Illegitimacy and family formation in colonial Cape Town, to c. 1850

Journal of Social History

Volumn 39, Issue 4, 2006, Pages 1153-1176

  Malherbe, Vertrees C ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CAPE TOWN   (South Africa)

^b NONE

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EID: 33746355969     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2006.0047     Document Type: Review

References (126)

1. Minnie Lewis contributed to this article though her research in the Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk archives and her translations of documents from Dutch and Afrikaans. My thanks also to Prof. Sandra Burman, Director of the Centre for Socio-Legal Research, for helpful guidance. The valuable comments and suggestions of JSH readers are gratefully acknowledged.
2. The Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) is referred to as the VOC. A brief history of Cape Town may be found in Sandra Burman and Patricia van der Spuy, "The Illegitimate and the Illegal in a South African City: The Effects of Apartheid on Births Out of Wedlock," Journal of Social History, 29, 3 (Spring, 1996): 613-35.
3. Peter Laslett, Family Life and Illicit Love in Earlier Generations: Essays in Historical Sociology (Cambridge, 1978), p. 57.
4. W[illiam W.] Bird, State of the Cape of Good Hope in 1822, Africana Collectanea Series, 19 (Cape Town, 1966), pp. 24-28.
5. A Matrimonial Court was established at the Cape in 1676. Until 1829, men under the age of 25 and women under 20 required parental consent to marry. For the post-Reformation ordinances respecting marriage and the status of husbands as heads of families, which were law in the Netherlands and thence at the Cape, see H.R. Hahlo, The South African Law of Husband and Wife, 5th ed. rev. (Cape Town, 1985), pp. 11-15.
6. George M. Theal, ed., Records of the Cape Colony, 36 vols. (London, 1897-1905), Statement of the Laws of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope regarding Slavery, 9: 146-61.
7. Christians were forbidden to marry Jews or Muslims, Joannes van der Linden, ed., and Jabez Henry, trans., Institutes of the Laws of Holland (London, 1828), p. 80.
8. For a helpful discussion of the status of non-Christian marriage at the Cape, see M.W. Searle, ed., Coses Decided in the Supreme Court of the Cape of Good Hope during the Years 1850-1867, 5 vols. (Cape Town, 1884-1894), Bronn v. Frits Bronn's Executors and Others, 3: 313-33.
9. Kathleen M. Jeffreys, ed., Kaapse Plakkaatboek, 6 vols. (Cape Town, 1944),
10. Verbod teen die hou van Bysitte; en teen omgang met Nie-Kristelike of Slawe-Vrouens, 30 Nov./9 Dec. 1678, 1: 151-52; Van der Linden, ed., Institutes of the Laws of Holland, pp. 92-94, 165.
11. Legitimation by subsequent marriage was recognized also by Scottish (but not by English) law, Thomas C. Smout, "Scottish Marriage, Regular and Irregular, 1500-1940," in R.B. Outhwaite, ed., Marriage and Society, Studies in the Social History of Marriage (London, 1981), p. 233.
12. Under Roman law, a "natural" child (one born in concubinage) was distinguished from a "bastard" (conceived by "roving carnal intercourse"), Percival Gane, ed. and trans., The Selective Voet being the Commentary on the Pandects [Paris Edition of 1829] by Johannes Voet [1647-1713], 8 vols. (Durban, 1956), 4: 388, 390.
13. Francois P. van den Heever, Breach of Promise and Seduction in South African Law (Cape Town, 1954), pp. 60,62,63.
14. Affiliation is a term "borrowed from the English law," Erwin Spiro, Law of Parent and Child, 4th ed. (Cape Town, 1985), p. 460.
15. Bird, State of the Cape of Good Hope, pp. 53-56;
16. Andries F.S. Maasdorp, in The Institutes of South African Law, Being a Compendium of the Common Law, Decided Cases, and Statute Law of the Union of South Africa, Book 1. The Law of Persons, eds., Charles A. Beck and Oscar H. Hoexter, 5th ed., (Cape Town, 1929), pp. 264-65;
17. Erwin Spiro, "Legitimate and Illegitimate Children," Acta Juridica 1964 (Cape Town, 1965), p. 65.
18. Andries Dreyer, ed., Boustoitwe vir die Geskiedenis van die Nederduits-Gereformeerde Kerke in Suid-Afrika (Raad van die Nederduits- Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid-Afrika, 1936), vol. 3 of Bouwstoffen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederduitsch-Gereformeerde Kerken in Zuid-Afrika, ed., Cornelis Spoelstra, 3 vols. (Amsterdam, 1907), pp. 3-6;
19. Maria M. Marais, "Armesorg aan die Kaap onder die Kompanjie, 1652-1795," Archives Year Book of South African History (Pretoria, 1943), 6:
20. passim. For the assumption of poor relief by the Lutherans see Paul F. Greyling, Die Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk en Armesorg (Cape Town, 1939), p. 192. The freed slaves (vryswarte, or free blacks) formed at all times a small minority of the population of the colony but were a significant social category in Cape Town where most were settled.
21. Van der Linden, ed., Institutes of the Laws of Holland, pp. 335-38, 353, 356-57. Infanticide might be punished by strangling or imprisonment, corporally, and exposure abortion "capitally" or "by imprisonment, corporal punishment, or banishment," depending on the verdict regarding intent. Conceding that, in the Netherlands, prostitution might be "winked at," Van der Linden added that when sex for gain became "too public" it could be punished with "imprisonment and banishment for a limited time."
22. Van der Linden, ed., Institutes of the Laws of Holland, pp. 357-58.
23. Leonard Blussé, Strange Company, Chinese Settlers, Mestizo Women and the Dutch in VOC Batavia (Dordrecht-Holland, 1988), pp. 158-62, 169.
24. Spoelstra, ed., Bouwstoffen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederduitsch- Gereformeerde Kerken, 1: 593;
25. Jeffreys, ed., Kaapse Plakkaatboek, 1: 151-52;
26. Cape Town Archives Repository [CAR], Council of Policy [C] 18, Resolutions, 1686-87, 1 July 1686, pp. 84-85; Karel Schoeman, Armosyn van die Kaap, die wêreld van 'n slavin, 1652-1733 (Kaapstad, 2001), pp. 560-61;
27. C. Graham Botha, Early Cape Matrimonial Law (South African Bound Pamphlets No. 10), p. 8. Four children were born before and seven after the marriage that year. Bort was herself of Dutch-slave parentage.
28. Jean Gelman Taylor, The Social World of Batavia, European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia (Madison, Wisconsin, 1983), pp. 9-17, 76, 156-57, and passim.
29. Theal, ed., Records, Proclamation by Sir David Baird, 26 Apr. 1806, and Somerset to Bathurst, 12 May 1818 with enclosures, 11:407-08, 493, 512.Couples were still required to produce a certificate from the Matrimonial Court.
30. John R. Gillis, For Better, For Worse, British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (New York and Oxford, 1985), pp. 53, 84, 90-92, 186, 192-95.
31. Nearly 5000 Britons, some of whom settled at the Cape, arrived prior to the immigration scheme of 1820, see Peter Philip, British Residents at the Cape, 1795-1819, Biographical Records of 4,800 Pioneers (Cape Town, 1981).
32. Hercules Tennant and Edgar M. Jackson, eds., Statutes of the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1895, 6 vols. (Cape Town, 1895-1906), No. 62 of 1829, 1:55-56;
33. James Buchanan, ed., Coses Decided in the Supreme Court of the Cape of Good Hope As Reported by the Hon. William Menzies Esq., 3 vols. (Cape Town, 1870-1903), 1: 151-55, 231-42;
34. Andrew Bank, The Decline of Urban Slavery at the Cape, 1806 to 1843 (University of Cape Town: Centre for African Studies, Communications Series 22/1991), p. 102.
35. For a summary of "the official retention of Roman-Dutch law," yet the "general movement towards English law and institutions," see H.R. Hahlo and Ellison Kahn, The South African Legal System and Its Background (Cape Town, 1968), pp. 575-78. The 1838 Order-in-Council is referred to below.
36. Ginger Frost, '"The Black Lamb of the Black Sheep': Illegitimacy in the English Working Class, 1850-1939," Journal of Social History, 32 (Winter, 2003), p. 293;
37. Lionel Rose, The Massacre of the Innocents, Infanticide in Britain 1800-1939 (London, 1986), p. 25.
38. Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall, Family Fortunes, Men and Women of the English Middle Class, 1780-1850 (London, 1978), p. 206;
39. Bird, State of the Cape of Good Hope, pp. 13, 54.
40. Julia Adams found that although the Dutch system of inheritance was less discriminatory than that of Britain, elite families favored eldest sons so as to consolidate their wealth and status, "The Familial State: Elite Family Practices and State-making in the Early Modern Netherlands," Theory and Society, 23, 4 (August, 1994), pp. 509-12. Under Dutch law, when one partner in a marriage in community of property died the widow or widower received half of the estate and the children divided the balance equally.
41. Gillis, For Better, For Worse, pp. 17, 135.
42. Henrice Altink, " 'To Wed or not to Wed?': The Struggle to Define Afro-Jamaican Relationships, 1834-1838," Journal of Social History, 38, 1 (Fall, 2004), p. 81;
43. Gillis, For Better, For Worse, pp. 50-52, 110, 119, 127, 140-42.
44. The Act applied to England and Wales (but not Scotland) and the only groups exempted from its provisions were Jews and Quakers. Baird's revocation of the Batavians' provisions for civil marriage was founded on the Marriage Act but without the requirement that the church ceremony should be performed by clergy of the Established (Anglican) Church. See also Lawrence Stone, Road to Divorce, England 1530-1987 (Oxford, 1990), p. 129;
45. Richard Price, British Society, 1680-1880, Dynamism, Containment and Change (Cambridge, 1999), p. 203.
46. Rogers, "Carnal Knowledge," p. 365;
47. Gillis, For Better, For Worse, pp. 128, 182-86, 198.
48. Thomas W. Nutt, "The Paradox and Problems of Illegitimate Paternity in Old Poor Law Essex," in Illegitimacy in Britain, 1700-1920, eds., A.S. Levene, T.W. Nutt and S.K. Williams (Basingstoke, 2005). When men who were affiliated failed to pay, the mothers received parish funds. Affiliation procedures were tightened up by the Poor Law of 1834.
49. Angus McLaren, Reproductive Rituals: The Perception of Fertility in England from the Sixteenth Century to the Nineteenth Century (London and New York, 1984), p. 130. In terms of the Maiming and Wounding Act of 1803 (43 Geo. III, c.58), mothers accused of infanticide were no longer required to prove their innocence, as before, but abortion was made a statutory offence.
50. Kirsten McKenzie, "Wollstonecraft's Models?: Female Honour and Sexuality in Middle-Class Settler Cape Town, 1800-1854," Kronos, Journal of Cape History, 23 (University of the Western Cape, Nov. 1996): 69-70 and passim;
51. C. Graham Botha, History of Law, Medicine and Place Names in the Cape of Good Hope: The Collected Works of C. Graham Botha, 3 vols. (Cape Town, 1962), 2: 46, 55;
52. Articles 19-20 and 30-37 of the Marriage Order in Council, Cape of Good Hope Statutes, 1:235, 239-42. The last marriage by court order occurred in 1832.
53. Davidoff and Hall, Family Fortunes, p. 321;
54. Adams, "The Familial State," pp. 506, 509, 511, 512, 517;
55. Donald Haks, Huwelijk en gezin in Holland in de 17de en 18de eeuw, Processtukken en moralisten over aspecten van het laat 17de- en 18de-eeuwse geynskven (Utrecht, 1985).
56. Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley, 2002), p. 24.
57. The meanings attached to "European" in Batavia may be found in Taylor, The Social World of Batavia, p. 76.
58. Richard Elphick and Hermann Giliomee, "The origins and entrenchment of European dominance at the Cape, 1652-c.1840," in eds., R. Elphick and H. Giliomee, The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1840 (Cape Town, 1989), pp. 528-29.
59. Antonia Malan, "Chattels or Colonists? 'Freeblack' Women and Their Households," Kronos, 25 (1998/99), p. 66;
60. Taylor, The Social World of Batavia, pp. xviii, 34, 71-77;
61. Vertrees C. Malherbe, Krotoa, called "Eva": A Woman Between (University of Cape Town: Centre for African Studies, Communications Series 19/1990), passim.
62. John Black, "Illegitimacy and the Urban Poor in London, 1740-1830" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1999), pp. 95-97;
63. Rogers, "Carnal Knowledge," pp. 362-63, 367.
64. CAR, 1/Cape Town Municipality [CT] 6/17, 5 vols., King v Saartje, 23 Jan. 1832 and passim; Frederick N. Zaal, "Roman law and the racial policies of the Dutch East India Company: an exploration of some historical inter-connections," Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa, 29, 1 (1996): 40.
65. Robert Ross remarked: "Prostitution is, surprisingly, not a subject on which information is readily available," Status and Respectability in the Cape Colony, 1750-1870: A Tragedy of Manners (Cambridge, 1999), p. 128.
66. Jennine Hurl-Eamon, "Insights into Plebeian Marriage: Soldiers, Sailors, and their Wives in the Old Bailey Proceedings," London Journal (forthcoming);
67. Rogers, "Carnal Knowledge," p. 368. The settler men of the Cape were obliged to serve in the militia, for home defence, but at no stage were they recruited as regular soldiers.
68. Laslett, Family Life, pp. 102-03;
69. Dreyer, Boustowwe vir die Geskiedenis van die Nederduits-Cereformeerde Kerke, Bepalingen van den Kerkenraad (Omirent de uitoefening van het Kerkelyk Opzigt en de Tucht, Censuur), pp. 227-29.
70. Laslett, Family Life, pp. 120-24.
71. Patricia van der Spuy, '"What, then, was the Sexual Outlet for Black Males?' A Feminist Critique of Quantitative Representations of Women Slaves at the Cape of Good Hope in the Eighteenth Century," Kronos, 23 (November, 1996), p. 54; CAR, Verbatim Copies [VC] 605, Doop Boek van Christen Kinderen van January 1713 tot 1742 en van Slaven kinderen van der E. Compagnie January 1713 tot 16 September 1742. Between 1665 and 1724, 14 ministers served the Cape Town congregation unaided. The improved recordkeeping may have been due to the appointment of an assistant to the minister, J.G. d'Ailly, in the early 1720s.
72. Gerrit J. Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia, Cape Society and the Calvinist Church under the Dutch East India Company," Kronos, 25 (1998/1999): 17-49. Some unwed parents who later married checked to see that the fact had been noted, see the Nederduits Gereformeerde Kerk Archive [NGKA] G1 1/8, Notulen, Nov. 1804, for the complaint by Johan Jurgen Schendenhuit and Anna Elisabeth van de Caap.
73. CAR, VC605, 10 March 1726: "dit kind door het huwelijk geEcht ... 1736;" Ad W. Biewenga, "Kerk in een volksplanting: de Kaap de Goede Hoop," in Het Indisch Sion, De Gereformeerde kerk onder de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, ed., Gerrit J. Schutte (Hilversum, 2002), p. 204. The terms "de vader onbekend" (the father unknown) or "een onbekend Christen," which had been used earlier, were retained as appropriate. "Van de Kaap" was also rendered as "van de Caab" or "Caap."
74. Hans F. Heese, Groep sonder Grense (Die Rol en Status van die Gemengde Bevolking aan die Kaap, 1652-1795) (University of the Western Cape Institute for Historical Research, 1984), pp. 41-80.
75. Edward A. Wrigley, "Marriage, Fertility and Population Growth in Eighteenth-Century England," in Marriage and Society, ed., Outhwaite, pp. 143, 146.
76. Jonathan N. Gerstner, "A Christian Monopoly: The Reformed Church and Colonial Society under Dutch Rule," in Christianity in South Africa: A Political, Social and Cultural History, eds., Richard Elphick and Rodney Davenport (Cape Town and Oxford, 1997), p. 22; CAR, VC606, Algemeen Doop Boek begonnen de 1 January Ao 1743 door den predikant Frans le Sueur, 1744; VC607 and VC609. Figures in these registers do not refer strictly to Cape Town births as they included the hinterland (e.g. Stellenbosch and Drakenstein) until 1804 when a stricter separation was imposed. Wrigley claims that "illegitimate births were never more than about a fifteenth [6.67%] of all births in England" during the 18th century," "Marriage, Fertility and Population Growth," p. 145.
77. CAR, VC607, 26 Feb. 1775; VC609, 11 Apr. 1784. Two of the four children baptized in 1775 were "minors," that is, above 7 years of age which was the upper limit for "infant" baptism, and should have been baptized on confession (beleydenis). The five children of Adriaanse and Rachel van de Caab were legitimated by their marriage nine years later, in 1793.
78. Spoelstra, Bouwstoffen, Art. 23, Kerkorde van 1624, 2: 565;
79. Robert C-H. Shell, Children of Bondage, A Social History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1838 (Johannesburg, 1994), p. 235;
80. Robert Ross, "The 'White' Population of South Africa in the Eighteenth Century," Familia, 12 (1975), p. 96,
81. citing E.F. Watermeyer, "The Roman Dutch Law in South Africa," in The Cambridge History of the British Empire: South Africa,Rhodesia and the High Commission Territories, ed., Eric A. Walker, 2nd ed. (Cambridge University Press, 1963), 8: 870-71. The figures for illegitimacy during the two decades are; 1770-1779: 113 of 2310 baptisms = 4.9%; 1780-1789: 323 of 3049 baptisms = 10.5%. Some mothers presented two or more children.
82. These remarks rely on Nigel Penn's unpublished paper, "The Meuron Regiment at the Cape, 1783-1788" (Paper presented at the Swiss in Africa Conference, University of Basle, Oct. 2003). A sharp economic reversal followed the peace agreed in 1784 - a development exacerbated by the VOC's own declining fortunes.
83. Willem J. de Kock and Daniel W. Kruger, eds., Dictionary of South African Biography, 6 vols. (Human Sciences Research Council: Tafelberg Publishers Ltd, 1972), 2: 788-90.
84. Laslett, Family Life and Illicit Love, p. 107.
85. The numbers of free blacks increased in the early 19th century: "From a total of only 352 free blacks in the entire colony in 1770, the number rose ... to 1134 in 1807, 1800 in 1817, 3269 in 1827 and probably well over 4000 by the time of emancipation," Bank, The Decline of Urban Slavery at the Cape, p. 192.
86. Leonard Guelke, "The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population: Cape Colony 1657-1750," The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 21, 3 (1988): 459-60, 463-64, 470.
87. Heese, Groep sonder Grense, p. 8;
88. Nigel Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge, UK, 1985), pp. 145-46.
89. Anna J. Böeseken, Slaves and Free Blacks at the Cape, 1658-1700 (CapeTown, 1977), pp. 91-92;
90. Heese, Groep sonder Grense, pp. 7-8;
91. Johannes L. Hattingh, "Grondbesit in die Tafelvallei. Deel I. Die Eksperiment: Vryswartes as Grondeienaars, 1652-1710," Kronos, 10 (1985): 32-48. Colyn is generally believed to have come from Gravenzande in South Holland but according to one source he was born in 1662 in France, Pedigree Resource File, FamilySearch Internet Genealogy Service. Maria Everts had one child by her husband, and appears to have had at least two more by fathers other than Colyn.
92. CAR, VC633, Stellenbosch, Doopregister, 16 Mar. 1749; VC621, Cape Town, Marriage Register, 19 Dec. 1756. The children of a slave-Khoekhoen union were known as Bastard-Hottentots, and took their status - slave or free - from the mother. It is not clear if Heijmans (who herself had been baptized) was born free, or was born into slavery and attained her freedom later. The children born after the marriage were Cornelia, Jacob Roelof, Johanna Magdalena, Christiaan Johannes Pieter, Anna and Christina Elizabeth, see Johannes A. Heese, comp., and R.T.J. Lombard, ed., Suid-Afrikaanse Geslagregisters, 12 vols. (to be completed), (Pretoria, 1986-), 9.
93. CAR, VC608, 19 Jan. 1772 where she appears as C.P. Roelofse van de Caab; VC609, 26 Jan. 1772, where she appears as C.P. Roelofse (without the toponym). Barendse was also a vryswan - the son of Barend of Batavia and Juliana Adamse van de Kaap. They baptized a legitimate child on 7 Jan. 1776, VC607, where the mother was shown as Catharina Pieternella van de Caab. An explanation for these entries in the slave register, after the sisters' legitimation by the parents' marriage and when all the parties concerned must have been free, has not been found.
94. CAR, VC607, 7 June 1778; VC609, 8 Oct. 1780, 27 Oct. 1782 and 1 Jan. 1785; VC610, 8 Dec. 1793 and 7 June 1795. The reproductive history of the four remaining Roelofse siblings is unknown, and they may have died young. Spellings are unreliable, thus Bartels and Barteling may have been related. For this family, see Heese and Lombard, Suid-Afrikaanse Geslagregisters.
95. Johannes L. Hattingh, "Beleid en Praktyk: Die doop van slawekinders en die sluit van gemengde verhoudings aan die Kaap voor 1720," Kranos, 5 (1982): 25-42;
96. Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 386. Shell added: "... manumitting owners were predominantly (69.7 percent) first generation colonists" - some of them free blacks but many from Europe, especially Germany, p. 392.
97. Blussé, Strange Company, p. 169;
98. Guelke, "The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population," p. 469. The figure does not include men who were single at the time of the census but were found to have married later.
99. Guelke, "The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population," pp. 470, 472.
100. There was, in fact, an "unusual urban concentration of slaves" at the Cape, see Shell, Children of Bondage, p. 138.
101. Colony of the Cape of Good Hope, 1850, Census of May 1849 for Cape Town, pp. 308-09. The 1849 census reported more women than men in Cape Town. The first step towards self-government was taken in 1854 with the introduction of representative government.
102. The fisherman Rajab van Boegies who was recorded in 1799 as living with his two wives, the free blacks Roselinda and Aurora, was presumably a Muslim, CAR, Burgerraad [BRD] 27, Wardmaster's Report for Ward 13, Cape Town, 1799.
103. John E. Mason, "Paternalism under Siege, Slavery in Theory and Practice During the Era of Reform, from c. 1825 through Emancipation," in Breaking the Chains, Slavery and Its Legacy in the Nineteenth-Century Cape Colony, eds., Nigel Worden and Clifton Crais (Johannesburg, 1994), p. 73, notes 81, 82.
104. Pamela Scully, "Private and Public Worlds of Emancipation in the Rural Western Cape, c. 1830-1842," in Breaking the Chains, eds., Worden and Crais, pp. 208, 217-18;
105. Patricia van der Spuy, "Slave Women and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Cape Town," South African Historical Journal, 27 (1992): 72.
106. Margaret Lenta and Basil le Cordeur, eds., The Cape Diaries of Lady Anne Barnard, 1799-1800, 2 vols. (Cape Town, Second Series Nos. 29 and 30, 1998/1999 and 1999), 1: xxvii.
107. Lenta and Le Cordeur, eds., Cape Diaries, 2: 218.
108. Elphick and Giliomee, "The Origins and Entrenchment of European Dominance," pp. 525-26 and passim;
109. Heese, Groep sonder Grense, p. 8.
110. See Heese and Lombard, Suid-Afrikaanse Geslagregisters, for the Appel, Cloete and Van Hoff families.
111. Hendrik C.V. Leibbrandt, Precis of the Archives of the Cape of Good Hope, Requesten (Memorials), 1715-1806, 5 vols. (Cape Town and London, 1905), 1, A-E: 251-52;
112. Biewenga, "Kerk in een volksplanting," p. 215.
113. CAR, BRD 27, passim; Margaret Cairns, "Genealogical Kaleidoscope, Ward 13 Cape Town 1700-1800," Familia, Quarterly Journal of the Genealogical Society of South Africa, 18, 2 (1981): 37-49.
114. Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power, p. 14;
115. Taylor, The Social World of Batavia, p. 125.
116. See also V.C. Malherbe, "In Onegt Verwekf. Law, Custom and Illegitimacy in Cape Town, 1800-1840," Journal of Southern African Studies, 31, 1 (March, 2005).
117. Price, British Society, 1680-1880, pp. 202-04, 228-30.
118. For a starting point respecting a Cape-West Indies comparison see Altink, "'To Wed or Not to Wed?'", passim.
119. Johannes H. Redelinghuys, Die Afrikaner-Familienaamboek, Sketse en besonderhede omtrent die voorgeslagte van bekende Afrikanerfamilies (Cape Town, 1954?), p. 64.
120. Respecting marital relations: "Dr [Richard] Elphick has ... gone through the whole of the Cape Town marriage registers in a systematic way. He found that 'mixed marriages' constituted not more than 5%" of all marriages in the city, Johannes A. Heese, "Postscript,"
121. in Ross, "The 'White' Population of South Africa," p. 101.
122. Rogers, "Carnal Knowledge," pp. 355, 369.
123. Laslett, Family Life, pp. 3, 151, 238, 245;
124. Peter Laslett, "Introduction: Comparing Illegitimacy over Time and between cultures," and "The bastardy prone sub-society" in Bastardy and its Comparative History, eds. P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen and R.M. Smith, p. 6 and Chap. 8. Laslett warns against attributing deviations from the norms of a dominant class to a single source.
125. Malherbe, "'In Onegt Verwekt,'" pp. 182-85;
126. Guelke, "The Anatomy of a Colonial Settler Population," p. 470.