastical law by Gratian (and his predecessors), see S. Kuttner, 'The Revival of Jurisprudence' in R.L. Benson and G. Constable (eds), Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century (1982) at 304-6
91. Brundage, above n 7.
92. C.2 q.5 c.23: 'Si furta in monasterio fiant, monachi iudicio se expurgent'. The essence of the ordeal was that those under suspicion were made to eat the consecrated bread of the Eucharist by way of declaring their innocence.
93. C.2 q.5 c.25: 'Statuit quoque sancta sinodus, ut, si duo de adulterio accusati fuerint, et ambo negaverint, et orant sibi concedi, ut alter illorum utrosque divino purget iudicio, si unus in hoc ceciderit, ambo rei habeantur'.
94. C.2 q.5 c.26: 'in singulis missam celebrare debet, et communicare, et de singulis sibi imputatis innocentem se ostendere'. On the different types of ordeal developed within the tradition of the church, see Morris, above n 16 at 99.
95. Including Nobilis homo from the Council of Tribur (895)-below n 49-and Qui presbiterum from the Council of Mainz (847)-permitting trial by fire and water for the servile classes-unearthed by later editors of the Decretum. See, for example, Rufinus of Bologna (1157-1159), Summa, above n 32 to C.2 q.5.
96. On the canons added to the late medieval vulgate text of the Decretum, which were known as paleae, see A. Winroth, The Making of Gratian's Decretum (2000) at 11.
97. Summa Decretorum (von Schulte, QL i), to C.2 q.5 c.23 Sepe contingit.
98. Summa, above n 32 to C.2 q.5 c.23 Sepe contingit.
99. Summa Decretorum, to C.2 q.5 c.23 Sepe contingit, Paris Bibl. Nat. Lat. 15994, fol. 37va, cited by Baldwin, above n 4 at 619 n 46.
100. C.2 q.5 c.15. This canon also permitted suspects from the higher orders to clear themselves by calling on twelve oathhelpers.
101. Summa: Elegantius in iure divino vernantia (Summa Coloniensis) (circa. 1169),
102. G. Fransen and S. Kuttner (eds), 4 vols, in the series Monumenta iuris canonici (MIC), Corpus glossatorum, vol. 1 (1969-90), to C.2: 'Hoc concilium quia sub scismate habitum est, ideo canones eius minus cogentem autoritatem habent'.
103. See, for example, Huguccio (d. 1210), above n 48 to C.2 q.5 c.22 Monomachiam (cited by Baldwin, above n 4 at 625 n 74), who, while drawing attention to the problem, concluded that defendants should nevertheless eschew the ordeal even if this meant automatically losing their case.
104. In contrast, Bernard of Pavia (d. 1213) concluded that, in going to the ordeal in these circumstances, 'defensor non peccat': Summa decretalium, v, 12 (ed), E.A.T. Laspeyres (1860, repr. 1956) at 226
105. as did Alanus Anglicus (fl. 1208-1238), Ius Naturale, L. Wahrmund (ed.), Quellen zur Geschichte des Römisch-kanonischen Prozesses im Mittelalter, vol. ii (3) (1926, repr. 1962), to C.2 q.5 c.22 Monomachiam.
106. The decision which determined the method of proof to be employed in the case: M. M. Bigelow, History of Procedure in England from the Norman Conquest, the Norman Period - 1066-1204 (1880) at ch. viii.
107. On the religious objectives which underpinned medieval canon law, see F. Calasso, Medio Evo del Diritto, I: Le Fonti (1954) at 478-9
108. Kuttner, below n 130 at 200. On the role played by the concept of immanent justice, the idea that God intervened in the natural order, see below n 233.
109. On the extensive use of Scriptural sources by canon law-yers, see below n 130 and section 5.
110. On the influence of the discipline of theology as developed in the schools, see J. de Ghellinck, Le Mouvement Théologique du XIIe Siècle (2nd edn, 1948)
111. B. Tierney, The Sources of Medieval History (5th edn, 1992) at 178-81, and the references cited below at nn 57-8.
112. It is important to stress that medieval canon law's many connections with theology did not compromise its status as law properly so called: B. Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory. The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (1998) at xviii
113. Brundage, above n 7 at 61
114. O. Robinson, Fergus and Gordon, An introduction to European legal history (1985) at 179-207
115. M. Bellomo, L'Europa del diritto commune (6th edn, 1993) at 65-77 (all discussing its role as a component part of the ius commune).
116. See also A. Watson, Failures of the legal imagination (1988) at 135-6, discussing the complementary role in the ius commune of the standard canon law glosses and commentaries; and nn 130, 233, 240 and text.
117. St Augustine, In questionum Genesis, quest. 26, cited in C.22 q.2 c.22 Queritur'
118. Simon of Bisignano, Summa decretorum to C.2 q.5 c.22 Monomachiam, Paris Bibl. Nat. LatN 3934A, fol. 66rb: 'Scriptum est enim: non temptabis dominum deum tuum, et hoc intelligas dum habent quod rationabili consilio faciant'.
119. See also the authorities cited by Baldwin above n 4 at 620-1.
120. In medieval canon law this argument was also used to justify trial by purgatory oath; below nn 68, 71.
121. Verbum abbreviatum, 78, PL 205 cols 226-8: 'Restat ergo ea [the unilateral ordeal] esse tollenda de medio Ecclesia, sicut et iactum sortium, praesertim cum nec auctoritate ejus sint instituta vel recepta, sed furtive et cupide subintroducta'.
122. 'Repudanda videntur peregrina iudicia cum non descendant de medio duorum montium, nec habeant veteri vel novo originem': Ibid col 543.
123. Following Hincmar of Rheims, De divortio Lotharii, 6, PL 125 cols 664, 668, 669, some modern writers have argued that the debate about the sacramental status of the ordeal could have gone the other way: Fraher, above n 12 at 106
124. Bartlett, above n 4 at 89. However, this approach ignores the fact that, although sacramental in the old sense of a sign or visible manifestation of hidden Divinity (St Augustine, Ep at 98.9, PL 33 col 364; Psalms, 18:2
125. R.W. Southern, St Anselm and his Biographer (1963) at 263
126. Shoemaker, above n 3 at 195), the judicium Dei lacked the element of personal sanctification demanded by the scholastic writers on the sacraments: Peter Lombard (d. 1164) Libri IV Sententiarum, c 1150 (ed.), Patres Collegii S Bonaventurae (1916) at d 1 n 2 and d 2 n 1
127. R. W. Southern, The Making of Middle Ages (1953) at 207-8). It should also be borne in mind that the thinness of the ordeal's sacramental credentials (as well as its contested status as a miracle) was only part of the problem. What eventually sealed the ordeal's fate was that it fell foul of a much wider theological critique which reached its apotheosis at Lateran IV: The thesis that its continuance was an obstacle to the establishment of a proper division of labour between the ecclesiastical order and the secular world; below section 8.
128. Verbum abbreviatum, 78, PL 205 col 226-7: 'Sed nemo debet tentare Deum, quando habet ex humana ratione quid faciat'. In the new scholastic theology miracles were sharply distinguished from natural events and became much harder to prove. This in turn promoted a culture of scepticism about them and the range of phenomena to which the term could properly be applied. Hence Peter the Chanter's claim that the results of the ordeal could be explained by appeal to natural causes, for example, as a function of the callousedness of the hand seizing the hot iron or perhaps as an effect of variations in the heat of the iron itself: 'Ferrum si a tribus deferatur minus ignitum et calidum ab ultimo. Unde et manus tertii inventa est non combusta, cum a tribus deferratur manusque aliorum combustae essent...Callosa est manus, vel non': PL 205 col 233.
129. Radding, 'Superstition to Science', below n 232 at 957-62, 964, has described this development as an early sign of sceptical materialism in European culture.
130. But this is wishful thinking. Like the corresponding rethinking of the sacraments - see preceding n - the new approach merely betokened a more parsimonious attitude to providentialism but left the idea itself intact: Bartlett, above n 4 at 162-64
131. Stock, above n 35 at 64-71
132. generally, M.-D. Chenu, La théologie au douzième siècle (1957); below nn 233, 240 and text.
133. Verbum abbreviatum, 78, PL 205 cols 230, 546.
134. In medieval canon law this rule was grounded on the scriptural admonition 'that the evidence of two or three witnesses is required to sustain any charge': Matt. 18:16; c.f., Deut 19:15, 2 Cor. 13:1. Thus at C.2 q.4 d.p.c.1 Gratian concludes 'quod duorum vel trium testimonio episcopus potest convinci et dampnari'.
135. Dig.48.2.3 and 7.1; Dig.48.10.28; W. Ullmann, 'Some Medieval Principles of Criminal Procedure' (1947) 59 Juridical Rev. 1. The position in medieval canon law is set out at C.2 q.3 c.2 Calumpniator:'Si accusator in accusatione defecerit, talionem recipiat'.
136. See also Tancred, Ordo iudiciarius (ed.), F. Bergmann, Libri de iudiciorum ordine (1842; repr. 1965) pars 2 tit 7 at 157: 'et si non probaverit quod obiciit, poenam quam intulerit pati debet, ut C.2 q.3 per totum'.
137. In medieval canon law the subscriptio in crimen was a key component of the ordo iudiciarius or established procedure. The ordo required a private accusator; a written charge or libellus filed before a iudex; the summoning of the defendant by the judge; the joinder of the issue; the testimony of two unimpeachable witnesses (innocentes testes) or confession by the accused; and adherence to the principle that punishment was dependent on a definitive finding of guilt by the court - L. Fowler-Magerl, Repertorien zur Frühzeit der gelehrten Rechte. Ordo iudiciorum vel ordo iudiciarius: Begriff und Literaturgattung. Ius commune, Sonderhefte, 19 (1984). Perhaps the most important component of the ordo iudiciarius was the principle that the onus of proof rested on the plaintiff: C.6 q.5 d.a.c.1; C.6 q.5 c.1; C.15 q.8 c.5
138. K. Pennington, 'Due Process, Community and the Prince in the Evolution of the Ordo iudiciarius' (1998) 9 Revista internazionale di diritto commune 9-47
139. L. Schulz, 'Die presumptio innocentiae - Verdacht und Vermutung der Unschuld' (2002) 119 ZSSRG-GA 193-218.
140. 'Et sic delicta remanebunt impunita, quia cum accusans sciat quod non cogetur testis, non accusabit, timens poenam talionis': Hostiensis (c. 1200-1271), Summa auria (1574, repr. 1963), tit. De testibus cogendis, col 637.
141. On the fragility of the ordo iudiciarius in light of this emphasis, see Fraher, above n 10 at 218.
142. 'Fama est vox credibilis plurimorum...id est a multis et a maiore parte populi vel viciniae': Baldus de Ubaldis (1327-1400), In decretalium volumen commentaria (1578, repr. 1971), to X 3.2.7.3.
143. X 3.2.8 Tua nos: Below nn 87-91 and text.
144. C.2 q.5. c.16 Si mala fama.
145. C.2 q.5 d.a.c.5: 'Sacerdos a populo accasatus iuramento innocentiam suam affirmet'. See also C.2 q.5 d.p.c.4 and cc.11-13; and C.6 q.5 c.2, C.15 q.5 c.1. Like trial by fire and water, the purgatory oath could only be used where affirmative proof was lacking: Above n 52; 'quia purgatio est subsidiaria, scilicet quando crimen aliter probari non potest': Panormitanus (d. c.1450), Commentaria super decretalium libros (1615), to X 5.34.2, n 1.
146. X 5.34.7 Purgatores vero: 'Deficientem vero in purgatione omni officio et beneficio ecclesiastico privare procures'; X 5.34.10 Inter silicitudines.
147. The oath was taken while touching the Bible: X 5.34.5: 'iurabit primum super sancta Dei evangelia'; and in the place where the infamia existed: Gl. ord. to C.15 q.5 c.1.
148. See above nn 67-70; C.2 q.5 d.p.c.18; C.22 q.1 c.6 Tu malum, justifying purgation on the grounds of necessity; and X 5.34.5 and X 5.16.5 (purgation should only be used where there is no other legitimate proof available, cases of suspected adultery being regarded as an especially apt field of application).
149. R. Helmholz, The ius commune in England. Four studies (2001) at 101-02
150. J. Gaudamet, Le serment dans le droit canonique médiéval, vol. 2 (1991) at 63-75
151. V. Ziegler, Trial by Fire and Battle in Medieval German Literature (2004) at 3
152. J. Gaudemet, Storia del diritto canonico. Ecclesia et Civitas (1998) at 225: 'Un'altra prova che fa appello a Dio è il giaramento purgatorio. Anch'esso (come l'ordalia) non stabilisce un fatto, bensì la 'purezza' di colui che presta tale giuramento, e di conseguenza l'affidabilità delle sue dichiarazioni'. The logic of the purgatory oath was grounded in the apostolic statement that 'an oath for confirmation is to them an end of all strife': Heb. 4: 16. On the deep structure of the judicium Dei in the context of the unilateral ordeal, see below n 233.
153. On the similarities between the unilateral judicial ordeal (including the ordeal of the oath) and the fledgling trial by jury, see Shoemaker, above n 3 at 184
154. R. von Mochzisker, Trial by Jury (2nd edn, 1930) at 54
155. Plucknett, above n 2 at 125
156. R.C. Palmer, 'Conscience and the Law: The English Criminal Jury' (1986) 84 Mich LR 787 at 794
157. M. Damaška, 'Atomistic and Holistic Evaluation of Evidence: A Comparative View' in D. Clark (ed.), Essays in Honor of John Merryman on his Seventieth Birthday (1990) at 91.
158. Ziegler, above n 72 at 3
159. '[prelates] delinquerent insolenter'), Pope Innocent III, Ut famae, below n 132.
160. But see the qualification made by Helmholz, above n 72 at 106.
161. Hence Maitland's famous conclusion that canonical purgation was 'little better than a farce': Above n 2 at 443.
162. Although there is no firm empirical or narrative evidence for Maitland's sweeping claim, modern scholars are agreed that the medieval purgatory oath was vulnerable to abuse both by stealthily changing the formula in which the oath was uttered and by speaking the correct formula while knowing it did not reflect the truth: H. Hattenhauer, Das Recht der Heiligen (1976) at 76-82
163. R.J. Hexter, Equivocal Oaths and Ordeals in Medieval Literature (1975) at 1-2.
164. Brundage, above n 7 at 75.
165. C.2 q.5 c.8 Quanto a nobis (simony was regarded as a species of heresy in medieval canon law; Fraher, above n 10 at 216).
166. R.I. Moore, The First European Revolution, c. 970-1215 (2000) at 166-73.
167. Below section 8, especially text at n 179.
168. X 2.25.1 Denique; Hostiensis (c. 1200-1271), Summa aurea, tit. De exceptionibus 1-2 (1537, repr. 1962), fol. 228va.
169. Brundage, above n 7 at 144.
170. The exception could also be used to prevent an alleged criminal from receiving ordination: X 2.25.1 Denique; Hostiensis, above n 79.
171. Matt. 18: 15-17; c.f. Lev. 19:17; H. Coing, 'English Equity and the Denunciatio Evangelica of the Canon Law' (1955) 71 LQR 223-41.
172. But if the denunciator omitted the requisite fraternal admonition, the case could not proceed per denunciationem: X 5.1.2 Si quis episcopus; Tancred, above n 61 at 152: 'unde, si denunciator non praemonuit, repellitur a denun-ciatione'.
173. Above n 72 at 120.
174. Above nn 61-62 and text.
175. Brundage, above n 7 at 143.
176. J.-P. Levy, La hiérarchie des preuves dans le droit savant du Moyen-Age (1939) at 33-43
177. F. Migliorino, Fama e infamia: Problemi della società medievale nel pensiero giuridico nei secoli XII e XIII (1985) at 49-55; Cod. 9.47.16; Dig. 2.8.5.1.
178. On the difference between manifest and notorious crime, and the interpenetration of both concepts with the related idea of fama, see M. Macnair, 'Vicinage and the Antecedents of the Jury' (1999) 17 LHR 537, nn 165-67 and text
179. R. Fraher, 'Conviction According to Conscience: The Medieval Jurists' Debate Concerning Judicial Discretion and the Law of Proof' (1989) 7 LHR 23 at 43.
180. The concept of notorious crime was a specifically canonical invention; 'tractatum de notoriis criminibus non habemus in iure nostro, sed canonistes habent tractatum longum': Bartolus de Saxoferrato (d. 1357), In ius universum civile commentaria (1562), to Dig. 48.16.6.3.
181. Thus in the decretal Vestra, Pope Lucius urged parishioners to boycott masses celebrated by notoriously concubinous priests 'in order that licence to sin may be denied to others': X 3.2.7 Nullus audiat.
182. Above n 62.
183. Gl. ord. ad X 3.2.7 Vestra: 'est multum difficilis et periculosa'. Similarly, Hostiensis counselled adherence to the ordo iudiciarius in notorium cases save where it would lead to grave scandal or serious danger: Lectura in quinque decretalium libros (1512), to X 3.2.8
184. X 3.2.8 Tua nos: 'nulla posit tergiversatione celari'.
185. Tua nos drew a sharp distinction between a crimen notorium (a crime indupitably known to have been commited) and an allegation of criminality arising 'ex fama' (as a result of widespread public suspicion); only the former, as determined by the judge, warranted the emasculation of the ordo iudiciarius: X 3.2.8.
186. Thus in his decretal Quaesitum, preserved at X 3.2.10, Pope Gregory IX wrote that there could be no punishment in notorium cases unless the defendant confessed to the judge or the facts were such that his guilt was not in doubt: 'seu per confessionem factam in iure, aut per evidentiam rei, quae tergiversatione aliqua celari non possit'; below section 7.
187. 'Der Inquisitionprozess entstand unter Innozenz III. durch die veränderung eines bereits in der Kirche üblichen verfahrens, nämlich des Infamationprozess': Trusen, below n 104 at 229; and below text at n 107.
188. C.2 q.1 c.13 Primo semper: 'neminem condempnetis...sed primum probate'; C.15 q.5 d.a.c.2: 'Non est spoliandus presbiter vel diaconus, nisi sponte confessus aut legitime convictus fuerit'; C.15 q.5 c.2 Presbiter.
189. Gl. ord. to X 1.6.23 s.v. per rerum naturam.
190. D.32 c.11 and gl. ord. to same s.v. secretorum.
191. Helmholz, above n 72 at 113-14; Ut nostrum, issued in 1198 and preserved at X 3.12.1: 'quoniam, etsi locum Dei teneamus in terris, non tamen de occultis potuimus divinare
192. S. Kuttner, 'Ecclesia de occultis non iudicat: Problemata ex doctrina poenali decretistrarum et decretalistrarum a Gratiano usque ad Gregorium papam IX' in Actus Congressus iuridici internationalis Romae,vol. iii (1936) at 225
193. H. Kelly, 'Inquisitorial Due Process and the Status of Secret Crimes' in S. Chodorow (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (1992) at 407-27.
194. Thus the title in the Decretales Gregorii IX (Liber extra) dealing with criminal prosecutions - X 5.1 - Is styled 'De accusationibus, inquisitionibus et denunciationibus' (Emphasis added).
195. X 3.12.1 Ut nostrum: 'ex oficii debito possumus et debemus de subditorum excessibus ad correctionem inquirere veritatem'. On the inquisitorial element in the much older canonical institution of the bishop's visitatio, see Burchard of Worms, Decretum Bk. 1, c.90-95, PL 140 cols 537 et seq.
196. A. Esmein, A History of Continental Criminal Procedure with Special Reference to France (trans. J. Simpson, 1968) at 83-85; below nn 196-8 and text.
197. X 5.34.10 Inter solicitudines: 'Licet contra eum nullus accusator legitimus appareret, ex officio tuo tamen, fama publica deferente, voluisti plenius inquirere veritatem'.
198. X 5.1.17 Generales inquisitores: 'meram et plenam dicant inquisitoribus veritatem'.
199. X 5.1.21 Inquisitionis negotium: 'nullum esse pro crimine, super quo aliqua non laborat infamia, seu clamosa insinuati non processerit'.
200. On the role of these early decretals in the making of trial by inquisition, see W. Trusen, 'Der Inquisitionsprozess: Seine historischen Grundlagen und frühen Formen' (1988) 74 ZSSRG-KA 168-230
201. above n 94.
202. IV Lat. c.8 Qualiter et quando (=X 5.1.24).
203. Tancred (c. 1185-c. 1236), above n 61 at 94, pars. 1, tit. 1 §3 [written between 1214 and 1216]: 'Officium cuiuslibet iudicis latissimum est...Debet enim omnia, quae ad causam pertinent, diligenter inquirere et ordinem rerum plena inquisitione discutere')
204. Panormitanus (d. c. 1450), above n 68 to X 5.1.24 Qualiter et quando: 'Proprie processus inquisitionis est quando iudex facit ex officio suo puro et mero nemine deferente et impetrante inquisitionem'; above n 101; below n 125.
205. However, this did not mean that the roles of judge and prosecutor had been rolled into one; the settled theory was that fama took the place of the accusator: IV Lat. c. 8, lin. 15-17: 'non tamquam idem sit accusator et iudex, sed...fama vel deferente clamore oficii sui debitum exsequatur'.
206. IV Lat. c.8, lin. 11-14; below nn 197, 198 and text.
207. Above text at nn 65-71.
208. IV Lat. c.8, lin. 12-14: '[clamor et fama]non quidem a malevolis et maledictis, sed a provides et honestes, nec semel tantum, sed saepe, quod clamor innuit et diffamatio manifestat'.
209. See Gandinus, Tractatus Diversi Super Maleficiis (1555; ms completed in Siena in 1299), r.Quomodo de maleficiis cognoscatur per inquisitionem.
210. X 5.1.19; Panormitanus (d. c. 1450), above n 68 to X 5.1.19 Quum oporteat.
211. IV Lat. c.8, lin. 39-42: 'Debet igitur esse praesens is, contra quem facienda est inquisitio, nisi se per contumaciam absentaverit, et exponenda sunt ei illa capitula de quibus fuerit inquirendum, ut facultatem habeat defendendi se ipsum'.
212. See also Durantis (d. 1296), Speculum iudiciale (1574, repr. 1975), s.v. de inquisitionibus at 36.
213. 'Post hoc interrogabitur; quod si confessus, bene, procedat ad poenam. Si vero negaverit, tunc inquisitur inducat testes': Durantis, ibid s.v. de inquisitionibus at 34.
214. IV Lat., c.8, lin. 39-42: 'Et non solum dicta, sed etiam nomina testium sunt ei, ut quid et a quo sit dictum appareat, publicanda'.
215. Durantis, above n 111 s.v. de inquisitionibus at 33.
216. IV Lat., c.8, lin. 43: 'exceptiones et replicationes legitimae admittendae'.
217. Above n 111 lib. 3, partic. 1, rubr. Manifestum quid sit, pr., v. Licet aperta at 47-8.
218. Above n 7 at 95. Although he does not cite supporting authority, Brundage's conclusion is consistent with Literis tue, preserved at X 2.23.12, in which Pope Alexander III (1159-81) concluded that 'violenta et certa suspicione fornicationis' was enough to prove adultery; X 2.23.13 Terto loco; X 2.20.27 Praeterea (below nn 149, 152), and X 3.27.3 Quum dilectus.
219. See also Pope Innocent IV [Sinibaldo dei Fieschi, d. 1254], In quinque decretalium libros commentaria (1616), to X 2.23.10 v. verisimile
220. J.-P. Levy, 'Le probleme de la Preuve dans les Droits Savants au Moyen Age' (1965) 17 Recueils de la Société Jean Bodin, La Preuve 2: 137 at 158.
221. 'Nam tortura fuit inventa ob defectum probationum ad veritatem investigandum': Robertus Maranta, Tractatus de ordine iudiciorum...intitulatus Speculum aureum (1549), s.v. tortura n 12.
222. Brundage, above n 7 at 53.
223. D.20, c.3; above text at n 19. 4 Lat., c. 8 Qualiter et quando is a good example: 'Qualiter et quando debeat prelates procedere ad inquirandum et puniendum subditorum excessus, ex auctoritatibus veteris et novi testamenti colligitur evidenter, ex quibus postea processerunt canonicae sanctiones, sicut olim aperte distinximus, et nunc sacri approbatione concilii confirmamus'.
224. Gesta Innocenti III, 214, PL 17 col. 2.
225. Despite his fame as a lawyer-pope, it is unclear whether Innocent studied canon law at Bologna under Huguccio while he was a student there: K. Pennington, 'The Legal Education of Pope Innocent III' (1974) 4 BMCL 70-77
226. (1986) 72 ZSSRG-KA 417-28
227. J.C. Moore, 'Lotario dei Conti di Sengi (Pope Innocent III) in the 1180s' (1991) 29 Archivum historiae pontifici 255-58
228. R. Kay, 'Innocent III as Canonist and Theologian' in J.C. Moore (ed.), Pope Innocent III and his World (1999) at 36.
229. Above text at nn 60-64.
230. See the statement of principle in X 5.34.10 above n 101.
231. X 5.1.16 Super his: '[q]uando crimen in modum denunciationis opponitur, non est inscriptio necessaria'. Denunciatio here refers to the fama which triggers the inquisitio, not to the denunciatio evangelica discussed above at nn 81-85 and text: Durantis, Speculum, above n 111 s.v. de accusationibus at 24
232. Esmein, above n 100 at 86-87.
233. C.4 q.4 d.a.c.1: 'Accusator, testis vel iudex aliquis simul esse non potest'; 'Debet esse iudex medius inter utramque partem et personem, non declinando a dextris neque a sinistris': Gandinus, Tractatus (fin. rev. 1299), above n 109 rubr. Qualiter advicati circa accusationem se debent habere.
234. Adumbrated in Qualiter et quando, above, note 105
235. later advanced by Panormitanus (d. c. 1450), above n 68 to X 5.1.7: 'Nota quod in inquisitione judex non tenet hanc partes, sed infamia est loco accusatores seu denunciatores'; and to X 5.1.17.
236. IV Lat. c.8 Qualiter et quando, lin. 8-10: 'Et in Genesis [18:20-21] Dominus ait: 'Descendam et videbo, utrum clamorem, qui venit ad me, opere compleverint'.
237. IV Lat. c.8 Qualiter et quando, lin. 5-8: 'Legitur enim in evangelio [Lk. 16:1-8], quod vicillus ille, qui diffamatus errat apud dominum suum, quasi dissipasset bona ipsius audivit ab illo: "Quid hoc audio de te? Redde rationem villicationis tuae, iam enim non poteris amplius villicare".'
238. Above nn 100-109 and text; and X 5.3.30 Dilectus filius (dealing with allegations of simony).
239. Brundage, above n 7 at 148.
240. This criticism seems unduly harsh given the vital role analogical reasoning from Scriptural sources played in the medieval canonists' largely successful attempt to specify the attributes of the criminal trial within the framework of the developing concept of due process or ordo iudiciarius: K. Pennington, The Prince and the Law 1200-1600. Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition (1993) at 142 et seq.
241. R. Fraher, '"Ut nullus describatur reus prius quam convincatur": Presumption of Innocence in Medieval Canon Law' in S. Kuttner and K. Pennington (eds), Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (1985) 494.
242. Brundage's criticism also misses the point that analogical reasoning from sacred Scripture was a characterisitic feature of 12th-century thought; the Bible was approached from the perspective of the tradition of textual interpretation bequeathed by the Church Fathers and refined by contemporary logicians: Stock, above n 35 at ch. 3
243. R.W. Southern, The Making of the Middle Ages (1953) at 216-8.
244. 'The Theoretical Justification for the New Criminal Law of the High Middle Ages: "Rei publicae interest ne crimina remaneant impunita"' (1984) University of Illinois Law Review 577 at 578
245. above n 10 at 223-24.
246. See also M. Damaška, 'The Death of Legal Torture' (1978) 87 Yale LJ 866.
247. X 5.1.17 Qualiter et quando: 'Et ideo sancti patres provide statuerunt, ut accusatio praelatorum non facile admittatur...nisi diligens adhibeatur cautela, per quam non solum falsae, sed etiam malignae criminationis ianua praecludatur [sed] ut tamen caverent, ne delinquerent insolenter'.
248. The discussion in the remainder of this section is based on Fraher, above n 131.
249. X 5.39.35 Ut famae: '[Prelates] excessus corrigere debeant subditorum, et publicae utilitatis intersit, ne crimina remaneant impunita, et per impunitatis audaciam fiant qui nequam fuerant nequiores'.
250. Hostiensis' fame as a canonist is recorded in Dante's Divina commedia: Paradiso, XII.82-97.
251. See J. F. von Schulte, QL ii at 123-30.
252. 'damnabitur innocens...et nocens absolvetur...Et sic delicta remanebunt impunita, quia cum accusans sciat quod non cogetur testis, non accusabit, timens poenam talionis': Hostiensis (1190-1271), above n 63 tit. De testibus cogendis, col 637.
253. Above n 111. The work was written while Durantis (d. 1296) was a serving judge in the papal courts in Rome.
254. Ibid pars tertia, fol. 1.
255. Ullmann, above n 61 at 1
256. Fraher, above n 87 at 23.
257. On the role of the concept of notorium in this process, see above nn 87-93 and text.
258. X 5.1.17 Generales inquisitores: 'meram et plenam dicant inquisitoribus veritatem'; X 5.1.18 Quum delicti: 'plenam et meram diceret veritatem, an ita, ut ad inquisita veraciter responderet'.
259. Above text at nn 65-8.
260. Summa, above n 63 s.v. De inquisitionibus
261. X 3.2.8 Tua nos.
262. Above n 72.
263. Until recently, it has been assumed, following Maitland, that '[m]istakes in form were probably fatal at every stage': Above n 2 (vol. i) at 38.
264. But this view has recently been challenged by Helmholz, above n 72 at 101-2.
265. See also, R.F. Green, A Crisis in Truth: Literature and Law in Ricardian England (1999) at 100-1.
266. J.H. Wigmore, A Treatise on the Anglo-American System of Evidence (3rd edn, 1940) at 273.
267. Above n 141 and text.
268. In X 2.20.27 Praeterea the net issue was whether in the absence of eyewitness testimony ('sed de visu nihil affirmant') other evidence of carnal relations would suffice. Pope Celestine III (1191-1198) replied that indirect testimony would be enough provided it was given on oath and supported by strong evidence of ill-fame ('praesumptionem violentam fama').
269. Mere indicia - 'les simples indices' as Levy has described them - were not enough to convict, although they might justify recourse to judicial torture: Above n 117 at 159
270. M. Schmoeckel, Humanitât und Staatraison: Die Abschajfiung der Folter in Europa und die Entwiklung des gemeinen Strafprozefiund Beweisrechts seit dem hohen Mittelalter (2000) at 267-94
271. Neminem damnes, antequas inquires veritatem' (2001) 118 ZSSRG-KA 191-225
272. Kuttner, below n 180 at 24-5, insisting that the judge had to base his conclusions on external manifestations of guilt - 'signa exteriora, circumstantiae, indicia'.
273. X 2.20.37 Diligenter, promulgated by Innocent III in 1206, and placed by Pope Gregory IX under the rubric: 'Diligenter examinandi sunt testes'; X 2.20.52 Venerabili (to similar effect, promulgated in 1225 by Pope Honorius III); X 2.20.53 Quum clamor, promulgated by Gregory IX: 'dedimus in mandatis, ut super his diligenter veritatem inquirent'.
274. See also Damaska, below n 232 at 36
275. Ullman, below n 225 at 83
276. X 2.20.27 Praeterea: 'Etenim circumspectus iudex atque discretus... motum animi sui ex argumentis et testimoniis, quae rei aptiora esse compererit, confirmabit'. There had to be what Pope Allexander III described as 'violent presumptions' (violentae presumptiones) of guilt - above n 117
277. anything less 'ne pouvait convenir aux process criminals où il faut, pour condamner, des preuves plus claires que le jour': Levy, 'La preuve' above n 117 at 158; below n 153 and text.
278. See also Innocent IV, above n 117 to X 2.23.10 v. verisimile.
279. Bartolus, above n 87 to Cod. 4.19.25:
280. 'In criminalibus exiguntur probationes luce clariores'; Gandinus, Tractatus de maleficiis, r. De presumptionibus et indiciis indubitatus (fin. rev., 1299), Oxford, Bodleian Can. Misc. 468, fol. 127-32: 'quia in criminalibus causis intervenire debent et requiruntur probationes clariores luce'
281. Above nn 132, 134 and text.
282. Above n 111 pars iii, r. De notoriis criminibus.
283. Ibid r.Quid sit manifestum.
284. Lectura in quinque Gregorii decretalium libros (Paris, 1512), to X 3.2.8.
285. See Fraher, above n 87 at 23.
286. Pace St. Augustine, this principle is stated in C.22 q.2 c.22 Queritur; above n 54; nn 68 and 71.
287. Helmholz, above n 72 at 121-4.
288. This argument goes to the erosion of the theoretical and juridical basis of trial by fire and water not to the decline of the practice.
289. This was one of the mocking claims frequently made by Peter the Chanter; above nn 58-9 and text.
290. A.C. Shannon, The Medieval Inquisition (2nd edn, 1991) at 100 et seq. At all events, we know that by 1212 Innocent III had made up his mind that vulgar procedures such as trial by fire and water (and the judicial duel), although countenanced by the secular courts, were not permitted under canon law: Epistola 14.138, PL 216 col 502.
291. The unilateral ordeal was proscribed almost immediately in kingdoms - such as England and Denmark - with centralized systems of government and close ties with the papacy, but was slower to disappear elsewhere: Bartlett, above n 4 at 127
292. above n 56, below n 213 and text.
293. The pattern of its disappearance in England was somewhat different: Helmholz, above n 72 at 123-4.
294. Above n 12 at 99
295. Schmoeckel, above n 150 at 225, sees the consolidation of the rules of evidence in 12th-century canon law in similar terms.
296. Fraher, above n 166 at 106-7
297. Morris, above n 16 at 105-6.
298. IV Lat. c.38.
299. Above n 12 at 109
300. Pennington, above n 130 at 135-6.
301. IV Lat. c.38, lin. 14-16:' quatenus hoc adhibito moderamine sic honestis et discretis deferatur iudicibus, quod per improvidos et iniquos innocentium iustitia non laedatur'.
302. IV Lat. c.38, lin. 7-10: 'videlicet citationes et dilationes... appellationes, renunciationes, conclusiones, et cetera'.
303. Gratian, C.25 q.1 d.p.c.16 §2 Ideo permittente:'Quanquam si decretorum intentionem diligenter advertamus, nequaquam contra sanctorum canonum auctoritatem aliquid concedere inveniantur'; Dig. 1.3.25 (Modestinus).
304. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 1: 'Sententiam sanguinis nullus clericus dictet aut proferat'.
305. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 1-2: 'set nec sanguinis vindictam exerceat aut ubi exerceatur intersit'.
306. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 4-6: 'Nec quisquam clericus litteras dictet aut scribat pro vindicta sanguinis destinandas'.
307. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 7-8: 'Nullus quoque clericus ruptariis vel balistariis aut huismodi viris sanguinum praeponatur'.
308. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 8-10: 'nec ullam chirurgiae artem subdiaconus, diaconus, vel sacerdos exerceat, quae adustionem vel incisionem inducit'.
309. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 10-12: 'Nec quisquam purgationi acque ferventis vel frigide seu ferri candentis ritum cuiuslibet benedictionis aut consecrationis impendat'. The prohibition continues: 'salvis nihilominus prohibitionibus, de monomachiis sive duellis antea promulgatis'. The reference to monomachia is a reflection of the Church's long-standing opposition to trial by battle, given legislative form in a decretal of Pope Nicholas I preserved at C.2 q.5 c.22 Monomachiam. The enactment of Sententiam sanguinis did not prove fatal to trial by battle; since priestly involvement in the practice was incidental rather than essential, 'clerical disengagement from the duel did not deal it a death blow'
310. Bartlett, above n 4 at 122.
311. Gaudemet, above n 72 at 566.
312. The canonical basis for a penology of correction (as opposed to revenge) is set out by Gratian at C.23 q.4 d.p.c.15 Hec autem. See S. Kuttner, Kanonistische Schuldlehre von Gratian bis auf die Dekretalen Gregors IX (1935) at 4-6, 19-20
313. Berman, above n 11 at 185-98.
314. IV Lat. c.18, lin. 2-4: 'Si quis autem huiusmodi occasioni statuti ecclesiis vel ecclesiasticis personis aliquod praesumpserit inferre dispendium, per censuram ecclesiasticam compescatur'.
315. Whitman, below n 201 at Pt II (1).
316. Gaudemet, above n 72 at 534-96
317. P. Brown, 'Society and the Supernatural' (1975) 104 Dædalus 133 at 134-5
318. Bartlett, above n 4 at 98-9; above nn 57-8.
319. Tierney, above n 16 at 45-52.
320. PL 116 col 823; Reg. Vat. 8. fo., 142r, n. 30 (olim 26); A. Melloni, 'Vineam Domini - 10 April 1213: New Efforts and Traditional Topoi - Summoning Lateran IV' in J.C. Moore (ed.), above n 121 at 63-73.
321. IV Lat. cc.63-66.
322. IV Lat. c.16.
323. IV Lat. c.15.
324. IV Lat. c.16.
325. IV Lat. cc.19-20.
326. IV Lat. c.17.
327. IV Lat. c.14, lin. 1-5: 'continenter et caste vivere studeant universi'.
328. IV Lat. c.15, lin. 1-2: 'a crapula et ebrietate omnes clerici diligenter abstineant, unde vinum sibi temperent, et se vino...quum ebrietas et mentis inducat exsilium et libidinis provocet incentivum'.
329. IV Lat. c.16.
330. IV Lat. c.17.
331. IV Lat. c.8.
332. IV Lat. c.6, lin. 1-4: 'metropolitani singulis annis cum suis suffraganeis provincailia non omittant concilia celebrare, in quibus de corrigendis excessibus et moribus reformandis, praesertim in clero'.
333. IV Lat. c.6
334. above n 107 and text.
335. Above nn 170-2 and text.
336. Summa de sacramentis et animae consiliis, quoted in Baldwin, above n 4 at 632 n 113.
337. James Q. Whitman, 'The Origins of "Reasonable Doubt"' (March 1, 2005). Yale Law School.Yale School/Faculty Scholarship Series. Paper 1, text at nn 70-71. http://Isr.nellco.org/yale/fss/papers/1
338. The Origins of Reasonable Doubt: Theological Roots of the Criminal Law (forthcoming, Yale University Press), Chap. 3.
339. 1 John 3:15.
340. 'Homicidas enim et sacrilegos et venenarios punire, non est effusio sanguinis, sed legum ministerium': St. Jerome, Opera omnia, PL 24 col 811C-D, and C.23 q.5 c.31
341. 'Cum homo juste occiditur, lex eum occidit, non tu': St Augustine, Quaestiones in heptateuchum, PL 34 col 707; below n 205.
342. Here Gratian was following St Augustine who also gave prominence to the argument from ordinary language: 'sed homicidae isti appellare non solent': De libero arbitrio, PL 32 col 1226.
343. 'Si homicidium est hominem occidere, potest occidere aliquando sine peccato. Nam et miles hostem, et iudex vel minister eius nocentem, et cui forte inuito atque imprudenti telum manu fugit, non michi uidentur peccare, cum hominem occidunt. Sed nec etiam homicidae isti appellari solent. Idem in questionibus Leuitici: [q. 68, ad c.19] §1. Cum homo iuste occiditur, lex eum occidit, non tu': C.23 q.5 c.41 Si homicidium.
344. Decretum, above n 100 at Lib. 6, c.31.
345. De libero arbitrio, PL 32 col 1227.
346. Above text at nn 173-4.
347. Above nn 203, 204 and text.
348. Above n 205 and text.
349. Above text at n 175.
350. IV Lat. c.8, lin. 6-7: 'unde in curiis principum haec solicitudo non clericus, sed laicis commitatur'.
351. Above n 6.
352. Above text at nn 200-1.
353. Above section 2.
354. Above text at n 176.
355. 'Dal'XI al XIII secolo concili e papi ripetono lo stesso divieto': Gaudemet, above n 72 at 567.
356. The Decretum brings out the difficulties faced by the medieval Church on this topic: C.23 q.8 (clerics should not bear arms); C.23 q.8 d.p.c.6 (but they are permitted to encourage others to take them up in defence against an aggressor).
357. C.23 q.8 c.19 Reprehensibile: 'Episcopi non debent militaribus occupari negociis...cum militum Christi sit Christo servire, milites vero seculi serviant, sicut scriptum est: "Nemo militans Deo implicat se negociis secularibus".'; X 5.37.5; X 5.39.29.
358. Above text at n 177.
359. Hence Raymond of Penyafort's decision to place Sententiam sanguinis in Book 3, Title 50 of the Decretals of Gregory IX (1234), 'Ne clerici vel monachi saecularibus negotiis se immisceant'
360. above n 1.
361. Above n 2.
362. Above n 2.
363. Above n 2 at 6.
364. Ibid.
365. Nor does it allow for the use of circumstantial evidence in the civilian strand of the ius commune: Fraher, above n 87 at 23
366. M. Damaška, below n 232 at 37
367. 'Hearsay in Cinquecento Italy' in Studi in Onore di Vittorio Denti, I (1994) 59 at 61-6
368. W. Ullman, 'Medieval Principles of Evidence' (1946) 62 LQR 77 at 83.
369. Langbein's thesis is also contradicted by the current of 12th-century epistemology, which was based on 'the recognition of the autonomy of reason in the discussion of philosophical and theological problems': Southern, above n 130 at 184
370. Stock, above n 35 at Chap 3
371. Morris, above n 7 at ch. 4
372. and by Gratian's Decretum which placed a premium on human judgement in the interrogation of all forms of ecclesiastical authority: Above n 7 and text, below n 240.
373. Above nn 91-3, 100-2.
374. See the views of Pope Innocent IV, above n 117.
375. Above nn 91-2, 117 and text.
376. Above nn 155-6 and text.
377. Above n 153 and text.
378. Above n 4 at 614
379. R.C. van Caenegem, 'Methods of Proof in Western Criminal Law' in Legal History: A European Perspective (1991) at 71
380. above n 2 at 297-304.
381. This approach can be traced back to Lea, above n 6 at 590.
382. Charles Radding has linked its emergence to the 19th century assumption 'that the history of Western civilization was characterized by the steady progress of enlightenment': Below n 232.
383. R. Colman, 'Reason and Unreason in Early Medieval Law' (1974) 4 JIH 571-91
384. P. Hyams, 'Trial by Ordeal: The Key to Proof in the Early Common Law' in M.S. Arnold et al. (eds), On the Law and Customs of England. Essays in Honor of Samuel E. Thorne (1981) at 90-126
385. R. Kieckhefer, 'The Specific Rationality of Medieval Magic' (1994) 99 AHR 813 at 814
386. C.M. Radding, 'Superstition to Science: Nature, Fortune, and the Passing of the Medieval Ordeal' (1979) 84 AHR 945 at 969
387. Brown, above n 183 at 137-41
388. M. Damaŝka, 'Rational and Irrational Proof Revisited' (1997) 5 Cardozo J. Int'l. & Comp. L. 25 at 29-32.
389. Above n 4 at 164; The concept of 'immanent justice' - the idea that God intervened in history to punish or reward men according to their deeds - was coined by Paul Rousset, 'La Croyance en la justice immanente à l'époque féodale' (1948) 54 Le Moyen Age 225.
390. From this perspective, the ordeal was a species of miracle: Ibid at 241
391. Morris, above text at n 16. Other scholars - for example, Shoemaker, above n 3 at 194-5, see the ordeal in sacramental terms, as a sign of the proband's moral standing before God - not as an assessment of 'specific factual occurrences'. On either view, the unilateral ordeal had the same deep structure as the purgatorial oath, going to the 'purity' of the proband rather than the veracity of his denial. As in the case of the purgatorial oath, the former func-tioned as a guarantee of the latter
392. above n 72
393. Baker, above n 3 at 63
394. Stock, above n 35 at 58.
395. Above n 4 at 165. Emphasis in original.
396. Bartlett, ibid; above sections 2 and 3.
397. Bartlett, above n 4 at 100.
398. Ibid at 86.
399. Brundage, above n 7 at ch. 4
400. Stock, above n 35 at ch. 3
401. Shoemaker, above n 3 at 194.
402. 'Rationality and the Explanation of Action' in Against the Self-Image of the Age (1971) at 250.
403. Above n 4 at 162.
404. Coincidentally, the context test of rationality favoured by Bartlett and MacIntyre has the same logical structure as the criterion of rationality characteristic of 12th-century thought. Medieval rationality was a question of logical fit or coherence with Christian teaching as determined by systematic theology and canonical science: St Anselm, Monologion, in F.S. Schmitt (ed.), S. Anselmi Cantauriensis Archiepiscopi Opera Omnia, vol 1 (1946) at 7-27
405. Cur Deus Homo, praef., in Schmitt, ibid at 42
406. Peter Abelard, Sic et Non, PL 178 col 1339A
407. B. Bayer and R. McKeon (eds), Peter Abelard. Sic et Non (1976).
408. See Stock, above n 35 at ch. 4
409. Morris, above n 7 at 57-63.
410. Above sections 2 and 3.
411. Above section 8.
412. Above sections 4 and 5.
413. Above nn 54, 68, 71 and text. See also C.1 q.1 c.40 Quod pro necessitate: 'Quod pro necessitate temporis statutum est, cessare pariter quod urgebat, quia alius est ordo legitimus, alia usurpatio'; and C.1 q.7 d.a.c.7: 'Cessante necessitate, debet cessare, quod urgebat'; and Innocent III's remarks in Etsi Christus, preserved at X 2.24.26: '...quia cessante causa cessat effectus'.
414. Fraher, above n 87 at 40-56.
415. Above n 231 and text.
416. Contingency, Irony and Solidarity (1989) at 3.