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Volumn 21, Issue , 2006, Pages 49-65

The ambivalence of nuclear histories

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EID: 33748614892     PISSN: 03697827     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/507135     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (74)

References (67)
  • 7
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    • "Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons? Three Models in Search of a Bomb"
    • (Winter)
    • Scott D. Sagan, "Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons? Three Models in Search of a Bomb," International Security 21 (Winter 1996/97): 73-85.
    • (1996) International Security , vol.21 , pp. 73-85
    • Sagan, S.D.1
  • 9
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    • "The Causes of Nuclear Proliferation and the Utility of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime"
    • Bradley A. Thayer, "The Causes of Nuclear Proliferation and the Utility of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime," Security Studies 4 (1995): 463-519;
    • (1995) Security Studies , vol.4 , pp. 463-519
    • Thayer, B.A.1
  • 10
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    • "Is There a Theory of Nuclear Proliferation?"
    • (Fall)
    • Tanya Ogilvie-White, "Is There a Theory of Nuclear Proliferation?" Nonproliferation Review 4 (Fall 1996): 43-60.
    • (1996) Nonproliferation Review , vol.4 , pp. 43-60
    • Ogilvie-White, T.1
  • 11
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    • "Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons?"
    • It should be noted that Saganuses the term "norms" in three distinct ways: as an ideational-symbolic form, as a form of international mimicry, and as a reflexive constraint on autonomous actions
    • Sagan, "Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons?" (cit. n.6), 55. It should be noted that Sagan uses the term "norms" in three distinct ways: as an ideational-symbolic form, as a form of international mimicry, and as a reflexive constraint on autonomous actions.
    • (1967) International Security , pp. 55
    • Sagan, S.D.1
  • 12
    • 84967429854 scopus 로고
    • "Why Do States Build Nuclear Weapons?"
    • (my italics). It should be noted that Saganuses the term "norms" in three distinct ways: as an ideational-symbolicform, as a form of international mimicry, and as a reflexive constraint on autonomou sactions
    • Ibid., 85 (my italics).
    • (1967) International Security , pp. 85
    • Sagan, S.D.1
  • 13
    • 0003611248 scopus 로고
    • Using "control" rather than the more common "proliferation" reflects our understanding of proliferation as "political language," "Proliferation" indexes an international-legal discourse in which five countries are given a special status as "nuclear weapon states" and the intent of the law is to prevent other states from acquiring the same de jure status. For other examples, see (New York)
    • Using "control" rather than the more common "proliferation" reflects our understanding of proliferation as "political language," "Proliferation" indexes an international-legal discourse in which five countries are given a special status as "nuclear weapon states" and the intent of the law is to prevent other states from acquiring the same de jure status. For other examples, see Murray Edelman, Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail (New York, 1977).
    • (1977) Political Language: Words That Succeed and Policies That Fail
    • Edelman, M.1
  • 14
    • 0036625113 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • "The United States and the Discipline of International Relations: 'Hegemonic Country, Hegemonic Discipline'"
    • (Summer)
    • Steve Smith, "The United States and the Discipline of International Relations: 'Hegemonic Country, Hegemonic Discipline,'" International Studies Review 4 (Summer 2002): 67-85.
    • (2002) International Studies Review , vol.4 , pp. 67-85
    • Smith, S.1
  • 15
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    • note
    • That a techno-political event is only a "demonstration" is an official hedge. It should be taken to mean a technical capability to do something that (a) stops short of defining national policy and (b) provides cover to the technologists in case of failure. Central to the meaning of the word are the various audiences - domestic and foreign - who are presumed to be seeking unambiguous meaning from this event.
  • 19
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    • M. V. Ramana and C. Rammanohar Reddy, eds., (Delhi)
    • M. V. Ramana and C. Rammanohar Reddy, eds., Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream (Delhi, 2002);
    • (2002) Prisoners of the Nuclear Dream
  • 24
    • 33748617712 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • (Both) (Berkeley) Both countries recognized each other's nuclear capabilities no later than December 1988. This date marks the signing of the first bilateral agreement between India and Pakistan not to attack each other's nuclear facilities
    • Perkovich, India's Nuclear Bomb, 293-9. (Both cit. n. 14.) Both countries recognized each other's nuclear capabilities no later than December 1988. This date marks the signing of the first bilateral agreement between India and Pakistan not to attack each other's nuclear facilities.
    • (1999) India's Nuclear Bomb , pp. 293-299
    • Perkovich, G.1
  • 25
    • 84920461282 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • in (Delhi) asserts that Indira Gandhi wanted to test in 1982, but as Perkovich notes, other than the formal request by the nuclear scientists, the rest of the story (Gandhi's agreement to go ahead that was rescinded after twenty-four hours) has never been fully corroborated
    • Ashok Kapur in Pokhran and Beyond (Delhi, 2002) asserts that Indira Gandhi wanted to test in 1982, but as Perkovich notes, other than the formal request by the nuclear scientists, the rest of the story (Gandhi's agreement to go ahead that was rescinded after twenty-four hours) has never been fully corroborated.
    • (2002) Pokhran and Beyond
    • Kapur, A.1
  • 27
    • 0003930543 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • More reliably, in (Berkeley) reports that in 1995 Prime Minister Narasimha Rao ordered a series of tests that were canceled following internal disagreements and U.S. pressure
    • More reliably, Raj Chengappa in Weapons of Peace (cit. n. 14), 390-5, reports that in 1995 Prime Minister Narasimha Rao ordered a series of tests that were canceled following internal disagreements and U.S. pressure.
    • (2000) Weapons of Peace: The Secret Story of India's Quest to Be a Nuclear Power , pp. 390-395
    • Chengappa, R.1
  • 28
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    • Of his two successors, Atal Behari Vajpayee also ordered tests, but his government fell in thirteen days, while H. D. Deve Gowda felt that other matters were more pressing than nuclear tests, even though the test site was ready and explosives were in place
    • Of his two successors, Atal Behari Vajpayee also ordered tests, but his government fell in thirteen days, while H. D. Deve Gowda felt that other matters were more pressing than nuclear tests, even though the test site was ready and explosives were in place. Perkovich, India's Nuclear Bomb, 375-6.
    • India's Nuclear Bomb , pp. 375-376
    • Perkovich, G.1
  • 29
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    • One example of these flows is the adoption of highly restrictive procedures originally developed for the Manhattan Project to guard institutional secrets in a variety of settings quite removed from U.S. national security. See (New Haven)
    • One example of these flows is the adoption of highly restrictive procedures originally developed for the Manhattan Project to guard institutional secrets in a variety of settings quite removed from U.S. national security. See Daniel Patrick Moynihan, Secrecy: The American Experience (New Haven, 1998), 154-77.
    • (1998) Secrecy: The American Experience , pp. 154-177
    • Moynihan, D.P.1
  • 30
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    • "Nuclear Weapons Proliferation: Theory and Policy"
    • This issue is explicitly recognized but not fully addressed in in ed. Zachary S. Davis and Benjamin Frankel (London)
    • This issue is explicitly recognized but not fully addressed in Benjamin Frankel and Zachary S. Davis, "Nuclear Weapons Proliferation: Theory and Policy," in The Proliferation Puzzle: Why Nuclear Weapons Spread (And What Results), ed. Zachary S. Davis and Benjamin Frankel (London, 1993), 2.
    • (1993) The Proliferation Puzzle: Why Nuclear Weapons Spread (And What Results) , pp. 2
    • Frankel, B.1    Davis, Z.S.2
  • 33
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    • note
    • Another amazing parallel across practically all national narratives of nuclear energy (not developed here) is the figure of the "Father of the [put country name here] Nuclear Program"-a male scientist-bureaucrat-politician who is able to achieve great success in all three domains.
  • 34
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    • See Atomic Scientists of Chicago, (Chicago) for a list of the key publications announcing the discovery of fission and the diverse nationalities of their authors
    • See Atomic Scientists of Chicago, The Atomic Bomb: Facts and Implications (Chicago, 1946),18, for a list of the key publications announcing the discovery of fission and the diverse nationalities of their authors.
    • (1946) The Atomic Bomb: Facts and Implications , pp. 18
  • 39
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    • "Norway's Nuclear Odyssey: From Optimistic Proponent to Nonproliferator"
    • (Winter)
    • Astrid Forland, "Norway's Nuclear Odyssey: From Optimistic Proponent to Nonproliferator," The Nonproliferation Review 4 (Winter 1997): 1-16.
    • (1997) The Nonproliferation Review , vol.4 , pp. 1-16
    • Forland, A.1
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    • Internal memo, n.d., File AB6/1250, Public Records Office, U.K
    • Internal memo, n.d., File AB6/1250, Public Records Office, U.K.
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    • interview by author, Washington, D.C., Oct. 15
    • Govind Swarup, interview by author, Washington, D.C., Oct. 15, 1995.
    • (1995)
    • Swarup, G.1
  • 52
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    • "The Atom Bomb, America, and Japan"
    • originally published in Harijan, July 7, 1946. Reprinted in ed. Homer A. Jack (New York)
    • Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, "The Atom Bomb, America, and Japan," originally published in Harijan, July 7, 1946. Reprinted in The Gandhi Reader: A Source Book of His Life and Writings, ed. Homer A. Jack (New York, 1956), 349-50.
    • (1956) The Gandhi Reader: A Source Book of His Life and Writings , pp. 349-350
    • Gandhi, M.K.1


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.