The politics of phosphorus-32: A cold war fable based on fact

Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences

Volumn 36, Issue 1, 2005, Pages 71-91

  Krige, John ^a  

^a GEORGIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33747364182     PISSN: 08909997     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/hsps.2005.36.1.71     Document Type: Article

References (84)

1. Sally Marks, "The world according to Washington," Diplomatic history, 11 (1987), 265-282.
2. This paper is part of a far more ambitious project, undertaken in John Krige, American hegemony, and the pstwar recnstruction f science in Europe (Cambridge, 2006).
3. My overall approach is informed by the "new diplomatic history" promoted above a by John Lewis Gaddis, Geir Lundestadt, and Charles Maier. Its core claim is that the U.S. estabished sensual." Thier argument insists that that regime was acceptable to European elites who managed to secure and to consolidate mass political support for thier actions by adopting and adapting the American agenda for the region in consultation with U.S. policymakers: See, for example, John Lewis Gaddis, We now know. Rethinking cold war history (Oxford, 1997), chapt. 2
4. Geir Lundestad, "Empire" by intergation. The United States and European integration, 1945-1997 (Oxford, 1998)
5. and Charles S. Maier, "Allliance and autonomy: European identity and U.S. foreign policy objective in the Truman years," Michael J. Lacey, The Truman presidency (Cambridge, 1989), 273-298.
6. While diplomatic historians in general have focused on a broad range of social and political factors, those concerned with the role of science and technology thus far remain most interested in elite policy issues; see Joseph Manzione, "'Amusing and amazing and practical and military': the legacy of scientific internationalism in American foreign policy, 1945-1963," Diplomatic history, 24 (2000), 21-56,
7. and Kenneth A. Osgood, "Form before substances: Eisenhower's commitment to psychological warfare and negotiations with the enemy," Diplomatic history, 24 (2000) 405-434.
8. Among historian of science, important work in this field has been done by Ronald E. Doel, "Scientists as policymakers, advisors and intelligence agents: Linking contemporary diplomatic history with the history of contemporary science," in Thomas Söderqvist, ed, The historiography of contemporary science and technology (Amsterdam, 1997), 215-244.
9. The original inspiration for this paper came from Angela N.H. Creager, "Tracing the politics of changing postwar research practices: The export of 'American' radio-isotopes to European biologists," Studies in the history and philosophy of biological and biomedical sciences, 33 (2002), 367-388.
10. See also Angela N.H. Creager, "The 'industrialization' of radioisotopes by the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission," Karl Grandin, Nina Wormbs, and Sven Widmalm, eds, The science-industry nexus: History, policy, implications (Sagamore Beach, MA, 2004), 141-167.
11. I selected Trieste because of its unusual political situation in the late 1940s, and thanks to Alexis de Greiff, The International Centre for Theoretical Physics, 1960-1979: Ideology and practice in a United Nations institution for scientific co-operation and third world development (Ph.D. dissertation, University of London, Imperial College of Science, Technology and Medicine, Dec 2001).
12. See also Alexis de Greiff, "The tale of two peripheries: The creation of the International Centre for Theoretical Physics in Trieste," HSPS, 33:1 (2002), 33-60.
13. 32p was irradiated externally, as was the case for x-ray radiotherapy before the war.
14. On Clinton Laboratory's biomedical activities, and those of the AEC in general, see Peter J.Westwick, The national laboratories. Science in an American system, 1947-1974 (Cambridge, 2003), chapt. 7.
15. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Reports of foreign shipments of isotopes," shipment 572, 6-28-49, Provincial Neurological Sanatorium, Trieste, Treatment of an infiltrated glioblastoma.
16. Spencer Weart, Nuclear fear. A history of images (Cambridge, 1988).
17. On the propaganda of the Italian Communist Party at this time, see Marc Lazar, "The cold war culture of the French and Italian Communist parties," Giles Scott-Smith and Hans Krabbendam, eds, The cultural cold war in western Europe, 1945-1960 (London, 2003), 213-224.
18. For an introduction to the Plan, see David W. Ellwood, Rebuilding Europe. Western Europe, America and postwar reconstruction (London, 1992).
19. David W. Ellwood, "The propaganda of the Marshall plan in Italy in a cold war context," Scott-Smith and Krabbendam (ref. 8), 225-236
20. David W. Ellwood, "Italian modernization and the propaganda of the Marshall plan," Luciano Cheles and Luciano Sponza, The art of persuasion. Political communication in Italy from 1945 to the 1990s (Manchester, 2001).
21. For the unions see Federico Romero, The United States and the European trade union movement, 1944-1951 (Chapel Hill, 1992).
22. Melvyn P. Leffler, A preponderance of power. National security, the Truman administration and the cold war (Stanford, 1992), 197.
23. Charles Maier, "The Marshall plan and the division of Europe," Journal of cold war studies, 7(2005), 168-174, on 173.
24. Ellwood (ref. 9), 116.
25. David W. Ellwood, "The 1948 elections in Italy: A cold war propaganda battle," Historical journal of film, radio and television, 13 (1993), 19-33.
26. See also David W. Ellwood, "From 're-education' to the selling of the Marshall plan in Italy," in Nicholas Pronay and Keith Wilson, eds, The political re-education of Germany and her allies after World War II (Ottowa, 1985), 219-239.
27. Martin Clarke, Modern Italy, 1871-1995 (London, 1996).
28. James E. Miller, "Taking off the gloves: The United States and the Italian elections of 1948," Diplomatic history, 7 (1983), 35-55.
29. According to Ellwood, the Vatican played a far greater role in mobilizing the people against the Communists than did U.S. efforts, see his "Italian modernisation" (ref. 10), 26.
30. Norman Kogan, A political history of Italy. The postwar years (New York, 1983), 5-6.
31. Ibid., 3.
32. John C. Campbell, ed, Successful negotiation, Trieste 1954. An appraisal by the five participants (Princeton, NJ, 1976). The final boundary differed little from the one adopted in 1947.
33. I remind readers that this too is a fictional, but historically plausible character.
34. On the use of radio-phosphorus for therapeutic purposes at Berkeley, and postwar evaluations of its potential see J.L. Heilbron and Robert W. Seidel, Lawrence and his laboratory. A history of the Lawrence Berkeley laboratory. Vol. I (Berkeley, 1989), 398-404. John Lawrence's trip to England is mentioned on 400.
35. De Greiff, The International Center (ref. 3), 187.
36. See also de Greiff, "Two peripheries," (ref. 3).
37. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Reports of foreign shipments of isotopes," shipment 30, 1-22-48, 1 mc of 14C for the "Biosynthesis of organic molecules to be used to study oxidative metabolism of marine invertebrate eggs."
38. On this network built around leading lights in the University of Trieste, see de Greiff, "Two peripheries" (ref. 3), 180-193.
39. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, Radioisotopes for international distribution. Catalog and price list. September 1947. (Isotopes branch, United States Atomic Energy Commission, P.O. Box E, Oak Ridge, Tennessee), 4. This paragraph and the next are based on this document.
40. Ibid., 15.
41. The details of the packaging are from (ref. 25), 13.
42. Subsequently the AEC actually revised the wordings of these undertakings in line with the less demanding requirements made by Britain and Canada. The new version for allowing on-site inspections actually took over the British clause almost verbatim: The client agreed "To facilitate exchange of information and visits relative to work with radioisotopes between qualified scientists, in accordance with normal scientific practice," NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "AEC. International distribution of radioisotopes. Report by director of research," 15pp, attached to AEC 231/12, "Note by the Secretary," 17 May 1950.
43. The onerous conditions of inspection and reporting required by the Americans were similar to those that they had implemented in their zone of Occupied Germany in order to control scientific research there. The British were less intrusive in their zone of the country: See David Cassidy, "Controlling German science, I.U.S. and allied forces in Germany, 1945-1947; II. Bizonal occupation and the struggle over West German science policy," I, HSPS, 24:2 (1994), 197-235; II, 26:2 (1996), 197-239.
44. Creager, "tracing" (ref. 3), 375.
45. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, Majority submission to the State Department, "Foreign distribution of radioisotopes," undated, but following on the meeting of the commissioners on 19 Aug 1947, 1-2.
46. Ibid.
47. The arguments that follow are derived from NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, Majority submission to the State Department (ref. 31), and AEC, minutes of meeting no. 95 at Bohemian Grove, 19 Aug 1947.
48. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Report by director of research," (ref.28) cites Oppenheimer's letter.
49. Creager, "tracing" (ref. 3), 376.
50. For Strauss's views that follow here see NARA (ref. 33),
51. and letter Lewis L. Strauss to Carroll L. Wilson, "Foreign distribution of isotopes," 25 Aug 1947.
52. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, letter Richard Lovett to David E. Lilenthial, 28 Aug 1947.
53. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, gives details in the press release "Radioisotopes for medical and biological research available to users outside the United States."
54. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, memo Carroll L. Wilson to The Commissioners, 25 Sep1947.
55. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, letter from the Legation of Finland to the Department of State, 31 Aug1948 included as an enclosure with a memo by Roy B. Snapp, 9 Dec 1948, "Program for foreign distribution of isotopes-Inclusion of Finland.
56. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Policy statement. Finland," Department of State, 2 Sep 1948. The quotations are on 7, 1, and 5 resp.
57. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, AEC, minutes of meeting on 15 Dec 1948, section 11, "Program for foreign distribution of isotopes."
58. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Inclusion of Finland in the program for foreign distribution of isotopes. Report by the deputy director of research," undated, but around Feb 1949.
59. Ibid.
60. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, Minutes for meetings in Jan and Feb 1950, as approved at AEC meeting on 1 Mar 1950 refer to this issue. Memo K.S. Pitzer to R.W. Cook, "Review of foreign requests for radioisotopes," 19 Jan 1950, immediately tightened up the procedures for the automatic approval of requests without consultation. Prior authorization was required if "the facts [or] the appearances would suggest that the radioisotope requested will be used by or on behalf of a foreign military establishment."
61. Creager, "tracing" (ref. 3), 381
62. Peter Goodchild, J. Robert Oppenheimer: Shatterer of worlds (Boston, 1981), 193-196.
63. This statement was used repeatedly by the AEC to justify the policy, see, e.g., NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, Sumner Pike to Senator McMahon, 28 Jun 1951.
64. Goodchild (ref. 46), 195.
65. The phrase is from Patrick J. McGrath, Scientists, business and the state, 1890-1960 (Chapel Hill, 2002), on 145-146.
66. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3 (draft) letter David E. Lilienthal to Senator McMahon, 2 Feb 1950.
67. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Report" (ref. 28).
68. On tritium see Minutes of the 525th Meeting of the AEC, 2-14-51, item AEC 231/13. For a full list of the 99 isotopes made available see proposed press release, Appendix 'E' to "Note by the Secretary," AEC 231/15, 11 May 1951.
69. See also R.G. Hewlett and F. Duncan, Atomic shield. A history of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, Vol. 2: 1947-1952 (Berkeley, 1962), 442-484.
70. Creager, "tracing" (ref. 3) provides a fine analysis of the use of the radioisotopes in research.
71. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Information for the press and radio," 1 Feb 1950. This was also an invitation to press, radio and periodical representatives to visit the site.
72. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Proposed press release," (ref. 51).
73. I have discussed the program in John Krige, "Atoms for peace, scientific internationalism and scientific intelligence gathering," in John Krige and Kai-Henrik Barth, eds, Historical perspectives on science, technology and international affairs, Osiris, 21 (2006), in press.
74. NARA, AEC Records, RG 326, E67A, Box 46, Folder 3, "Reports of foreign shipments of isotopes," Shipment 718, 1-19-50, 40 mc of Phosphorus-32 to the Provincial Neurological Sanatorium in Trieste for "Continuation of treatment of a brain tumor case which responded to previous administration of Phosphorus 32."
75. Ref. 19, Appendix D gives the press release that accompanied the signature.
76. De Greiff, International (ref. 3), 182.
77. An anonymous Italian commentator remarked in June 1953 that "95% of all Europeans - friends and enemies of America - judge American society by what they see at the cinema." Hollywood "was useful above all in reinforcing the European admiration for the American standard of living, for American technique....Undoubtedly film has given the U.S. a propaganda triumph, to the extent that it has reminded Europeans of their traditionally optimistic vision of the 'American paradise'" cited in Ellwood, "The propaganda of the Marshall plan" (ref. 10), on 225.
78. For the liberating role of the cinema in women's lives, albeit in a different country, see Victoria de Grazia, "Mass culture and sovereignty: The American challenge to European cinemas, 1920-1960," Journal of modern history, 61 (1989), 53-87. De Grazia points out that British working-class women found American movies a source for a "new women" peer culture. The cinema was a place where women could go unescorted, often with female family members or friends, and movies became a major subject of discussion and memory, influencing mannerisms and fashions.
79. On the celebrations in Trieste see "Triestenes cheer return to Italy as new accord is announced. Tricolor flown, bells toll while thousands parade - Dissenters stay away from demonstration," New York Times, 6 Oct 1954
80. "Trieste acclaims Italian General as he arrives to assume control," New York Times, 7 Oct 1954. The flag hoisted in the Piazza dell'Unita on the 5th measured 65 feet by 35 feet. The Basilica of San Giusto (Saint Just) overlooks Trieste and has stood for centuries as an emblem of the Italian character of the city.
81. The letter is reproduced in Ref. 19, Appendix B. Dated 10 Sep 1954, it asked Tito in "this friendly fashion to intervene personally in the Trieste negotiations to settle the exceedingly small differences remaining." At that time the U.S. was considering a Yugoslav request for wheat and economic aid. Eisenhower suggested that this would be forthcoming if Tito cooperated. The U.S. President signed the letter "With my warm personal greetings and good wishes."
82. Barton J. Bernstein, "In the matter of J. Robert Oppenheimer," HSPS, 12 (1982), 195-252.
83. See also Richard Polenberg, In the matter of J. Robert Oppenheimer. The security clearance hearing (Ithaca, 2002).
84. Ref. 46, 196. Lilienthal was the first chairman of the U.S. AEC.