From print to patents: Living on instruments in early modern Europe

History of Science

Volumn 44, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 139-186

  Biagioli, Mario ^a  

^a HARVARD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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EID: 33745181891     PISSN: 00732753     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/007327530604400202     Document Type: Article

References (431)

1. Among the exceptions: Rob Iliffe, "'In the warehouse': Privacy, property, and priority in the early Royal Society", History of science, xxx (1992), 29-67;
2. Richard Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity", History of science, xxxix (2001), 31-55:
3. Paola Bertucci, "A philosophical business: Edward Nairne and the patent medical electrical machine (1782)", History of technology, xxiii (2001), 41-58:
4. and David J. Bryden. "Patents for scientific instruments in Georgian England", in preparation.
5. http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~hsdept/faculty/biagioli/instrumentdatabase. doc. This essay is part of a two-article project. The second part -"Galilei v. Capra: Intellectual property between paper and brass" - is forthcoming in this journal.
6. Deborah Warner, "What is a scientific instrument, when did it become one, and why?", The British journal for the history of science. xxiii (1990). 83-93.
7. The relationship between instrument-makers and guilds in London has been discussed in Michael Crawforth, "Instrument makers in the London guilds". Annals of science, xliv (1987), 319-77;
8. Joyce Brown. Mathematical instrument-makers in the Grocers'Company, 1668-1800 (London. 1978):
9. Joyce Brown, "Guild organization and the instrument-making trade, 1550-1830: The Grocers' and Clockmakers' Companies", Annals of science, xxxvi (1979), 1-34;
10. Gloria Clifton, "The Spectaclemakers' Company and the origins of the optical instrument-making trade in London", in R. G. W. Anderson, J. A. Bennett, and W. F. Ryan (eds), Making instruments count (Aldershot, 1993), 341-64:
11. and Larry Stewart, "Science, instruments, and guilds in early modern Britain". Early science and medicine, x (2005). 392-410.
12. Also relevant are Michael Crawforth, "Evidence from trade cards for the scientific instrument industry", Annals of science, xlii (1985). 453-554;
13. D. J. Bryden. "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London. 1556-1714", Annals of science, xlix (1992). 301-36;
14. D. J. Bryden and D. L. Simrns. "Spectacles improved to perfection and approved of by the Royal Society". Annals of science. 1 (1993). 1-32;
15. and Michael Berlin, '"Broken in all pieces': Artisans and the regulation of workmanship in early modern London", in Geoffrey Crossick (ed.). The artisan and the European town, 1500-1900 (Aldershot. 1997). 75-91.
16. On Paris and other Continental contexts sec Jean-Dominique Augarde. "La fabrication des instruments scientifiques du XVIIIe siècle et la corporation des fondeurs". Christine Blondel et al. (eds), Studies in the history of scientific instruments, (London. 1989). 53-72:
17. Maurice Daumas, Scientific instruments of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and their makers (London. 1989). 90-106;
18. A. J. Turner. From pleasure and profit to science and security: Etienne Lenoir and the transformation of precision instrumentmaking in France. 1760-1830 (Cambridge. 1989). esp. pp. 6-13;
19. and Penelope Gouk, The ivory sundials of Nurenberg, 1500-1700 (Cambridge. 1988), 77-81.
20. On Tycho's strong proprietary attitude about his instruments, see Victor Thoren, The Lord of Uraniborg (Cambridge, 1990), 150. 267.
21. On Galileo's comparable stances see Mario Biagioli, Galileo's instruments of credit: Telescopes, images, secrecy (Chicago, 2006), 77-134.
22. See for instance, Richard Sorrenson, "Scientific instrument makers at the Royal Society of London. 1720-1780", Ph.D. Dissertation. Princeton University, 1993.
23. Bennet Wooderoft, Alphabetical index of patentees of inventions from March 2, 1617 to October 1, 1852 (London. 1854: hereafter cited as AIPI), 273.
24. The patent is reproduced and discussed in Christiaan Huygens. Oeuvres complètes (La Haye. 1888- : hereafter cited as HOC), xvii. 176-7.
25. The clock mentioned in the patent was a modification of Huygens's pendulum clock by Alexander Bruce, an English nobleman and founding fellow of the Royal Society. On the institutional context of this patent see Michael Hunter. Establishing the new science: The experience of the early Royal Society (Woodbridge. 1989). 87-89.
26. Sustained discussions of these issues are in Pamela Long. Openness, secrecy, authorship: Technical arts and the culture of knowledge from Antiquity to the Renaissance (Baltimore. 2001);
27. Paul David "From keeping 'Nature's secrets' to the institutionalization of 'open science'", University of Oxford, Discussion Papers in Economic and Social History, no. 23, July 2001 (www.nuff.ox.ac. uk/Economics/History/);
28. Paul David, "Intellectual property institutions and the panda's thumb: Patents, copyrights, and trade secrets in economic theory and history", in Michael Wallerstein et al. (eds), Global dimensions of intellectual property rights in science and technology (Washington, DC, 1993), 19-62;
29. and William Eamon, "From the secrets of nature to public knowledge: The origins of the concept of openness in science", Minerva, xxiii (1985), 321-47.
30. On the protection of invention in Venice see Giulio Mandich, "Venetian origins of inventors' rights". Journal of the Patent Office Society, xlii (1960), 378-82
31. and Giulio Mandich, "Venetian patents (1450-1550)", Journal of the Patent Office Society, xxx (1948), 166-224.
32. The original Italian versions of Mandich's articles are more extensive and reliable. For later Venetian patents: Roberto Berveglieri and Carlo Poni, "Three centuries of Venetian patents: 1474-1796 (résumé) ", Acta historiae rerum naturalium necnon technicarum, xvii (1982), 381-93;
33. Roberto Berveglieri and Andrea Rossetto, "Tre secoli di privilegi industriali veneziani (1474-1788): I casi polesani". Studi polesani, xx (1988), 81-153;
34. Roberto Berveglieri, Le vie di Venezia: Inventori, brevetti, tecnologia e legislazione nei secoli XIII-XVII (Sommacampagna, 1999);
35. and Roberto Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (1474-1788): Importazione di tecnologia e circolazione di tecnici artigiani inventori (Venice, 1995).
36. On the protection of printed books in Venice see Leonardas Vytautas Gerulaitis, Printing and publishing in fifteenth-century Venice (Chicago, 1976)
37. and especially Horatio Brown, The Venetian printing press (New York, 1891), which includes many documents.
38. Sixteenth-century Spanish patents (and some information about how they were awarded) are discussed in Nicolas García Tapia, Patentes de invención españolas en el siglo de oro (Madrid, 1990), 39-52;
39. and Pablo Pérez, "Los inventes llevados de España a las Indias en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI", Cuadernos de investigación histórica, vii (1983), 35-54.
40. On England see Wyndham Hulme, "The history of the patent system under the Prerogative and at Common Law", Law quarterly review, xii (1896). 141-54;
41. Wyndham Hulme, "The history of the patent system under the Prerogative and at Common Law: A sequel", Law quarterly review, xvi (1900), 44-56;
42. Allan Gomme, Patents of invention: Origin and growth of the patent system in Britain (London, 1946);
43. Christine MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English patent system, 1660-1800 (Cambridge, 1988);
44. Harold Dutton, The patent system and inventive activity during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1852 (Manchester, 1984);
45. and AIPI. On the Netherlands see Gerard Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries (The Hague, 1942);
46. and Karel Davids, "Patents and patentees in the Dutch Republic between c. 1580 and 1720", History and technology, xvi (2000), 263-83.
47. Hapsburg patents are discussed in Hansjörg Pohlmann, "The inventor's rights in early German law", Journal of the Patent Office Society, xliii (1961), 121-39.
48. On Genoa see Manlio Calegari, La società patria delle arti e manifatture (Florence, 1969);
49. and Luigi Bulferetti and Claudio Costantini, Industria e commercio in Liguria nell'età del Risorgimento (1700-1861) (Milan, 1966), 84-100.
50. On Lucca see Renzo Sabbatini, L'innovazione prudente (Florence, 1996).
51. On Florence and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany see Frank Prager, "Brunelleschi's patent", Journal of the Patent Office Society, xxviii (1946), 109-35;
52. Frank Prager and Gustina Scaglia, Brunelleschi: Studies of his technology and inventions (Cambridge, MA, 1970), 111-23;
53. Paolo Malanima, La decadenza di un'economia cittadina (Bologna, 1982), 148-54;
54. and Luca Molà, "Artigiani e brevetti nella Firenze del Cinquecento", in Franco Franceschi and Gloria Fossi (eds), La grande storia deli artigianato (Florence, 2000), iii, 57-79.
55. On Piedmont see Luisa Dolza and Liliane Hilaire-Pérez. "Inventions and privileges in the eighteenth century: Norms and practices. A comparison between France and Piedmont", History of technology, xxiv (2002), 21 -44.
56. On early modern Italy in general see Luca Molà, "II mercato delle innovazioni nell' Italia del Rinascimento", in Mathieu Arnoux and Pierre Monnet (eds), Le technicien dans la cité en Europe occidentale, 1250-1650 (Rome, 2004), 215-50.
57. Marcel Silberstein. Erfindungsschutz and merkantilistische Gewerbeprivilegien (Zurich. 1961) provides an overall discussion of early European privileges, with special emphasis on German-speaking countries.
58. Patenting in Saxony is discussed in Hans-Jürgen Creutz., "Die Herausbildung des Erfindungsschutzes in Sachsen im 15. und 16, Jahrhundert", Jahrbuch fuer Wirtschafis-xeschichte. ii (1983), 91-110.
59. On Russia see Anneli Aer. "Patents in Imperial Russia: History of the Russian Institution of Invention Privileges under the Old Regime". Annales Academine Scientiarum Fennicae: Dissertationes humanarum litteraum, 76 (Helsinki, 1995).
60. For an overview of French privileges in the eighteenth century see Harold T. Parker. The Bureau of Commerce in 1781 and its policies with respect to French industry (Durham, 1979). 47-69:
61. and Shelby T. McCloy. French inventions of the eighteenth century (Lexington. 1952). 170-85.
62. A much more extensive and subtle treatment of eighteenth-century French patenting activities is Liliane Hilaire-Pérex. L'invention technique au Siécle des Lumières (Paris, 2000).
63. Her "Invention and the state in 18th-century France", Technology and culture, xxxii (1991). 91-31.
64. provides an overview of the changing role of the Académie des Sciences in the examination and awarding of patents, but see also Roger Hahn. Anatomy of a scientific institution (Berkeley. 1971), 65-68
65. Also informative are: Paul Bondois, "L'organization industrielle et commerciale sous l'ancien régime: Le privilège exclusif au XVIIle siècle". Revue d'histoire économique et sociale, xxi (1933). 140-89:
66. and Jacques Isoré, "De I ' existence des brevets d'invention en droit français avant 1791", Revue historique de droit français et étranger, ser. 4, xvi (1937). 94-130:
67. Alfred Hachette, "La Maison du Roi et les inventeurs", Revue de l'histoire de Versailles et de Seine-et-Oise, xxxiv (1932). 20-36:
68. P. Boissonade, Le socialisme d'Etal: L'industrie et les classes industrielles en France pendant les deux premiers siècles de l'ère moderne (1453-1661) (Paris, 1927):
69. and Charles Gillispie, Science and polity in France at the end of the Old Regime (Princeton, 1981). 459-78.
70. Brown. The Venetian printing press (ref. 9). 52.
71. On the Venetian case see Brown, The Venetian printing press (ref. 9). 50-72, 92-95, The farming out of the licensing process to the Printers' Guild (or equivalent bodies such as the Stationers' Company in London) is found in France and England as well.
72. See the charts and globes by Harris. Senex. and Wilson patented on 7 July 1721 (AIPI, 252, 508, 625) and Haywood's and Jefferys's 17 November 1775 patent for non-cartaceous globes
73. AIPI, ibid., 260, 302.
74. Cases in which the fit between legal categories of intellectual property and techno-scientific products hits been either unclear or problematic include Daniel Kevles. "Of mice & money". Daedalus, cxxxi (2002). 78-88;
75. Sheldon Halpern. Craig Allen Nard, and Kenneth Port. Fundamentals of United States intellectual property law; Copyright, patent, and trademark (The Hague. 1999), 11-16, 229-31:
76. James Boyle. Shamans, software, spleens (Cambridge, MA. 1996), 97-107;
77. Glenn Bugos and Daniel Kevles. "Plants as intellectual property: American practice, law, and policy in world context", Osiris, vii (1992). 75-104:
78. Jack Kloppenburg. First the seed: The political economy of plant biotechnology, 1492-2000 (Cambridge, 1988):
79. James Boyle. "Enclosing the genome: What the squabbles over genetic patenting can teach us". http://www.law.duke.edu/boylesite/low/genome.pdf:
80. Glenn Bugos, "Intellectual property protection in the American chicken-breeding industry". Husinexs history review. Ixvi (1992). 127-68;
81. Henry Fountain. "DNA ditties". New York Times. 31 March 2002. "Week in review" Section (my thanks 10 Michael Pupish for this reference).
82. Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Veneia (ref. 9), 90.
83. Of the few known instrument makers in Italy in the seventeenth century, several of them operated in Venice (Daumas. Scientific instruments (ref. 4), 63-67).
84. Francesca Trivellato, "Scienziati, artefici, corporazioni c privilegi nella Venezia di tardo Settecento", in Paola Massa and Angelo Moioli (eds). Dalla corporazione al mutuo soccorso: Organizzazionee tutela del lavoro tra XVI e XX secolo (Bologna, 2004), 381-8. Part of Trivellato's argument is that, by that time, the economic importance of glass production - especially of a technical kind like this - was not sufficiently important to the Venetian economy to justify a patent.
85. On Selva see Alberto Lualdi, "La famiglia Selva, ottici del '700 veneziano". Nuncius, xvi (2001), 531-46. Lualdi does not focus on the issue of the patent, but indicates that Selva did not actually made flintglass, but managed to produce excellent achromatic telescopes with flintglass imported from England.
86. Blaise Pascal, 1649, "Arithmetical machine" (Michel Guern (ed.), Pascal, Oeuvres complètes (Paris, 1998), ii, 346-8);
87. Christiaan Huygens, 1665, "Seagoing clocks" (HOC, xvii, 177, note 6);
88. Christiaan Huygens, 1675, "Spring watch" (HOC, vii, 419-20);
89. Père Cherubin, 1670 (c.), "Binoculars" (Daumas, Scientific instruments (ref. 4), 74;
90. Cherubin D'Orleans, Effets de la force de la contiguité des corps ... (Paris, 1688), 413-14). Early modem French patents were issued by different administrative bodies and no comprehensive patent rolls have been published for the ancien régime. Archival research may uncover several more instrument patents than those listed here.
91. Pablo Pérez, "Los inventos llevados de España a las Indias en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI", Cuadernos de investigation históriea, vii ( 1983), 35-54, pp. 46-47.
92. On Spanish longitude prizes see Derek Howse, Greenwich time and the discovery of the longitude (Oxford, 1980), 10-12.
93. By contrast, Spain had substantial patenting activity in other areas of technology during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries (Nicolas García Tapia, Patenten de inventión espanolas en el Silo de Oro (Madrid, 1990)).
94. Hubert van Houtte. Histoire économique de la Belgique à la fin de l'ancien régime (Gand, 1920).
95. Rolls from the 1515-80 period are in Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10), 81-89.
96. Creutz. "Die Herausbildung des Erfindungsschutzes in Sachsen im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert" (ref. 11), 109.
97. Hulme, "The history of the patent system under the Prerogative and at Common Law: A sequel" (ref. 10), 51.
98. The grant's title suggests that the patent concerns mathematical instruments, but its description indicates otherwise: "Another water-rising device, obtained by 'long and painful study of the mathematical sciences' by the petitioner, a Cambridge Master of Arts." The term "mathematical instrument" is found in an April 1706 patent concerning a gearbox, thus indicating its broad semantic range (AIPI, 379).
99. Worcester, Edward, Marquis of, #131, 8th February 1661, "Making a watch or clock to go for several weeks without spring, chain, or other method of winding-up" (AIPI, 637).
100. Smethwick. Francis, #149. 14th May 1666, "Grinding optical glasses in figures which are not spherical", and Quare, Daniel, #342, 2nd August 1695, "Making a portable weather-glass or barometer" (AIPI, 523, 463).
101. Smethwick's and Quare's instruments were submitted to the Royal Society for approval (Bryden and Simms, "Spectacles improved to perfection and approved of by the Royal Society" (ref. 4), 2-3, 31-32). Contrary to what we find in eighteenth-century France, such submissions had no direct legal relevance to the patent application process.
102. Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and its Fellows. 1660-1700 (Chalfont St Giles, 1985), 70, 200.
103. David Landes, Revolution in time (Cambridge, MA, 1983). 147-8;
104. AIPI, 155, 184.
105. AIPI, 572. This is what became known as the "cylinder escapement" perfected by Tompion's assistant and successor
106. George Graham (R. W. Symonds, Thomas Tampion: His life and work (London, 1951). 242).
107. Pohlmann. "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 135-9.
108. On Josua Habermehl see Ernst Zinner, Deutsche und Niederlandische astronomische Instrumente des 11 - 18. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1967), 346-6.
109. The paient might relate to Bürgi's instrument reproduced in J. A. Bennett, The divided circle (Oxford, 1987) at p. 46.
110. On Rueckert see Zinner. Deutsche und Niederlandische astronomische Instrumente (ref. 30). 239, 331. 604.
111. I have not been able to find any information about Elias Huelter or Melchior and Caspar Strobel. The Imperial rolls list Huetter as having received three patents from 1582 to 1595 for a hydraulic device, a gun-lock, and a planetarium (Pohlmann. "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 137 8). The range of these inventions suggests that he might have been an investor rather than a maker.
112. By the lime he received the patent in 1602. Biirgi was not yet in Rudolph's employ but he was well known to the Emperor for the work he had done for Duke Wilhelm IV of Hesse-Kassel. Biirgi moved to Prague in 1603. On Markgraf see H. von Bertele and E. Neumann, "Der kaiserliche Kammeruhrmacher Christoph Margraf und die Erfindung der Kugellaufuhr", Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien, lix (1963). 39-98, which reproduces the privilege at pp. 9-1-96. and various images of his clock-based automata.
113. More images are in Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Prag un 1600: Kunst und Kultur am Hofe Kaiser Rudolfs II (Vienna, 1988). ii. 262-4.
114. Some of Markgraf's instruments owned by Rudolph are listed in Beket Bukovinska, "Scientifica in der Kunstkammer Rudolphs II". in John Robert Christianson et al. (eds), Tycho Brahe and Prague (Frankfurt, 2002), 270-5.
115. On Schissler see Maximilian Bobinger, Christoph Schissler der Ältere und der Jüngere (Augsburg, 1954). The patent concerns Schissler senior.
116. MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10). 28-30.
117. Eric Ash. Power, knowledge, and expertise in Elizabethan England (Baltimore. 2004), 33-34.
118. Nicolas Garcia Tapia and Jesús Carrillo Castillo. Tecnologia e imperio (Madrid. 2002), 79-112.
119. Père d'Orleans. Effets de la force de la continuité des corps... (ref. 19). 413-14. The privilege was awarded gratis.
120. Christiaan's father - Constantijn Huygens -was one of the most influential politicians in the Netherlands at that time. In the documents related to the clock and watch patents. Christiaan is often referred to as Constantijn's son. Pascal's case is comparable. The text of Louis XIV's letter patent makes apparent the King's respect for Blaise "s intellectual qualities and mathematical skills, but it is also quite emphatic about Ixiuis's friendship with his father - a royal official.
121. "Privilège pour la machine d'arithmétique de M. Pascal", in Guern (ed.). Pascal. Oeuvres complètes (ref. 19). ii. 346-8.
122. The best discussion of the "Pascaline" is Guy Mourlevat, Les machines arithmétiques de Blaise Pascal (Clermont-Ferrand. 1988).
123. Pascal's path to the patent is sketched out in Louis Lafuma. Controverses Pascaliennes (Paris. 1952). 105-20.
124. The privilege mentions that Pascal has already produced fifty somewhat different prototypes. It does so. I believe, to imply that the Pascaline comes in many shapes and forms - all of which, however, instantiated the claim covered by the privilege. Pascal's strategy, ratified by the text of the privilege, is to put forward a very general central claim that can be reduced to practice in many different ways -several of which have already been actualized in prototypes prior to the privilege application. By mentioning so many Pascalines already in circulation, Pascal also maximizes his chances of winning later infringement cases. With so many different prototypes in circulation, it would have been relatively easy to argue that many competitors had been inspired by them. Furthermore, that all of Pascal's prototypes were covered by the privilege would have given him the opportunity to argue that calculating machines by other people (whatever they might have been) resembled some aspect of one of his many Pascalines, and thus infringed on his privilege.
125. HOC. v. 254. 256-7, 264. 279.
126. Iliffe. '"In the warehouse' " (ref. 1), 45-46.
127. Examples of such strategies are in Achille De Rubertis, "Bernardo Buontalenli inventore di strumenti per mulini", Rivista d'arte. xii (1930), 555-63:
128. Molà. "Artigiani e brevetti nella Firenze del Cinquecento" (ref. 11), 68. Galileo's attempts to enlist the Medici's help to secure printing privileges for the books published by the Accademia del Lincei from other princes falls in the same category.
129. See ref. 7 above.
130. Huygens applied for a privilege on 5 February and obtained it on 15 February (HOC, vii, 401, 419-20).
131. English patents took about one to two months to issue (MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10), 76).
132. On English inventors who pursued titles or employment in the royal service see MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10), 34.
133. An example is Joseph Moxon whose newly designed globes earned him the title of "Royal Hydrographer". Moxon's inventions are not listed in the English patent rolls. Similarly, Thomas Bedwell did not patent his carpenter's rule and gunner's rule but managed to become the "Keeper of the Ordnance Store" at the Tower of London in 1589 (Stephen Johnston, "Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England", Annals of science, xlviii (1991), 319-44). Johnston analyses Bedwell's creative alternatives to secure his intellectual property in his instruments at pp. 327-8.
134. Crawforth, "Evidence from trade cards for the scientific instrument industry" (ref. 4) argues that patents were used as "badges of honour" in advertisement (p. 455), but lists only a few examples (Fenn (p. 505), Ould (p. 521), and Mcculloch (p. 516)). Later in the article the author acknowledges that such use was, in fact, relatively rare (p. 460). We also need to notice that only few of the patented instruments were advertised as such. A discussion of patents' double role as business protection and advertisement later in the century is in Bertucci
135. "A philosophical business" (ref. 1), 47-49.
136. Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" (ref. 1), 36-38.
137. Christopher Steadman, quoted in Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" (ref. 1), 52, note 31.
138. On the price increases see Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" (ref. 1), 39.
139. André Danjon and André Couderc, Lunettes et télescopes (Paris, 1935), 658 reports that in 1772 the price of achromatic telescopes went from 21 to 16 shillings/foot.
140. The historiography on trademarks is quite limited but see Frank J. Schechter, The historical foundations of the law relating to trade-marks (New York, 1925).
141. It seems that the vast majority of the instruments submitted to the Académie for approval -an early step in the patent application process -were actually never patented, suggesting that they were pursued as endorsements and badges of honour rather than as legal intellectual property titles. In a tightly controlled mercantilistic economy, titles issued by a royal institution like the Académie (and the connections they enabled) seemed more valuable than intellectual property. Examples are in Hahn, Anatomy of a scientific institution (ref. 12), 69-72, esp. p. 70;
142. and Catherine Cardinal, "Ferdinand Berthoud and Pierre Le Roy", in William Andrewes (ed.), The quest for longitude (Cambridge, MA, 1996), 282-92. Several of Berthoud's and Le Roy's instruments were submitted to the Academic's approval, but were not patented. See also ref, 66 below.
143. A. J. Turner, From pleasure and profit to science and security (ref. 4);
144. and Maurice Daumas, "Le corps des ingénieurs brevetés en instrument scientifiques (1787)", Archives internationales d'histoires des sciences, v (1952), 86-96.
145. Two patents (one by the States General and one by States of Holland) were granted to Salomon Coster for Huygens's first pendulum watch in 1657. Huygens took a patent (from the States General) in 1664 for his remontoir seagoing clock and two more (from the States General and States Holland) for the spring watch in 1675. Simon Douw took out two patents (from the States General and States Holland) for an improvement on Huygens's 1657 clock. Douw's patents were strenuously opposed by Coster and Huygens (Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10), 146, 147, 150, 153, 179, 180, 184).
146. Peter de Clercq, At the Sign of the Oriental Lamp: The Musschenbroke workshop in Leiden, 1660-1750 (Rotterdam. 1997). 39.
147. Clock patents are also mentioned in the secondary literature about the patent system in Florence and Venice: Molà. "Artigiani e brevetti nella Firenze del Cinquecento" (ref. 11). 72:
148. and Berveglieri. Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9) 21.
149. The absence of philosophical instruments from Dutch patent rolls is remarkable given the production of those instruments in the Netherlands.
150. Quare. Daniel. 2nd August 1695. "Making a portable weather-glass or barometer", in AIPI, 463.
151. The dispute between Quare and the London's Clockmakers' Guild over this patent is discussed in Joyce Brown. "Guild organisation and the instrument-making trade" (ref. 4). 32.
152. On Quare's interaction with the Royal Society see Bryden and Simms. "Spectacles improved to perfection" (ref. 4). 31-32.
153. John R. Millburn. "The Office of Ordnance and the instrument-making trade in the mid-eighteenth century", Annul of science, xlv (1988), 221-93.
154. Crawforth. "Evidence from trade cards for the scientific instrument industry" (ref. 4). 474.
155. John Heliborn, Elements of early modern physics (Berkeley, 1982) 70:
156. Daumas. Scientific instruments (ref. 4). 228-45:
157. Anita McConnell. "From craft workshop to big business: The London scientific instrument trade's response to increasing demand. 1750-1820". The London journal, xix (1994). 36-53;
158. Jim Bennctt. "Shopping for instruments in Paris and London", in Pamela Smith and Paula Findlen (eds). Merchants and marvels: Commerce, science, and art in early modern Europe (New York. 2002). 370-98:
159. Gerard I.'E. Turner. "The London trade in scientific instrument-making in the eighteenth century" in Scientific instruments and experimental philosophy, 1550-1850 (Aldershoi. 1990). 1-21:
160. Bryden. "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London. 1556-1714" (ref. 4). esp. pp. 322-36:
161. Crawforth, "Evidence from trade cards for the scientific instrument industry" (ref. 4). 453-554.
162. On the turn toward 'industrial' instrument making in eighteenth-century England, see Allan Chapman. "Scientific instruments and industrial innovation: The achievement of Jesse Ramsden". in R. G. W. Anderson. J. A. Bennett. and W. P. Ryan (eds). Making instruments count (Aldershot. 1993). 418-30.
163. John Hadley was awarded a patent on 22 November 1734 for a "Quadrant for taking at sea the altitude of the sun. moon, or stars, and also any other angles: level to be fixed to a quadrant, for taking meridional altitudes at sea" (AIPI. 238).
164. See Culpeper's plea to clients not to show his instruments to other London makers in Crawforth, "Evidence from trade cards for the scientific instrument industry" (ref. 4). 463.
165. It may he interesting to map the distribution of patents between the London 'west-end' makers of philosophical instruments and the 'east-end' mathematical instrument makers to compare patenting patterns in different branches of the business.
166. Stewart. "Science, instruments, and guilds in early modern Britain" (ref. 4), 392-410.
167. and MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10). 137.
168. Michael Berlin's work supports such positions by showing that, since the seventeenth century, the London guilds relaxed their power to search the shops for "quality control' purposes. The clockmakers (which included many instrument makers) dropped it altogether in 1750 (Berlin. '"Broken in all pieces'" (ref. 4). espec. p. 87).
169. The guilds' declining ability to enforce their rules could be a factor behind the increased patenting of instruments (orten by guild members) in England after 1700. These readings, like those by Daumas on instrument making in eighteenth-century France (Daumas, Scientific instruments (ref. 4). 90-106)
170. and by Karel Davids on the relationship between thriving patent activity in the Netherlands and permissive or weak local guilds ("Technological change and the economic expansion of the Dutch Republic. 1580-1680". in Karel Davids and Leo Noordegraaf (eds), The Dutch economy in the Golden Age (Amsterdam. 1993). 79-104. pp. 94-95) indicate that most studies of early modern patenting (including those related to instruments) do not participate in the recent historiography that tries to revise the received consensus about the guilds' technological conservatism. Despite the available literature (see ref. 4 above) too much is still unknown about the relationship between instrument makers and guilds (especially outside of London) and how that may have impacted instrument patenting. But even the evidence from England is not so clear cut. A few instrument patents were opposed (Quare's, De Duillier's, Dollond's), but many more were not, even when the patentees belonged to the guilds. And in Dollond's case, the litigation resulted from the unusually large market potential of achromatic lenses, not from an anti-patent policy by the guilds. The same applies to the guilds' successful attempt to void the patent granted to Fatio de Duillier et al. on rubies as clock bearings. Like Dollond's, that patent seemed to impact too many clockmakers for the guild not to react.
171. A reading of the brief descriptions of patents in AIPI indicates that as differences among instruments of the same kind began to make a bigger difference, the language of English eighteenth-century instrument patents began to sound like modern 'patentese', with a more careful wording of the specificity of patent claims.
172. The Académie des Sciences of Paris was charged with the examination of patent applications, but its role was neither exclusive -the Crown could chose other examiners -nor conclusive - a positive report from the Académie did not imply the issuance of the patent (Hahn, Anatomy of a scientific institution (ref. 12), 60-65). Inventors, however, submitted their work to the Académie not only to pursue a patent, but also in the hope of receiving a positive endorsement.
173. The Académie published many of the approved inventions in M. Gallon (ed.), Machines et inventions approuvées par l'Académie Royale den Sciences, depuis son établissement... (Paris, 1735-77), in seven volumes covering the 1666-1754 period.
174. "Chambre obscure de nouvelle construction", and "Machine pour tailler les verres de lunettes", in Gallon (ed.), Machines et inventions approuvées (ref. 66), vi, 125-8.
175. AIPI, 152, 395, 236;
176. Bertucci, "A philosophical business" (réf. 1), 41-58.
177. De Magellan, was not an instrument maker but an agent, purchasing instruments in London for Van Marum in the 1780s (Gerard L'E. Turner, "The London trade?" (réf. 60). 13). His role in this patent, therefore, may have been that of the financial backer.
178. George Adams in 1750;
179. Robert Blair in 1785 and 1791;
180. Hugh Dixon in 1785;
181. Christopher Irwin in 1758;
182. Henry Pyefinch in 1770;
183. Cater Rand in 1792;
184. Thomas Short in 1774;
185. and William Storer in 1780G4//Y, 2, 51, 162,297,463,466,515,547).
186. By George Lindsay in 1743, William Storer in 1780, and Hugh Dixon in 1785 (AIPI, 340, 547, 162).
187. Hilaire-Pérez, "Invention and the state in 18th-century France" (ref. 12), 915.
188. Mandich, "Venetian patents" (ref. 9), 167. note 1A.
189. Supplica is the Italian term found in Venice and elsewhere to designate the request of a privilege.
190. France introduced the notion of the author as holder of intellectual property rights with the Revolution. Article 1 of the 7 January 1991 law states: "Toute découverte ou nouvelle invention, dans tous les genres d'industrie, est la propriété de son auteur; en conséquence, la loi lui en garantir la pleine et entieére juissance, suivant le mode et pour le temps qui seront ci-après déterminés" (quoted in Yves Plasseraud and François Savignon, L'état et l'invention (Paris, 1986), 186). Other European countries took longer to pass similar legal codifications, while Britain started moving earlier in that direction, prodded along by industrial and commercial developments rather than political revolutions. In the Kingdom of Piedmont and Sardinia (soon to become the Kingdom of Italy), the shift from "royal favour" to "inventor's rights" happened only in 1855
191. (Vittorio Marchis, Luisa Dolza, and Michelangelo Vasta, Iprivilegi industriali come specchio dell'innovazione nel Piemontepreunitario (Turin, 1992), 118). Switzerland and the Netherlands, however, chose to go without a national patent system until the twentieth century
192. (Eric Schiff, Industrialization without national patents: The Netherlands, 1869-1912; Switzerland, 1850-1907 (Princeton, 1971)).
193. Parker. The Burean of Commerce in 1781 (ref. 12). 59:
194. Roberto Berveglieri and Carlo Poni. "L'innovazione nel settore serico". in Luca Molà. Reinhold Mueller, and Claudio Zanier (eds), La seta in Italia dal Medioevo al Seicento (Venice. 2000), 478. 481-2;
195. Carlo Marco Belfanti. "Guilds, patents, and the circulation of technical knowledge: Northern Italy during the early modern age". Technology and culture. xlv (2004), 569-89:
196. Josef Ehmer. "Worlds of mobility: Migration patterns of Viennese artisans in the eighteenth century", in Geoffrey Crossick (ed.), The artisan and the European town. 1500-1900 ( Aldershot. 1997). 172-99:
197. Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9). 33-34:
198. Carlo Marco Belfanti. "Fashion and innovation: The origins of the Italian hosiery industry in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries", Textile industry, xxvii (1996). 132-47. csp. p. 142:
199. Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed.). Le migrazioni in Europa, secoli XIII-XVHI (Florence. 1994). Although the trend tapered off. the use of patents for the importation of technology remained visible throughout the eighteenth century.
200. "El sono in questa Cita, et anche ala zornada, per la grandeza et bontà soa concorre homeni da diverse bande, et acutissimi ingegni, apti ad excogitar et trovar varij ingegnosi artificij...", cited in Giulio Mandich. "Le privative industriali Veneziane (1450-1550)". Rivista di diritto commerciale e del diritto generale delle obbligazioni. xxxiv (1936). Part One. p. 518.
201. Thomas Sprat. History of the Royal Society (London. 1667). 398-401.
202. Michael Sonenscher. Work and wages (Cambridge, 1989). 216.
203. On Court clockmakers' exemption from guild regulations in Paris and Augsburg see Landes. Revolution in time (ref. 27). 225-6.
204. On the awarding of patents to foreigners see Berveglieri. Inveniori stmnieri a Venezia (ref. 9):
205. Davids. "Patents and patentees in the Dutch Republic" (ref. 10). 269;
206. Joan Thirsk. Economic policy and projects (Oxford. 1978). 24-77:
207. Felicity Heal and Clive Holmes. "The economic patronage of William Cecil", in Pauline Croft (ed.). Patronage, culture, and power: The early Cecils (New Haven. 2002). 199-229:
208. Maximilian Frumkin. "Early history of patents for invention", Transactions of the Newcomen Society, xxvi (1947). 47-55:
209. Doorman, Parents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10). 13-15.
210. Thirsk. Economic policy and projects (ref. 79). 55.
211. Examples of these attempts (successful and unsuccessful alike) are in Molà, "Artigiani e brevetti" (ref. 11), 58-59, 63.
212. John Harris, Essays in industry and technology in the eighteenth century: England and France (Aldershol. 1992):
213. John Harris, Industrial espionage and technology transfer: Britain and France in the eighteenth Century (Aldershot. 1998):
214. André Guillerme (ed.), "De la diffusion des sciences à l'espionnage industriel", special issue of Cahiers d'histoire et de philosophie des sciences, xlvii (1999);
215. Kurd [Davids. "Openness or secrecy'.' Industrial espionage in the Dutch Republic", The journal of European economic history, xxiv (1995). 333-49;
216. Karel Davids "Public knowledge and common secrets: Secrecy and its limits in the early modern Netherlands". Early science and medicine, x (2005). 411-27.
217. Francis Bacon. The Advancement of Learning and New Atlantis, ed. by Arthur Johnston (Oxford, 1974). 230.
218. read Bacon's line that "These ships are not otherwise fraught than with store of victuals and good quantity of treasure to remain with the brethren for the buying of such things and rewarding of such persons as they should think fit to refer to bribes for trade ecrets (p. 230). The distinctly autocratic and not republic-of-letters-like nature of the House of Solomon was highlighted in John Heilbron, "Why revisit Solomon's House?", in Tore Frangsmyr (ed.). Solomon's House revisited (Canton. MA. 1990), 331-42. The autocratic character of the House of Solomon reflects. I believe, the trade policies Bacon had become familiar with at Court.
219. Thirsk. Economic policy and projects (ref. 79). 53.
220. Similarly. Felicity Heal and Clive Holmes claim that "Cecil was claimed to have combed England and Europe for new processes and manufactures. He certainly employed a variety of local agents to report on the feasibility of projects" ("The economic patronage of William Cecil" (ref. 79). 199-229. p. 203).
221. David Landes, "The round of horological migrations", in Simonetta Cavaciocchi (ed.). Le migrazioni in Europa, secoli XIII-XVIII (ref. 75), 561-6;
222. Gerhard Dohrn-Van Rossum, "Migrating technicians: Medieval clockmakers", Le Migrazioni in Europa, Secoli XIII-XVIII, ibid., 671-76.
223. On early modem artisanal mobility in early modern Europe see also Leslie Page Moch, Moving Europeans (Bloomington, 2003);
224. Stephan Epstein, "Labour mobility, journeyman organisations and markets in skilled labour in Europe, 14th-18th centuries", in Arnoux and Monnet (eds), Le technicien dans la cité en Europe occidentale, 1250-1650 (ref. 11), 251-69;
225. and Josef Ehmer, "Worlds of mobility: Migration patterns of Viennese artisans in the eighteenth century", in Crossick (ed.), The artisan and the European town, 1500-1900 (ref. 75), 172-99.
226. Henry Heller, Labour, science, and technology in France, 1500-1620 (Cambridge, 1996), 120.
227. On the migration of Huguenot artisans see Warren Scoville, "The Huguenots and the diffusion of technology", Journal of political economy, lx (1952), 294-311.
228. Other examples of forced migrations are discussed in Heinz Schilling, "Innovation through migration: The settlement of the Calvinistic Netherlanders in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Central and Western Europe", Histoire sociale, xvi (1983), 7-33.
229. Another example is the expulsion of Sephardic Jewish artisans from Spain and Portugal. A reassessment of the non-dramatic causes and greater scale of artisanal mobility in early modern Europe is Stephan Epstein, "Labour mobility, journeyman organisations, and markets in skilled labour in Europe, 14th-18th centuries", in Mahieu Arnoux and Pierre Monnet (eds), Le technicien dans la cité en Europe occidentale, 1250-1650 (Rome, 2004), 251-69.
230. Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10), 59. Later examples are Tito Livio Burattini at the Polish court in Warsaw, Jacob Lusuerg at the court in Modena, or Joost Bürgi at the Hesse-Kassel and Rudolphine courts.
231. A. J. Turner, From pleasure and profit to science and security: Etienne Lenoir and the transformation of precision instrument-making in France, 1760-1830 (Cambridge, 1989), 10.
232. Sections of two letters from Cassini to Belsaigne are in Christian Wolff, Histoire de l'Observatoire de Paris de sa fondation à 1793 (Paris, 1902), 299-300.
233. Marcus Popplow, "Protection and promotion: Privileges for inventions and books of machines in the Early Modern Period", History of technology, xx (1998), 103-24, p. 109.
234. On Venice's policies see Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9), 42-44, 49.
235. As peculiar as it may seem, the decision to reward inventors for the inventions they had not invented yet has an analogue at the other end of the spectrum of authorship, where authorial credit transforms into responsibility. Roger Chartier has shown that the first of three categories used by the Spanish Inquisition to classify heretical books included "all the works of the authors considered to be heretics -that is to say, not only the works they had already written but also the works they were to write and publish in the future" ("Foucault's Chiasmus", in Mario Biagioli and Peter Galison (eds), Scientific authorship (New York, 2003), 13-31, p. 23).
236. Patrick McCray, "Creating networks of skill: Technology transfer and the glass industry of Venice", The journal of European economic history, xxviii (1999), 301-33, esp. pp. 309-16.
237. Bologna had harsher penalties: "Ugolino Menzani was tried in absentia and condemned to death at the beginning of the seventeenth century for having exported equipment for throwing and twisting silk to Venice. A painting showing him hanged upside down remained on public display in Bologna for more than a century" (Belfanti, "Guilds, patents, and the circulation of technical knowledge" (ref. 75), 581).
238. Giuseppe Ceredi, Tre discorsi sopra il modo d'alzar acque da'luoghi bassi... (Parma, 1567), p. 19
239. quoted in Popplow, "Protection and promotion" (ref. 89), 122, note 51. Ceredi himself had obtained a privilege from his local prince - Ottavio Farnese - in 1566 (a year before he published his book) for an improved version of the Archimedean screw.
240. Quoted in MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10), 11.
241. Leonardo du Vinci. "Codices Madrid"
242. quoted in Popplow. "Protection and promotion" (ref. 89), 122. note 50.
243. Carlo Poni. "Richerche sugli inventori bolognesi della macchina seminatrice alia fine del secolo XVI". Rivista storica Italiana, lxxvi (1964), 455-69. p. 458.
244. Other examples are: the Dutch hydraulic engineer Cornelius Meijer who travel led from Amsterdam to Venice and Rome, obtaining patents in each city (Berveglieri. Inventori stranieri a Vene-ia (ref. 9). 43:
245. Klaas van Berkel. '"Cornelius Meijer inventor el fecit': On the representation of science in late seventeenth-century Rome", in Smith and Findlen. Merchants and marvels (ref. 60), 277-96):
246. the French inventor Francois Antola who obtained patents in Lyons. Florence, and Venice (Berveglieri. Inventori stranieri a Venezia ( ref. 9). 431:
247. and Guidoboni's and Gabrielli's scheme to obtain patents in Venice, Rome, and Florence analysed in Molà. "Artigiani e brevetti nella Firenze del Cinquecento" (ref. 11). 66-67. Huygens's 1664 English patent of the pendulum clock with Bruce could be put in this category as well.
248. A detailed discussion of the career of one of these projectors is Pamela Smith. The business of alchemy: Science and culture in the Holy Roman Empire (Princeton. 1994).
249. A discussion of the complex relation between patents and projects is in Thirsk. Economic policy and projects (ref. 79). esp. pp. 24-77.
250. A contextualization of Galileo's invention and use of the telescope within patenting practices is in Biagioli. Galileo's instruments of credit (ref. 5). 77-134. esp. pp. 119-27.
251. The complementarity (rather than opposition) of guilds and patents has been proposed by Belfanti in his "Guilds, patents, and the circulation of technical knowledge" (ref. 75). 569-89. esp. pp. 576-80.
252. Gouk. The ivory sundials of Nurenberg, 1500-1700 (ref. 4), 52, 63, 66, 77-81, 117.
253. On the Dutch case: "The urban authorities in Delft in 1755 ruled that no craftsman in the faience-making industry who had gone to practice his trade outside of Delft would ever be allowed to get employment in his native city again or to receive assistance from the poor-box." Karel Davids. "Public knowledge and common secrets: Secrecy and its limits in the early modern Netherlands", Early science and medicine, x (2005). 411-27. p. 419.
254. Belfanti gives the example of a Florentine immigrant to Venice. Cosimo Scatini. who was given a patent for silk dyeing and applied to the Venetian dyers' guild at the expiration of the patent, promising to teach his technology to local craftsmen ("Guilds, patents, and the circulation of technical knowledge" (ref. 75). 578).
255. MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10). 10-14.
256. Quite common, such training requirements were as much a form of embodied disclosure than a kind of reduction to practice.
257. Early sixteenth-century printing privileges issued by the Pope warned potential Christian pirates that they would be excommunicated. This threat was dropped in later privileges. The peculiarity of early papal privileges does not reflect a change in the logic of the privilege, but rather in the nature of this specific prince - one who claimed a non-secular jurisdiction over all Christians (Pierina Fontana. "Inizi della proprietá Ictteraria nello Stato Pontiticio", Accademie e biblioteche d'Italia, iii (1929). 204-21. p. 207).
258. Frank Prager. "Brunelleschi's patent", Journal of the Patent Office Society, xxviii (1946). 109-35:
259. Frank Prager and Gustina Scaglia. Brunelleschi: Studies of his technology and inventions (Cambridge. MA. 1970). 111-23.
260. Pamela Long. "Invention, authorship, 'intellectual properly.' and the origin of patents: Notes toward a conceptual history". Technology and culture, xxxii (1991). 846-84. p. 877.
261. The geographical notion of originality survived until the nineteenth century, that is, well after the emergence of author-centred notions of originality. It was dropped only when the development of formalized patent systems led various countries to recognize each other's patents. For instance. Article 3 of the French patent law of 7 January 1791 reads: "Quiconque approtera en France une découverte étrangère jouira des mêmes avantages que s'il en était l'inventeur", in Plasseraud and Savignon, L'état et l'invention (ref. 74), 186.
262. Berveglieri and Poni, "Three centuries of Venetian patents" (ref. 9), 390.
263. Martha Woodmansee, "The genius and the copyright: Economie and legal conditions of the emergence of the 'author'", Eighteenth-century studies, xvii ( 1984), 425-48.
264. While Harris and others have shown that there was widespread "industrial espionage" in early modern Europe, we should add that there was no categorical distinction between such "espionage" and the use of patents to draw artisans and inventors from one country to another. Despite the use of pejorative terms such as 'espionage', these practices were not illegal.
265. Iliffe, '"In the warehouse'" (ref. 1), 29-67.
266. "'In the Warehouse'" Ibid., 41-52.
267. On Huygens's ongoing concerns with the determination of the longitude through accurate timekeepers see J. H. Leopold, "The longitude timekeepers of Christiaan Huygens", in Andrewes (ed.), The quest for longitude (ref. 51), 102-14.
268. Iliffe has shown that Hooke and Huygens strove to deliver increasingly more accurate and reliable watches to the King and his counsellors. Oldenburg's plea to Huygens to send a watch with a hand marking seconds ('"In the warehouse'" (ref. 1), 50) is obviously not a priority issue but a performance-related argument. No patent for the spring watch (either to Hooke or Huygens) is recorded in the rolls.
269. Furthermore, the inventions covered by these privileges were sometimes put to work in public spaces (canals, public land, or. in Brunelleschi's case, rivers). In this sense, early patents had more than a passing resemblance with earlier mining privileges.
270. According to U.S. patent law, such specifications need to be sufficiently full and clear to enable a person skilled in the art to make and use that invention (Halpern, Nard, and Port, Fundamentals of United States intellectual property law (ref. 16), 235).
271. This does not apply to secret patents concerning, for instance, military technologies (Tom O' Dell, Invention and official secrecy: A history of secret patents in the United Kingdom (Oxford, 1995)).
272. See ref. 82 above.
273. In 1598 Cornelis Meynertsz was asked to provide drawings of the drainage mill he was trying to patent to the Deputies of the States of Holland so that "should the latter find the invention to be new the patent would be granted" (Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10). 174).
274. Patents for Inventions in the Netherlands, Ibid., 22-23.
275. When models or drawing were kept by state official, they were not disclosed to the public. Dutch practices were quite similar to English ones, as analysed in Eric Robinson, "James Watt and the laws of patents", Technology and culture, xiii (1972), 115-39.
276. Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10), 175.
277. Hilaire-Pérez, "Invention and the state in 18th-century France" (ref. 12), 919;
278. Hahn, Anatomy of a scientific institution (ref. 12), 67.
279. Quoted in Pohlmann, "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 126, 130.
280. The seven volumes of Gallon (ed.), Machines et inventions approuvées (ref. 66), listed the inventions approved from 1666 to 1754 (but were published between 1735 and 1777).
281. Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9): "purtroppo una descrizione tecnica precisa di ciò che à stato inventato e brevettato manea per la quasi totalità dei brevetti" (p. 26); "Naturalmente non si conosce il principio, oggi sostenuto da alcuni, ehe concedendo una patente la pubblica autorità deve descrivere l'invenzione ehe vuole proteggere" (p. 27); "I dossier sono estremamente poveri di illustrationi" (p. 38).
282. MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10). 49.
283. MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution Ibid., 49.
284. MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution Ibid., 42.
285. "Since official and judicial guidance was lacking for most of the eighteenth century, it is doubtful whether patentees held any clear idea what the function of a specification was or how full and accurate it ought to he. Like most other things about the system, it was left to the patentee's discretion" (MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution ibid., 50).
286. HOC. v. 157.
287. Rupert Hall and Marie Boas Hall (eds). The correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, iv (Madison. 1967). 223-4, 235.
288. Sorrenson has argued that when Dollond's son. Peter, sued for infringement ofhis father's 1658 patent for achromatic doublets, the court did not recognize that the invention Peter Dollond was trying to defend was related to, but different from, the one of the 1658 patent: "Rather than questioning what particular kind of achromatic lens it was that the patent covered, the legal proceedings focused on whether or not Dollond's lens was the first commercially available achromatic lens of any kind" ("Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" (ref. 1). 39).
289. "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" Ibid., 37-42.
290. Quoted in "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" Ibid., 40.
291. John Milburn. Adams of Fleet Street, instrument makers to King George III (Aldershot. 2000), 61:
292. McConnell. "From craft workshop to big business" (ref. 60). 49.
293. The author seems to relate these drawings to a 1775 dividing engine, but that year Ramsden patented an equatorial instrument (AIPI.465).
294. Robinson. "James Watt and the laws of patents" (ref. 119). 125. This is a very important article for anyone interested in the history of disclosure requirements.
295. Mourlevat. Lex machines arithmétiques de Blaise Pascal (ref. 38). 12.
296. Current U.S. patent law lists two kinds of reduction to practice: constructive and actual. Actual reduction to practice occurs when the inventor constructs the invention (which usually means a prototype), but constructive reduction to practice is deemed sufficient. Constructive reduction lo practice was defined in Fiers r. Revel (1993) as "While one does not need to have carried out one's invention before filing a patent application, one does need to be able to describe that invention with particularity" (Halpern. Nard. and Port. Fundamentals of United States intellectual property law (ref. 16). 205-7).
297. Jürgen Renn and Matteo Valleriani. "Galileo and the challenge of the Arsenal". Nunciux. xvi (2001). 496. note 36:
298. Berveglieri. Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9). 40.
299. Pohlmann. "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10). 126, 129-30:
300. Hahn. Anatomy of a scientific institution (ref. 12). 67.
301. Iliffe. "'In the warehouse' "(ref. 1), 43-48;
302. HOC. xvii, 175. note 2.
303. Huygens applied on 5 February 1675 (HOC, vii.401).
304. but had already showed Colbert a model on 31 January (HOC ibid., 407).
305. Biagioli. Galileo's instruments of credit (ref. 5), 120-1.
306. Pohlmann. "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10). 129-30.
307. MacLeod. Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10) . has found that in late sixteenth-century England. "the consideration or quid pro quo originally demanded was not the disclosure of his secret but the 'furtherance of trade' through the effective introduction of a new technique or industry", p. 13. Reduction to practice requirements in the Netherlands are discussed in Davids, "Patents and patentees in the Dutch Republic" (ref. 10), 267. and the French ones in Hilaire-Pérez. "Invention and the state in 18th-century France" (ref. 12). 923. In Florence too disclosure was replaced by prompt reduction to practice. That requirement could be fulfilled by showing affidavits by reliable witnesses that the invention was operative (Molà, "Artigiani e brevetti" (ref. 11), 64). Rather than public written disclosure, privileges could include provisions about the training of local workers and artisans into the technology covered by the privilege. In line with the logic of the privilege, the recipients of such "disclosure" were not generic members of society, but the princely subjects who were to use that technology right there and then. On Venetian requirements for reduction to practice (and the cancellation of patents for inventions that failed to meet those requirements)
308. see Berveglieri, Inventort stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9), 26-28.
309. On reduction to practice in the Hapsburg Empire see Pohlmann, "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 129-30.
310. Karel Davids has argued that reduction to practice requirements played a significant role in the decline of Dutch patenting starting around 1640, when inventions became, on average, larger and more complicated, thus requiring more time and capital to develop ("Patents and patentees in the Dutch Republic" (ref. 10), 278-80). The troubles of poor Venetian inventors who did not have sufficient resources to meet reduction to practice requirements are discussed in Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9), 28-29.
311. See ref. 136 above.
312. Biagioli, Galileo's instruments of credit (ref. 5), 121.
313. Royal Society, "Journal Book", 16 January 1695,
314. quoted in Bryden and Simms, "Spectacles improved to perfection" (ref. 4), 31.
315. Iliffe, '"In the warehouse'" (ref. 1), 46-52.
316. George Foster, "Izaac Thuret, clockmaker to Louis XIV", Antiquarian horology, iii/3 (1960), 73-75;
317. HOC. vii, 399-436.
318. MacLeod argues that, even after the introduction of specification requirements in England in 1723, detailed descriptions of the invention were filed only after the sealing of the patent (Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10), 49, 42).
319. There seem to have been two levels of disclosure: a preliminary summary with the application, and a fuller one after the issuance. This would fit the pattern of inventors' distrust found elsewhere. Given the enterprising tendencies of many brokers and administrators at the royal court (but - as shown in Ash, Power, knowledge, and expertise (réf. 34) - also of the Crown itself), such level of caution on the inventors' side was probably not paranoid.
320. On 3 June 1663 "Sir Robert Moray ... produced likewise a certain petition lately presented to the king, for a patent to practise a secret of making all grain grow plentifully in any barren ground, without laying on any dung or compost; so that the same land so sown should improve yearly, and bear corn constantly, at the charge of ten or twelve shillings an acre ..." (Thomas Birch, The history of the Royal Society of London (London, 1756), i, 252).
321. have not been able to find this patent in the English rolls. Equally unfitting the image of impartiality that the Society was trying to develop for itself were its plans to demand explicitly higher levels of disclosure from non-members who wished to enter sealed priority claims about their inventions in its archives. At the 16 November 1667 meeting it was discussed that: "Mention being made, that a security might be provided for such inventions or notions, as ingenious persons might have, and desired to secure from usurpation, or from being excluded from having a share in them, if they should be lighted on by others; it was thought good, if any thing of that nature should be brought in, and desired to be lodged with the society, that, if the authors were not of their body, they should be obliged to shew it first to the president, and that then it should be sealed up both by the small seal of the society, and by the seal of the proposer; but if they were of the society, then they should not be obliged to shew it first to the president, but only to declare to him the general heads of the matter, and then it should be sealed up, as mentioned before" (Birch, The history of the Royal Society of London (ref. 152), ii, 212).
322. Hunter, Establishing the new science (réf. 7), 73-121 ;
323. K. H. Ochs, "The Royal Society of London's History of Trades programme: An early episode in applied science". Notes and records of the Koyal Society, xxxix (1985). 129-58. esp. pp. 146-50.
324. Sprat wrote thai "... the Royal Society will he able by degrees, to purchase such extraordinary inventions, which are now close lock'd up in Cabinets: and then to bring them into one common Stock, which shall be upon all occasions expos'd to all mens use" (History of the Royal Society (ref. 77). 75).
325. At the 18 May 1664 meeting. Hooke "mentioned that he knew a person, who had the art of softening steel to that degree, that it might be twisted. He was desired to endeavour to get the secret, and ID offer a reward tor it" (Birch. The history of the Royal Society of London (ref. 152), i.426),
326. Birch, The history of the Royal Society of London (ref. 152), i. 219.
327. In the first decade or so after its foundation, the Royal Society seemed interested in taking out patents on its members' work as a way to booster its weak finances. The 1665 patent that included Bruce's and Huygens's clock is an example. And the fact that, in February 1675, Huygens offered the English patent for his spring watch to the Society and/or Oldenburg is probably a move inspired by his 1665 experience (HOC. vii, 423).
328. Letters between Moray and Huygens in 1664-65 also suggest thai Moray (speaking, it seems, in the name of the Society) was interested to share inventions by some members of the Society with Huygens if he managed to take European patents on them. On 5 December 1664 he told Huygens thai "Ces Calesches at Chariots [a reference to an invention included in the 1665 Royal Society English patent] seront de grand usage en Hollande aussi. C'est porquoy Je crois que Je vous prieray aussi d'en demander le privilege en ce païs là. Mais Je vous entretienderay plus amplement sur ce sujet, lors que les Cahiers de la |Rnglish| patente seront dressez" (HOC. v. 157).
329. In the early modem period, trade secrets could he uncovered and used without legal penalties, hut not so after a privilege had been issued on them.
330. Recognized by the law, trade .secrets are now regulated by a doctrine that is conceptually distinct from intellectual property (Frank Foster and Robert Shook. Patents, copyrights, and trademarks (New York. 1993). 207-15).
331. Derek Wood. "A state pension for L. J. M. Daguerre for the secret of his Daguerrotype technique". Annals of science, liv (1997). 489-506.
332. Jim Benneu. "The travels and trials of Mr Harrison's timekeeper", in Marie-Noëlle Bourguet. Christian Licoppe. and Olio Sibum (eds), Instruments, travel, und science (London. 2002), 75-95.
333. Bennctt shows that the discovery of the longitude came to be construed as a double discovery - the discovery of a method to the longitude and the disclosure of such a method in a manner (hat would allow others lo discover Ihe longitude as well. Harrison's clock was made public in Tin- principles of Mr. Harrison's time-keeper, with plates of the same, published by order of the Commissioners of Longtitude ( London. 1767). a year after he received £7.500.
334. HOC. v. 271.
335. Berveglieri and Poni, "Three centuries of Venetian patents" (ref. 9). 390:
336. Ceredi. Tre discorsi sopra il mode d' alzar acque da' Iuoghi bassi... (ref. 91). 94-100.
337. Popplow. "Protection and promotion" (ref. 89). 103-24.
338. Comparable examples are in Davids. "Patents and patentees in the Dutch Republic" (ref. 10). 276-8.
339. Myles Jackson, "Can artisans be scientific authors'.'", in Biagioli and Galison (eds). Scientific authorship. (ref. 89). 113-31.
340. Iliffe. "In the warehouse' " (ref. 1), 38, 45.
341. Because many of the pre-1700 mathematical instruments were custom-made and required little investment in special equipment beyond the tools of the engraver, their copying could require even less time and capital investment than copying a hook (for which one would have to buy expensive paper, fonts, a press, etc.). Optical instruments were a different matter as they required lens-grinding equipment, lemplates. etc.
342. On the attempted patenting of the telescope in the Netherlands see Albert van Helden, The invention of the telescope, American Philosophical Society,
343. Transactions, lxvii/4 (1977).
344. Landes, Revolution in time (ref. 27), 237.
345. Pohlmann, "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 131: "A so-called 'tax' was levied for an inventor's privilege. It was payable on delivery of the letters patent and it amounted to 15 Thaler, the equivalent of DM 100 to 150 [in 1961 currency]."
346. HOC, v, 168.
347. Some eighteenth-century English instrument patents (such as those by Blair, Dixon, and Storer) list a number of devices, probably for the same reason give by Moray more than a century earlier (AIPI, 51, 162, 547).
348. HOC, v, 186, and p. 173, note 3.
349. "Between 1750 and 1852 patents could cost anything up to £400, depending on the geographical extent of protection.... The cost of an English patent varied from invention to invention, but was between £100 and £120", Harold Dutton, The patent system and inventive activity during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1852 (Manchester, 1984), 35.
350. Registering additional patents for Scotland and Ireland could cost un additional £225. MacLeod gives comparable figures and discusses the various investments of time and capital faced by applicants, MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution (ref. 10), 76-77.
351. Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" (ref.1), 52, note 26.
352. Sorrenson, "Dollond & Son's pursuit of achromaticity" Ibid., 34.
353. Biagioli, "Galilei v. Capra" (ref. 2).
354. Albert van Helden, "Longitude and the satellites of Jupiter", in Andrewes (ed.), The guest for longitude (ref. 51), 86-100, esp. pp. 86-92;
355. Silvio Bedini, The pulse of time (Florence, 1991), 7-21.
356. Tycho's instruments are an exception (see ref. 5 above).
357. Berveglieri, Inventori stranieri a Venezia (ref. 9), 74;
358. Evelyn Lincoln, "Invention and authorship in early modern Italian visual culture", DePaul law review, lii (2003), 1093-119;
359. Lisa Pon, "Prints and privileges: Regulating the image in 16th-century Italy", Harvard University Art Museums bulletin, vi (1998), 41-64;
360. and David Hunter, "Copyright protection for engravings and maps in eighteenth-century Britain", The library, 6th ser., ix (1987), 128-47;
361. Christopher Witcombe, Copyright in the Renaissance: Prints and the privilegia in sixteenth-century Venice and Rome (Leiden, 2004);
362. Michael Bury, "Infringing privileges and copying in Rome, c. 1600", Print quarterly, xxii (2005), 133-8;
363. and Nadine Orenstein, Hendrick Hondius and the business of print in seventeenth-century Holland (Rotterdam, 1996), 86-137, esp. pp. 90-94.
364. Besides the paper instruments by Apian discussed below, Georg Hartmann (1489-1564) printed sundials which were then pasted on wood. Besides being much cheaper than the ivory or metal sundials, the printing of paper sundials allowed Hartmann to bypass the regulations of the Nuremberg's dial-makers guild (Gouk, The ivory sundials of Nurenberg (ref. 4), 68-69, 76. 92, 130, 124).
365. Other paper instruments are in the Oxford Museum of History of Science: Inv. #44745 "Paper astrolabe" (Johann Krabbe, German 1583): Inv. #52008 "Paper quadrant" (Oxford, late seventeenth century); Inv. #49296 "Paper astrolabe" (Georg Hartmann, Nurenberg 1542) (different editions of Hartmann's paper astrolabe were issued between 1531 and 1545); Inv. #91897 "Paper astrolabe" (Hanns Hergahmer, 1492). Philippe Danfrie produced a paper astrolabe in Paris in 1578. reissued it in 1584 (following the adoption of the Gregorian calendar), and probably kept printing and selling it for the rest of his life. Passed on to his heirs, the plates were either sold or rented to other printers, producing more editions around 1625 and again in 1644 (A. J. Turner, "Paper, print, and mathematics: Philippe Danfrie and the making of mathematical instruments in late 16th-century Paris", in Blondel et al. (eds), Studies in the history of scientific instruments (ref. 4), 23-41, pp. 31-33).
366. Paper instruments were produced and sold by Joseph Moxon in London (Bryden, "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making" (ref. 4), 330).
367. Jonas Moore's 1674 paper "Universal dial for all latitudes, being a projection of the sphere in piano" is discussed in A. J. Turner, "Mathematical instruments and the education of gentlemen". Annuls of science, xxxviii (1988), 51-88. p. 83.
368. On paper logarithmic rules see Bryden. "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making" (ref. 4). 328.
369. More paper instruments are mentioned in Owen Gingerich. "Astronomical paper instruments with moving parts", in Anderson. Bennett. and Ryan (eds). Making instruments count (ref. 60). 63-74.
370. In some cases we lind hooks which include prints of instruments that seem just too detailed and too large to be meant as illustrations. For instance. Bonaiuto Lorini's 1597 Dulle fortificationi libri cinque (Venice. 1597)
371. opens with a very large print of the "squadra zoppa" - the moveable square needed to design and survey the construction of the fortifications described in the book. The awkward pagination aimed at maximizing the size of the print and the fact that these pages. if cut out. would not at all damage the content of the book supports the hypothesis that we arc in fact dealing with a paper instrument (p. 16). This suggests that there might be more paper instruments in books of practical mathematics that have been mistaken as illustrations. The need to withhold assumptions about what counts as an illustration or a model of an instrument has been stressed in Jim Bennett. "Knowing and doing in the sixteenth century: What were instruments for?". The British Journal for the history of science, xxxvi (2003). 129-50, 140-1.
372. While my discussion here is limited to paper instruments that could be built out of prints included in books ( not paper devices like pop-up geometrical ligures or other pedagogical instruments with moving parts that were part of the textbooks that contained them), there are other hybrid cases that need to be mentioned. Those are the paper instruments that, while not meant to be taken out of books, were nevertheless designed and printed with sufficient precision to be used as calculating devices. In this sense, they were both book pages and instruments. Examples are in Gingerich, "Astronomical paper instruments" (ref. 179) and in his "Apian's Astronomicum Caesareum and its Leipzig facsimile". Journal for the history of astronomy, ii (1971). 168-77.
373. "Despite the fact that relatively few paper instruments have survived from this period ... it was probably in this form that the astrolabe and other instruments were most widely known and used. If this he so, and the case of globes where the paper instrument displaced the metal one almost entirely tends to confirm the suggestion, then it entails a considerable revision in our ideas about the distribution and availability of instruments in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century". A. J. Turner. "Paper, print, and mathematics" (ref. 179). 32.
374. A. J. Turner. "Paper, print, and mathematics" (ref. 179), 35;
375. Jim Bennett. "The challenge of practical mathematics", in Stephen Pumfrey. Paolo Rossi, and Maurice Slawinski (eds). Science, culture, and popular belief in Renaissuitfe Europe (Manchester. 1991). 176-90, pp. 177-8. In later periods, some makers continued to publish books on their instruments as instructions or publicity. But because of the specialisation that resulted from changes in the material characteristics of instruments, we no longer find such a symbiotic relation between printing and instrument making. We could say that if around 1580 it was normal to find instruments in bookstores, around 1750 one found instruction books in instruments shops.
376. Bennett. "Knowing and doing in the sixteenth century" (ref. 179). 141.
377. On the overlap between booksellers and instrument sellers see de Clercq, At the Sign of the Oriental Lamp (ref. 54). 23. 27. 32. 68:
378. G. L'E, Turner. "Mathematical instrument-making in London in the sixteenth century", in Sarah Tyacke. English map-making 1500-1650 (London, 1983). 93-106. p. 95:
379. and Elizabeth Eisenstein. The printing press as an agent of change (Cambridge. 1979). 139. 443.
380. On the continuing presence of instruments in bookstores in late seventeenth-century London see Bryden. "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London. 1556-1714" (ref. 4). 329, 331.
381. Peter Apian. Instrument Buch (Ingolstadt. 1533).
382. Gingerich. "Astronomical paper instruments" (ref, 179). 71.
383. Peter Apian. Folium populi: Instrumentum hoc u Petit: Apiano lain recent inventum, et in figuramfolii populi redactum... (Ingolstadt, 1533), at the bottom of the second page of the Latin text.
384. Bryden, "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London, 1556-1714" (ref. 4), 328.
385. On Wingate see A. J. Turner, '"Utile pour les calculs': The logarithmic scale rule in France and England during the seventeenth century", Archives internationales d'histoire des sciences, xxxviii (1988), 252-70, p. 257.
386. A. J. Turner, "Paper, print, and mathematics" (ref. 179), 26.
387. Peter van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (Utrecht, 1993), 49, 57;
388. Pohlmann, "The inventor's rights in early German law" (ref. 10), 136.
389. Doorman, Patents for inventions in the Netherlands (ref. 10), lists the following globes: Balochi (1601, p. 101), van Cal (1650, p. 145), Deur (1722, p. 159), Teunisz(1682, p. 186), van Luchtenberg (1684, p. 187), Valck (1701, p. 190).
390. Van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 31.
391. Van der Krogt, Clobi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 43, ill. 2.3.
392. See ref. 15 above.
393. Van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 26.
394. The titlepage of Johannes Schöner's 1515 Luculentissima guaedam terrae totius descriptio described the book as a "manual for the use of the solid spherical body, or Astronomical globe and the quick application of it..." (van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 32).
395. Paper technology had the additional bonus of allowing for the production of larger globes. Some prices of Frisius's and Mercator's globes are in van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 51, 72-75.
396. Martin Waldseemuller's 1507 Cosmographiae introductio (the first book known to include an unmounted paper globe as well as the term "America") went through several editions exceeding a thousand copies in a few months (Joseph Fischer and Franz von Wieser, The Cosmographiae introductio of Martin Waldeseemiitler (New York, 1907), 2.
397. It was reprinted several times more by 1509 (van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 28).
398. The workshop of Johannes Schöner - the leading German globemaker after Waldeseemüller -was unable to meet the high demand for printed globes. No one violated his Imperial privilege in the countries that recognized it, but his globes were quickly reprinted and modified in the Netherlands, triggering a long tradition of globe manufacturing (Van der Krogt, Globi Neerlandici (ref. 189), 37-82, esp. pp. 40, 47;
399. Antoine de Smet, "L'orfèvre et graveur Gaspar van der Heyden et la construction des globes àLouvain dans le premier tiers du XVIe siècle", Album Antoine de Smet (Brussels, 1974), 171-82).
400. I am borrowing from Nicholas Thomas, Entangled objects: Exchange, material culture, and colonialism in the Pacific (Cambridge, MA, 1991).
401. Examples are: Thomas Hood, The making and use of the geometrical instrument called a sector (London, 1598);
402. Ignazio Danti, Trattato dell' usa e della fabbrica dell'astrolabio (Florence, 1569);
403. Philippe Danfrie, Declaration de l'usage du graphometre... (Paris, 1597);
404. Edmund Gunter, The description and use of the sector... (London, 1624);
405. Leonhard Zubler, Fabrica et usus instrumenti chorographici (Basel, 1607);
406. Ottavio Fabri, L'usa delia squadra mobile... (Venice, 1615);
407. Jean Taisnier, De annuli spherici fabrica et usu (Antwerp, 1560);
408. Muzio Oddi, Fabrica et uso del compasso polimetro (Milan, 1633);
409. Antonio Lupicini, Discorsn sopra la fabrica e uso delle nuove verghe astronomiche (Florence, 1582);
410. Baldesarre Capra, Usus et fabrica circini cuiusdam proportioni (Padua, 1607).
411. While the genre lasted into the eighteenth century, its function changed as it became increasingly focused on instruments for students and amateurs, not for professionals. An example is Nicolas Bion, Traité de la construction et des principaux usages des instrumens de mathematique (Paris, 1709). It covers everything from rulers, squares, sectors (which were more than a century old by the time he described them), to reduction compasses, pantographs, and parallel rulers.
412. John Palmer, The Catholique planisphaere. Which Mr. Blagrave called The Mathematical Jewel... (London, 1658). 1.
413. John Palmer, The Catholique planisphaere. Which Mr. Blagrave called The Mathematical Jewel... Ibid.. 15-1 ft.
414. An example is Fabri. L'uso dellA squadra mobile... (ref. 198).
415. Besides providing prints of the instrument and its parts, the hook reviews possible construction materials (cardboard, cypress wood, copper, brass) and gives tips about what construction tasks might be better farmed out to founders and metal workers (pp. 15-18). Similarly. Leonard Digges. Tectonicon (London. 1692; original cdn. London. 1556). described in great detail the construction of the various components of the "profitable Slaffe". indicating which tasks could be reasonably performed by the reader and which ones, instead, might require the "helpe of some Craftsman" (p. 23r).
416. Steven Shapin. "Pump and circumstance: Robert Boyle's literary technology". Social studies of science. xiv (1994). 481-520.
417. Many examples of this trend are discussed in Bryden. "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London. 1556-1714" (ref. 4).
418. and. for the earlier periods, in G. L'E. Turner. "Mathematical instrument-making in London in the sixteenth century" (ref. 183). 97-101.
419. For instance. Thomas Hood ended his 1592 The use of both the globes, celestiall, and terrestriall (see ref. 210), by saying that "if you shall stand in need of my helpe, either through forgetfulnes or hardnes of that, which I have taught, you. if you will repaire to my poore lodging in Abchurch lime, you shall find me ready to doe you what pleasure I can".
420. Habri. L'uso della squadra mobile (ref. 198). 16.
421. Edward Worsop. A discoverie of sundrie errors and faults dally committed by lande-meaterx, ignorant of arithmatic and geometrie... (London, 1582). "Advertisement to the reader".
422. See also C'yprian Lucar. A tivatise named Lucarsolacedevided into fowerbookes... (London, 1590), 10: "Geometric-all tables with their feete. frames, rulers, compasses, and squires are made by John Reynolds, dwelling right against the southeast end of Barking churchyard in tower streete within London, and hy John Reade. and Christopher Paine, dwellin in Hosier lane neere unto West smithfield in the suburbs of London: wyer lines like to that above mensioned, may be bought in crooked lane ncarc unto Eastcheape in London, and you may buy of any painter for a penny 3. or 4, Fine pointed coles or keelers: but for your better instructions, the tipe of every one of the said instruments is to be viewed in the side of paper opposite to this page."
423. Johnston. "Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England" (ref. 45);
424. Stephen Pumphrey and Frances Dawbarn. "Science and patronage in England. 1570-1625". History of science, xlii (2004). 137-88. esp. pp. 150-64;
425. Ash. Power, knowledge, and expertise in Elizabethan England (ref. 34).
426. A. J., Turner. "Mathematical instruments and the education of gentlemen" (ref. 179).
427. Johnston. "Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England" (ref. 45). 327.
428. Thomas Hood. The use of both the globes, celestiall, and terrestriall, most plainely delivered in the forme of a dialogue... (London. 1592). p. B1.
429. In "Evidence from advertising for mathematical instrument making in London" (ref. 4), Bryden has discussed a progressive shift from late sixteenth- and early seventeenth-century endorsements of specific makers found in the texts of English "usus et fabrica" books, to more distinctly commercial kinds of advertisements found in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (p. 311). This pattern, I believe, matches the trends 1 discuss here: informal endorsements of makers hy mathematical practitioners reflects a context characterized by a small emerging market for instruments. These endorsements do not function as advertisements (as the market is too small to justify it), but rather as tips for buyers who otherwise might not know where to find a reliable maker. The second phase, instead, reflects a context characterized by an established and increasingly competitive market for instruments. At that point, advertisements become just advertisements.
430. Worsop. A discoverie of sundrie errours und faults (ref. 206). "Advertisement to the reader".
431. Eric Raymond. The cathedral and the bazaar (Cambridge. MA. 1999). 65-112.