A view from the sea: Perspectives on the Northern and Central Vietnamese coast

Journal of Southeast Asian Studies

Volumn 37, Issue 1, 2006, Pages 83-102

  Tana, Li ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COASTAL ZONE; ECONOMIC HISTORY; TRADE AND COMMERCE;

ASIA; EURASIA; SOUTHEAST ASIA; VIET NAM;

EID: 33744493386     PISSN: 00224634     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022463405000433     Document Type: Article

References (114)

1. For a systematic revisionist view on how early Dai Viêt was situated in South China Sea trade networks, see Momoki Shiro, 'Dai Viêt and the South China Sea trade from the 10th to the 15th century', Crossroads, 12, 1(1998): 1-34
2. and Christopher Goscha,'The borders of Vietnam's early wartime trade with Southern China: A contemporary perspective', Asian Survey, 40, 6 (2000): 987-1018. An eloquent argument on the importance of the sea is in Charles Wheeler's article in this issue.
3. This was how dangerous the sea route of the Gulf of Tonkin was in Gao Pian's eyes: 'You must give up hope of coming back alive, as soon as you board a ship [in this area]'; 'Gao Pian kai hailu', in Sun Guangxian, Beimeng suoyan, collected in Congshu jicheng chubian (Shanghai: Shangwu, 1936), juan 2, p. 9.
4. On Ma Yuan see 'Tianwei jing xinzao haipai pei', in Phan Van Các and Claudine Salmon, Épigraphie en chinois du Viêt Nam = Van khac Hán Nôm Viêt Nam (Paris and Hanoi: École Française d'Extrême-Orient and Viên Nghiên cú'u Há Nôm, 1998), pp. 33-40.
5. Ouyang Xiu et al., Xin Tangshu (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1975), juan 43, pp. 1151-2. Maspéro thought that the overland route went across the Keo Nua Pass to Laos, while Dào Duy Anh believed that it was more likely from the Quy Hop area; Quy Hop was the most important contact point between Vietnam and Laos throughout the centuries.
6. See Dào Duy Anh, Dât nu'ó'c Viêt Nam qua các dò'i (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi, 1964), p. 198. Central Vietnam's China connections were so strong that John Whitmore and other scholars think there arose a culture that was more open to the Sinic world than the capital region (Whitmore, 'The rise of the coast' in this issue).
7. Roderich Ptak, 'Jottings on Chinese sailing routes to Southeast Asia, especially on the Eastern Route in Ming times', in Ptak, China, the Portuguese, and the Nanyang (Aldershot, Hants: Ashgate, 2004), p. 109. A reminder of central Vietnam's place on the Western Route is the fact that in the first attempt by the Roman Empire at establishing maritime contacts with China in the second century CE, the presents sent by the envoys of Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus included 'elephant tusks, rhinoceros horns and tortoise shells', all of which were typical commodities from central Vietnam at the time
8. Wang Gungwu, The Nanhai trade: The early history of Chinese trade in the South China Sea (Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1998), p. 25.
9. Kenneth Hall, Maritime trade and state development in early Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1985), p. 184; Hall reckons that the Viêt traders used a Mekong River route to enter Cambodia, from Nghê An through the Hà Trai Pass and down the Mekong (p. 173).
10. On tribute see Momoki, 'Dai Viêt', p. 15.
11. Dai Viêt su ký toàn thu' (henceforth TT), ed. Chen Chingho (Tokyo: Keio University, 1984), Ngoai ky, 1: 9b. The importance of the sea-river connection between the northern and central regions is supported by studies of Vietnamese historical anthropology. Most of the major cattle trading centres were located in Nghê An, and the largest market in the region was in Nghi Lôc district near Vinh, the provincial capital. The cattle seem to have been brought by junk from Laos over the Ca River to the market on the coast before being transported to the Red River Delta. The junks would bring back big terracotta jars, which were produced in the Delta
12. Nguyen Dú'c Nghinh, 'Markets and villages', in The traditional village in Vietnam, ed. Phan Huy Lê (Hanoi: The gió'i, 1993 , pp. 324-5.
13. Wang, Nanhai trade, pp. 4-5, 12, 21.
14. A detailed discussion of the primary Chinese sources on this topic is in Li Tana, 'The rise and fall of the Jiaozhi Ocean', paper for the international workshop on Maritime Space in Traditional Chinese Sources, Munich, 25-26 Feb. 2005. The clearest indication of Jiaozhi Yang's location is found in Lingwai daida: 'The route [to China] from Srivijaya takes the direction North-North, passing the Upper and Lower Zhu Islands and the Jiao [zhi] Yang. Those going to Guangzhou would enter by Tunmen, and those going to Quanzhou would take Jiazimen'; Zhou Qufei, Lingwai daida (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1998), p. 126. The appearance of the term itself supports Whitmore's central argument in his 'Rise of the coast' that Ly Dai Viêt, like Angkor and Pagan, was focused on the upper portion of its territory until the thirteenth century, when the Song trade led to a move to the coast and the major change in the Vietnamese state.
15. Fan Chengda, Guihai yuheng zhi jiaobu, ed. Qi Zhiping (Nanning: Guangxi Minzu Chubanshe, 1984), p. 53.
16. Zhou, Lingwai daida, p. 270
17. Zhao Rukua, Zhufanzhi (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2000), p. 3.
18. TT, ban ky, 3: 13a; all subsequent references to this chronicle are from the ban ky section unless otherwise noted.
19. For examples of correspondence between China and Dai Viêt see Xu zizhi tongjian changbian, in Wenyuan ge siku quanshu, History 160, juan 9 (Taipei: Shangwu Press, 1982 reprint)
20. Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1957 reprint), for the years 1059, 1070, 1084 and 1086. Chinese slaves in the Vietnamese army are mentioned in Xu zizhi, juan 349, year 1089.
21. James K. Chin, 'Ports, merchants, chieftains and eunuchs', in Guangdong: Archaeology and early texts, ed. Shing Müller et al. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), p. 228.
22. See, for example, Georges Coedès, The Indianized states of Southeast Asia, ed. Walter F. Vella and tr. Susan Brown Cowing (Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1968), p. 44
23. D. G. E. Hall, A history of Southeast Asia, 3rd edn (London: Macmillan, 1968), p. 30.
24. An exception is Georges Maspéro, Le royaume de Champa (Paris and Brussels: G. Vanoest, 1928), p. 55.
25. Fan Wen's account is in Shuijingzhu (Shanghai: Shangwu, 1936), juan 36.
26. Zhou, Lingwai daida, juan 2, p. 57.
27. Wang Gungwu, Nanhai trade, pp. 19-20, mentions the quality of the pearls. That such big pearls came from places beyond the Gulf of Tonkin is also shown in the Vietnamese chronicles, which record that in 1066 a Javanese merchant brought 'a pearl that shone at night' ('yeguang zhu' in Chinese) and that the Lý court paid some 10,000 strings of cash for it (TT, 3: 4a). This must have encouraged more merchants to trade in the area.
28. Song huiyao jigao, juan 8116, p. 1
29. Dongxi yangkao (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1981), p. 15. Horses must have been numerous in Jiaozhi if ordinary people used them for transportation. In 1128 the Lý court issued an edict to forbid people riding on horses, as a gesture of national mourning for the recently deceased Emperor Nhân Tông
30. Viêt su' lu'o'c (Ch. Yue shilue) (henceforth VSL), 3: 1a, in Congshu jicheng (Shanghai: Shangwu Yinshuguan, 1936), p. 47.
31. Horses were a medium of payment for taxes in the prefectures along the Sino-Viêtnamese borders; Gu Zuyu, Dushi fangyu jiyao (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1955 reprint), juan 111, pp. 4513, 4527.
32. Kim Hoa Bô was today's Quang Uyên district in Cao Bang, while Vi Long Châu was the present-day Chiêm Hoa district of Tuyên Quang province; the location of Do Lãng is unknown (Dào Duy Anh, Dât nu'ó'c Viêt Nam, pp. 92 and 189). The 1012 incident is in TT, 2: 6a; for the 1008 raid see VSL, 1: 22a. Another reference records that in 1006 Vi Long district presented a white poiiy to Lè Ngoa Trieu (TT, 1: 28b).
33. Several instances of Lý princesses marrying Vi Long governers are mentioned: 1036 (TT, 2: 24b), 1082 (TT, 3: 11a) and 1180 (VSL, 3: 10a). See also Các and Salmon, Épigraphie en chinois, p. 93.
34. Lingwai daida, juan 10 ('Man su'), p. 416.
35. Whitmore, 'Rise of the coast'; see VSL, 3: 17b for Dai Hoàng (west of Nam Dinh and north of Ninh Bình) and 3: 18b for Dang Châu and Khoái Châu (Hu'ng Yên).
36. For the location of these areas, see Dào Duy Anh, Dat nu'ó'c Viêt Nam, pp. 91-3.
37. Li Zhuo's policy is mentioned in TT, Ngoai ky, 5: 8b 9a. See also Keith Taylor, The birth of Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), pp. 240-1
38. Edward Schafer, The vermillion bird (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), p. 67
39. and John K. Whitmore, 'Colliding peoples: Tai/Viet interactions in the 14th and 15th centuries', paper presented at the Association of Asian Studies, San Diego, 2000. Detailed routes and distances of each between Annam and Yunnan are recorded in the Manshu (Book of the Southern barbarians).
40. Fan Chuo, the author of the book, was an officer of the Annam Protection Office who lost all his family during the Nanzhao attack of 863; Fan Chuo, Manshu (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1962), pp. 1-10.
41. Song huiyao jigao, p. 7735.
42. TT, 3: 4a.
43. Wang, Nanhai trade, p. 30.
44. TT, Ngoai ky, 3: 10a-b.
45. The 1267 letter is in Lê Trac, An Nam chí luoc [A short history of Annam] (Hue: Vien Dai hoc Hue, 1961), juan 1, p. 33;
46. the 1268 exchange is in Yuanshi [Yuan dynastic history] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1976), juan 209, pp. 4635-6. The term 'Huihu' in most Chinese sources referred to the kingdom and the Uighur people in today's Xinjiang on the ancient Silk Road. However, an exhaustive search of the Siku quanshu collection of texts shows that in numerous sources from the Yuan (Mongol) period the term specifically referred to Muslim merchants from the Middle East; this was the very time that the term 'Huihu' appeared repeatedly in the sources regarding Vietnam. 'Huihu' could be Uighur, Khorezm or Muslim Turks and other peoples from the Middle East; my thanks to Igor de Rachewiltz, an authority on Yuan history, for his help with this term.
47. '(In 1274), Song people came to Dai Viet. They came on 30 ships carrying treasure and their families and were allowed to settle in Pho Tuan Phu'ò'ng, Thǎng Long. They called themselves "Hoi Kê" [Chin. Huiji, 'Returning Chicken']. This was because we call the Song "Kê Quoc" [Jiguo, 'Chicken Country'], as they have brocades and medicines to sell and form markets' (TT, 5: 34a). The editors of the 1993 edition of the chronicle suggest that 'Huiji' should be 'Huihu', and I completely agree with this hypothesis; Dai Viêt su ký toàn thu', vol. II (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi,1993), p. 39.
48. TT, 5: 32a. The Lý rulers of the twelfth century were recorded as wearing a yellow upper garment and a purple lower one, with gold pins in their hair. The rest of the men wore black, with silver or iron hairpins, while women favoured green dresses and black skirts; Fan, Guihai yuheng zhi, p. 52. The white cotton gown in this context might indeed be a quite different garment to mark the occasion.
49. TT, 6: 19b (1304), 6: 27b (1311), 6: 1b (Tran Quang Khai), 7: 2a-b (Tran Nhât Duât).
50. Fan, Guihai yuheng zhi, p. 10.
51. Li Mu's story is from Liu Yi, Ping Li ji [A note on pacifying the Li], quoted in Zhufanzhi buzhu [New annotations on Zhufanzhi], ed. Han Zhenhua (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2000), p. 459;
52. also see Wang Shixing, Guangzhi yi [Notes on the Guang] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1981 reprint), p. 104. According to a late seventeenth-century source, 'the aloewood produced in Champa is not as good as that from Zhenla, and that from Zhenla is not as good as that from the Li area of Hainan. Within the Li area that from the eastern Li Mu mountain is the best quality in all the world'; Zhou Jiazhou, Xiangcheng [On aromatics], collected in Qianlu [On numismatics] (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji Chubanshe, 1991), p. 356.
53. Han ed., Zhufanzhi, juan 2, p. 443. Aromatic woods from Hainan were often exchanged for cattle in the Song period at a rate of one dan (60 kg) per head (Fan, Guihai yuheng zhi, p. 10). Visitors from Dai Viet to Hainan are mentioned in Qu Dajun, Guangdong xinyu [A new commentary on Guangdong] (Guangzhou: Guangdong Renmin Chubanshe, 1991), juan 8, p. 242.
54. Zhou, Lingwai daida, pp. 196-7.
55. On Muslim traders see Pierre-Yves Manguin, 'The introduction of Islam into Campa', Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 58, 1 (1985): 1.
56. It is not clear to what degree the 'Cham' merchants mentioned in the Chinese context were distinct from Persian and Arab groups. There were two fanfang in Yaizhou. In the Yaizhou zhi [Gazetteer of Yaizhou] we find the observation that 'the locals here are originally from Champa. They came in the Song and Yuan periods by ship and settled along the seaside, [their settlements] were called fancun and fanpu'; Yaizhou zhi, juan 8, in Gugong zhenben congkan (Taipei: Palace Museum, 2001), juan 194, p. 136.
57. Roderich Ptak, 'Hainan's position in maritime trade, c. 1000 to 1550', paper presented at the conference on China and Southeast Asia: The Changing Links through History, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 19-21 July 2001.
58. Manguin, 'Introduction of Islam', p. 3; on Pu genealogies see Luo Xianglin, Pu Shougeng zhuan [A biography of Pu Shougeng], (Taipei: Zhonghua Wenhua Chuban Shiye Weiyuanhui, 1965), pp. 2-3.
59. Chang Pin-tsun,'The formation of a maritime convention in Minnan (southern Fujian), c. 900-1200', in From the Mediterranean to the China Sea: Miscellaneous notes, ed. Claude Guillot, Denys Lombard and Roderich Ptak (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1999), pp. 148-50, 153. Being located between Champa and northern Dai Viêt, Nghê An may also have had close relations with both Champa and Hainan. Christopher Goscha reports that 'to this day, the Hainanese community of fishermen living on the island of Bach Long V ̃[Bailongwei] in the Gulf of Tonkin between Haiphong and Hainan speak Vietnamese and continue to trade with central Vietnam. Hainanese junk traders had long been particularly involved in the cinnamon trade with central Vietnam'; through Nghê An their networks also extended to Laos.
60. See Christopher Goscha, 'The maritime nature of the wars for Vietnam (1945-1975)', paper presented at the Fourth Triennial Vietnam Symposium, Texas Tech University, 11-13 April 2002.
61. Hall, Maritime trade, pp. 320-1. For an excellent critique of the Confucian historiographical tradition see Shawn McHale, '"Texts and bodies": Refashioning the disturbing past of Tran Vietnam (1225-1400)', Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 42, 4 (1999): 495-516.
62. Chinese source. Was written as and Temasek (today's Singapore) was written.
63. Tho vǎn Lý Tran [Poetry and prose from the Lý and Tran period], vol. III (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hoi, 1978), p. 245.
64. Lê Quý Dôn, Van dài loai ngũ [Classified talk from the study] (Saigon: Phu Quoc vu khanh Dǎc trách Vǎn hóa, 1972), 1: 32a-b; Dôn is citing Qu, Guangdong xinyu, p. 38.
65. Feng Xianming, Zhongguo gutaoci wenxian jishi [An annotated collection of historical documents on ancient Chinese ceramics], vol. I (Taipei: Yishujia, 2000), p. 142 for Guangxi.
66. Ian Mabbett, 'Buddhism in Champa', in Southeast Asia in the 9th to 14th centuries, ed. David Marr and Anthony C. Milner (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986), p. 292.
67. Whitmore, '"Elephants can actually swim"', in Marr and Milner ed., Southeast Asia, p. 130;
68. Momoki, 'Dai Viêt', pp. 11-12.
69. The 'commercial revolution' is discussed in Mark Elvin, The pattern of the Chinese past (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1973);
70. on the Bach Dang see Dào Duy Anh, Dat nu'ó'c Viêt Nam, p. 37.
71. Victor Lieberman, Strange parallels: Southeast Asia in global context, c. 800-1830, volume 1: Integration on the mainland (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 368, citing an unpublished manuscript by Sakurai entitled 'Vietnam after the Age of Commerce'.
72. Roxanna Brown, The ceramics of South-East Asia (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 28-9;
73. John Stevenson and John Guy, Vietnamese ceramics: A separate tradition (Chicago: Art Media Resources, 1997), p. 54. These ceramics are preserved in imperial collections in association with Chinese wares of the Yuan and early Ming periods, which formed the bulk of these collections. On Gò Sanh see Champa ceramics production and trade - Excavation report of the Gò Sanh kiln sites in Central Vietnam, ed. Yogi Aoyagi and Gakuji Hasebe (Tokyo: Study Group of Gò Sanh Kiln Sites in Central Vietnam, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 2002 , pp. 8-9. My thanks to Momoki Shiro for bringing this source to my attention.
74. Brown, Ceramics of South-East Asia, p. 23;
75. Stevenson and Guy, Vietnamese ceramics, p. 58.
76. ACRO Update, ed. Ho Chuimei (Chicago, 1996), no. 1, p. 3, cited in ibid., p. 56;
77. Geoff Wade, 'On the possible Cham origin of the Philippine scripts', Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 24, 1 (1993): 44-87.
78. Nguyen Thù'ra Hy, Thǎng Long-Hà Nôi, the ky XVII-XVIII-XIX [Thǎng Long-Hanoi from the 17th to 19th centuries] (Hanoi: Hôi Su', hoc Viêt Nam, 1993), pp. 230-48.
79. Also see the inscription by Hai Du'ro'ng merchants based in Hàng Dào, Hanoi, in Tuyen tâp vǎn bia Hà Nôi [Collections of inscriptions in Hanoi] (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi, 1978), vol. II, pp. 146-8.
80. On Hàng Dong and Hàng Bac see Nguyen Vĩnh Phúc and Tran Huy Bá, Du'ò'ng pho Hà Nôi [Hanoi streets] (Hanoi: NXB Hà Nôi, 1979), pp. 135-9, 176. The goldsmith family was mentioned in a report on Vietnamese TV channel 3, 30 April 2004.
81. Yuenan lishi (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1977), p. 212.
82. He Xiling et al., Daoguang Fuliang xianzhi (Gazetteer of Fuliang district, Jiangxi), juan 8, pp. 37-43, quoted in Zhongguo jindai shougongye ziliao [Primary sources on the history of handicrafts in modern China], vol. I (Shanghai: Sanlian Press, 1957), pp. 19-24.
83. In the Ming dynasty, jingdezhen, the ceramics capital of China, was said to have several hundred thousand people working day and night. In the early 1990s in Hai Du'o'ng Vietnamese scholars excavated an area of 40,000 square metres to a depth of two metres, where they found more than 100 kiln foundations with tens of thousands of valuable artefacts. In another village nearby they found the remains of ceramics of 1,500 metres long and two metres deep, which flourished in the Tran and early Lê period as a ceramic centre; Vũ Ngoc Khánh, Làng co truyen Viêt Nam [Ancient Vietnamese villages] (Hanoi: Thanh Niên, 2004), pp. 227-8. The present-day village produces only rice and the technique of making ceramics has been lost for centuries (p. 232).
84. For the temples see Do Vǎn Ninh, Huyen dao Vân Don [Mysterious Vân Don Island] (Vân Don: Uy ban Nhân dân Huyên, 1997), pp. 177-99.
85. The ceramics found in the Hôi An shipwreck off the Cù Lao Chàm were believed to be from Chu Dâu, transported by river boats to Vân Don or some ports on the Gulf of Tonkin, then trans-shipped to the waiting ocean junks; A sunken ship at Hoi An: Treasures from the Hoi An hoard (Butterfield, 2000) p. x.
86. Momoki,'Dai Viêt', pp. 2-3.
87. Kishimoto Mio, 'The Nanhai trade and the structure of the Qing economy during the 18th century', Proceedings of the 13th International Association of Historians of Asia Conference, 1994, p. 2.
88. Wang, Nanhai trade, pp. 48-53.
89. I would like to thank Victor Lieberman (personal communication) for making this important point; on the economic role of temples see his Strange parallels, pp.95-6;
90. Richard O'Connor, 'Sukhothai: Rule, religion and elite rivalry', in The Ram Khamhaeng controversy, ed. James Chamberlain (Bangkok: Siam Society, 1991), pp. 288-91.
91. Hà Van Tan, Nguyen Vǎn Ku' and Pham Ngoc Long, Chuà Viêt Nam; Buddhist temples (Hanoi: Social Sciences Publishing House, 1993), pp. 206-19 (Trúc Lâm) and 110 (Quỳnh Lâm).
92. In 1329 alone the Tran aristocrats cast 1,300 Buddhas, and in 1324 they cast another 1,000;
93. Khao co hoc Viêt Nam [Archaeology in Vietnam], ed. Hà Vǎn Tan, vol. III (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi, 2002), p. 150.
94. Wang, Nanhai trade, p. 48.
95. Michael Vickery, 'Cambodia and its neighbours in the 15th century', Working Paper no. 27, Asia Research Institute, Singapore (2004), p. 6. (http://www.ari.nus.edu.sg/docs/wps/wps04_027.pdf);
96. Mabbett, 'Buddhism in Champa', p. 304.
97. Whitmore, 'Rise of the coast'; the description of Thiên Tru'ò'ng is from Lê Trac, An Nam chí luoc juan 1, p. 19. On the coastal origins of the Tran see, for example, TT, 6: 7a.
98. Momoki Shiro, 'A short introduction to Champa studies', in The dry areas in Southeast Asia: Harsh or benign environment, ed. Fukui Hayao (Kyoto: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 1999), p. 70.
99. In a Southeast Asian context the riverine model has originally been applied to Srivijaya and Champa; see Hall, Maritime trade, especially ch. 4 and pp. 190-3.
100. Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 357, notes the Viet court's attention to Indian-style deities and cults. I gained knowledge about the archaeology of Champa on a fieldtrip in central Vietnam in 1998 with a research team organised by Prof. Fukui Hayao, to whom I am most grateful. My gratitude also goes to Momoki Shiro and Nguyen Tien Dông for their enlightenment on this issue, and the Vietnamese Academy of Social Sciences for granting me a visit to the excavation site in Hanoi in May 2004.
101. These areas were located between today's Nam Dinh, Ninh Bình and Hu'ng Yên; see VSL, 3: 17b, 18b.
102. Zhou, Lingwai daida, p. 196;
103. Mao Qiling, Mansi hezhi [A complete account of the barbarians and their institutions], in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu, History 227 (Taipei: Zhuangyan Wenhua Shiye, 1996), juan 15, p. 698.
104. Vũ Tu' Lâp et al., Vǎn hóa và cu' dân dong bang Sông Hong [Culture and inhabitants of the Red River Delta] (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi, 1991), P. 160;
105. Dai Nam nhât thong chí [Gazetteer of Dai Nam], vol. III (Hue: Thuân Hóa, 1992), p. 334.
106. Yan Congjian, Shuyu zhouzi lu [Notes on the surrounding countries] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1993 reprint), p. 233; cf. the statement by Mac Kính Thu' to Qing officials that 'my ancestors came from Chaxiang village, Dongguan district, Guangdong' (Beijing National Archives No. 1 Chinese source, vol. 7775, no. 25).
107. Yaolu [Notes on the Yao people], juan 69, quoted in Gudai Zhong-Yue guanxishi ziliao xuanbian [Primary sources on Sino-Vietnamese historical relations] (Beijing: Zhongguo Shehui Kexue Chubanshe, 1982), pp. 242-3.
108. TT, 7: 41b; Lieberman, Strange parallels, p. 362.
109. The Mongol invasion is in Yuanshi, 'Annam', juan 209. This multi-ethnic picture was similar to that of the present-day Mekong Delta, where Vietnamese cohabit with Khmer, Cham and Chinese, and share significantly different cultural worldviews;
110. Philip Taylor, 'The ethnicity of efficacy: Vietnamese goddess worship and the encoding of popular histories', Asian Ethnicity, 3, 2 (2002): 85-102.
111. TT, 5: 1a; the Chinese legend is in Qidong yeyu, quoted in Gudai Zhong-Yue guanxishi, pp. 187-8.
112. Whitmore ('"Elephants can actually swim"', p. 131) argues that 'it would not be surprising if the Tran gained from the region's trade and its Chinese connection in their rise to power. [They] gained entrance to the capital through marrying into the royal family'.
113. Lich su' Viêt Nam the ky X - dau the ky XV [Vietnamese history, tenth to the early fifteenth centuries], (Hanoi: Khoa hoc Xã hôi, 2002), pp. 212-13.
114. The folksong goes as follows: 'Tháng Tám gio cha, tháng Ba gio me' (commemorate Father [Tran Hu'ng Dao] in the eighth [lunar] month, and Mother [the goddess Lieu Hanh] in the third [lunar] month).