Fortify, fight, or flee: Tuscarora and Cherokee defensive warfare and military culture adaptation

Journal of Military History

Volumn 68, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 713-770

  Lee, Wayne E ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF LOUISVILLE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33645503418     PISSN: 08993718     EISSN: 15437795     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jmh.2004.0124     Document Type: Article

References (387)

1. Important examples include: Armstrong Starkey, European and Native American Warfare, 1675-1815 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998)
2. Wayne E. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers in Revolutionary North Carolina: The Culture of Violence in Riot and War (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001), 117-29
3. Patrick Malone, The Skulking Way of War (Lanham, Md. : Madison Books, 1991 )
4. John Ferling, A Wilderness of Miseries: War and Warriors in Early America (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press, 1980)
5. Peter Paret, "Colonial Experience and European Military Reform at the End of the Eighteenth Century," Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 37 (1964): 47-59
6. Peter Way, "The Cutting Edge of Culture: British Soldiers Encounter Native Americans in the French and Indian War," in Empire and Others: British Encounters With Indigenous Peoples, 1600-1850, ed. Martin Daunton and Rick Halpern (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), 123-48
7. Adam J. Hirsch, "The Collision of Military Cultures in Seventeenth-Century New England," Journal of American History 74 (1988): 1187-1212
8. Ronald Dale Karr, "'Why Should You Be So Furious?': The Violence of the Pequot War," Journal of American History 85 (1998): 876-909
9. Daniel K. Richter, "War and Culture: The Iroquois Experience," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. , 40 (1983): 528-59
10. Daniel K. Richter, The Ordeal of the Longhouse: The Peoples of the Iroquois League in the Era of European Colonization (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992)
11. Frederick J. Fausz, "Patterns of Anglo-Indian Aggression and Accommodation along the Mid-Atlantic Coast, 1584-1634," in Cultures in Contact: The Impact of European Contacts on Native American Cultural Institutions, A. D. 1000-1800, ed. William W. Fitzhugh (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1985), 225-68
12. Frederick J. Fausz, "Fighting 'Fire' with Firearms: The Anglo-Powhatan Arms Race in Early Virginia," American Indian Culture and Research Journal 3 (1979): 33-50
13. Craig S. Keener, "An Ethnohistorical Analysis of Iroquois Assault Tactics Used against Fortified Settlements of the Northeast in the Seventeenth Century," Ethnohistory 46 (1999): 777-807
14. Gordon M. Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains: Representations of Native Americans in French and English Colonial Literature (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997)
15. George T. Hunt, The Wars of the Iroquois: A Study in Intertribal Trade Relations (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1940)
16. José António Brandāo, "Your Fyre Shall Burn No More": Iroquois Policy Toward New France and Its Native Allies to 1701 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997)
17. Craig S. Keener, "An Ethnohistoric Perspective on Iroquois Warfare During the Second Half of the Seventeenth Century (A. D. 1649-1701)" (Ph. D. diss. , Ohio State University, 1998)
18. Thomas B. Abler, "European Technology and the Art of War in Iroquoia," in Cultures in Conflict: Current Archaeological Perspectives, ed. Diana Tkaczuk and Brian C. Vivian (Calgary: University of Calgary Archaeology Association, 1989), 273-82
19. Brian J. Given, A Most Pernicious Thing: Gun Trading and Native Warfare in the Early Contact Period (Ottawa, Canada: Carleton University Press, 1994)
20. Bruce G. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic: A History of the Huron People to 1660 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1976)
21. Harry Holbert Turney-High, Primitive War: Its Practices and Concepts, 2nd ed. (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1991)
22. Quincy Wright, A Study of War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942)
23. For two recent syntheses of this view, heavily reliant on Malone, Richter, and Fausz, see Colin G. Calloway, New Worlds for All: Indians, Europeans, and the Remaking of Early America (Baltimore, Md. : Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 92-93, 96-97, 102
24. Starkey, European and Native American, 20-25
25. Part of the debate is about timing. Brian Given, for example argues for a much slower conversion from the bow to the gun. A Most Pernicious, 59, 92
26. Frederic Gleach contends that for the Powhatans the "battle" was not designed for real war at all, and that ambush was their normative style of war. Frederic W. Gleacli, Powhatan's World and Colonial Virginia: A Conflict of Cultures (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1997), 45, 84-85
27. David H. Dye, "Warfare in the Sixteenth-Century Southeast: The de Soto Expedition in the Interior," in Columbian Consequences, vol. 2, Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands East, ed. David Hurst Thomas (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1990), 211-22
28. Charles Hudson, Knights of Spain, Warriors of the Sun: Hernando De Soto and the South's Ancient Chiefdoms (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997)
29. Karl T. Steinen, "Ambushes, Raids, and Palisades: Mississippian Warfare in the Interior Southeast," Southeastern Archaeology 11 (1992): 132-39
30. Keith F. Otterbein, "A History of Research on Warfare in Anthropology," American Anthropologist 101 (2000): 800
31. William Tulio Divale, Warfare in Primitive Societies: A Bibliography (Santa Barbara, Calif. : ABC-Clio, 1973), xxi-xxii
32. Thomas B. Abler, "European Technology," 278-79
33. Lawrence Keeley's emphasis on the per capita lethality of primitive warfare in general is an important stimulus to this argument. War Before Civilization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996)
34. For treatments of eastern woodland Indian styles of war that focus on the tactical component, see Larry V. Eid, "A Kind of Running Fight': Indian Battlefield Tactics in the late Eighteenth Century," Western Pennsylvania Historical Magazine 71 (1988): 147-71
35. John K. Mahon, "Anglo-American Methods of Indian Warfare, 1676-1794," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 45 (1958): 254-75
36. Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics"
37. Keith F. Otterbein, "Why the Iroquois Won: An Analysis of Iroquois Military Tactics," Ethnohistory 11 (1964): 56-63
38. Malone, Skulking Way of War, 9-32
39. This statement is true, however, of virtually any work (including my own previous work) that purports to compare European and Native American ways of war. Two recent works that attempt to unlock Indian notions of strategy, and even of changing strategy as a result of contact, are Emerson W. Baker and John G. Reid, "Amerindian Power in the Early Modern Northeast: A Reappraisal," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. , 61 (2004): 77-106
40. Matthew C. Ward, "Fighting the 'Old Women,'" Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 103 (1995): 297-320. The speculative quality to Ward's argument is one reason why I have here tried to narrow the complexity of the question by focusing on defense
41. Bruce Trigger has pointed out this tendency to emphasize the "romantic" over the "rational" in his "Early Native North American Responses to European Contact: Romantic versus Rationalistic Interpretations," Journal of American History 77 (1991): 1195-97
42. Abler, "European Technology,"
43. and Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," also acknowledge this problem
44. I refer here to the widespread contacts between fishermen and Indians in the north Atlantic and also to the arrival of the occasional Spaniard in the southeast long before more literate sources arrived. Brian Ferguson and Neil Whitehead argue that the contact between states and more simple societies rapidly alters the nature of war even beyond the immediate contact zone. R. Brian Ferguson and Neil L. Whitehead, eds. , War in the Tribal Zone: Expanding States and Indigenous Societies (Santa Fe, N. Mex. : School of American Research Press, 1992)
45. There is even disagreement over the nature of that impact. Some argue that disease could escalate warfare, while others suggest that it imposed limitations. It cannot he doubted, however, that the scale of demographic disaster had some impact. Compare Helen C. Rountree, "Summary and Implications," in Powhatan Foreign Relations, 1500-1722, ed. Helen C. Rountree (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993), 221
46. Richter, "War and Culture," 537-40, 551-54
47. Thomas Parramore has documented the extensive trade networks of the Tuscarora, and in fact their regional dominance over both Indians and English up through the end of the seventeenth century. Thomas C. Parramore, "The Tusearora Ascendancy," North Carolina Historical Review 59 (1982): 307-26
48. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647 (New York: Random House, 1981), 129, 130 [1623], 327, 328 [1637]
49. Richter, "War and Culture," 548 [1689]
50. George Chicken, "Journal of Col. George Chicken's Mission from Charleston, S. C. to the Cherokees, 1725," in Travels in the American Colonies, ed. Newton D. Mereness (New York: Macmillan, 1916), 111-12
51. William L. McDowell Jr. , ed. , Documents Relating to Indian Affairs (Columbia: Colonial Records of South Carolina, Series 2, 1970), 1:101 [1751], 1:446 [1753] (hereafter abbreviated DRIA)
52. David Bjork, "Documents Regarding Indian Affairs in the Lower Mississippi Valley, 1771-1772," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 13 (1926): 403 [1771]. Thanks to Peter H. Wood for the Powell letter
53. Chicken, "Journal of a Mission (1725)," 111-12
54. See also Keeley, War Before Civilisation, 46-47
55. Charles Hudson, The Southeastern Indians (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976), 249
56. Quoted in Colin G. Calloway, The Western Abenakis of Vermont, 1600-1800: War, Migration, and the Survival of an Indian People (Norman: Universitv of Oklahoma Press, 1990), 122
57. There are differing interpretations of the probability of the Indians conducting "wars of conquest" prior to European contact. It has been argued, for example, that the presence of the European demand for furs led the Iroquois to embark on a series of much more destructive wars, culminating in the near complete destruction of the Huron in 1648-19. See Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 54, 57, 60-62
58. and also the discussion in Trigger, "Early Native North American Responses," 1206-7
59. Craig Keener and Lawrence Keeley argue separately that even precontact warfare was intensely destructive and regularly pursued for these kind of extreme goals. Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 783, 788
60. Keeley, War Before Civilization, passim, especially 113-26
61. For a compromise position, see Abler, "European Technology," 279
62. It is certainly agreed, however, that native societies could launch major offensives for the political purposes of communicating a set of messages to their enemies. Gleach, Powhatan's World, 43-54 (especially 51)
63. Ian K. Steele, Warpaths: Invasions of North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994)
64. Jill Lepore, The Name of War: King Philip's War and the Origins of American Identity (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), 118-19
65. George Chicken, "Journal of the March of the Carolinians into the Cherokee Mountains, in the Yemassee Indian War, 1715-16," Yearbook of the City of Charleston (1894), 342
66. Lewis H. Larson, Jr. , "Functional Considerations of Warfare in the Southeast during the Mississippi Period," American Antiquity 37 (1972): 390
67. Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 777-807
68. Steele, Warpaths, 43, 231, 238
69. Calloway, Western Abenakis, 116, 122, 130-31, 155
70. Bruce G. Trigger, The Huron: Farmers of the North, 2nd ed. (Fort Worth, Tex. : Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1990), 53-55
71. Keith F. Otterbein, "Huron vs. Iroquois: A Case Study in Inter-Tribal Warfare," Ethnohistory 26 (1979)
72. Quoted in Calloway, Western Abenakis, 126
73. Wendell Hadlock turned this on its head, arguing that defenders within a fort could not rely on tribal reinforcements because the raids would not last long enough. I argue that the attackers were very aware of the timing and likelihood of reinforcements and calculated their willingness to continue a siege or a raid to avoid them. When they miscalculated the results could be disastrous, as for example when a large group of Massachusetts Indians abandoned their siege of a Mohawk fort too late, and were ambushed during their withdrawal. Wendell S. Hadlock, "War among the North-eastern Woodland Indians," American Anthropologist, New Ser. 49 (1947): 211
74. Calloway, Western Abenakis, 74
75. Gleach, Powhatan's World, 43-44
76. Hirsch, "Collision of Military Cultures," 1190-94
77. Malone, Skulking Way of War, 29-30
78. Trigger, Huron, 53-54
79. Anthropologist Keith Otterbein proposes a dual structure for prestate war: battles for testing strength, ambushes and raids for killing the enemy. Otterbein, "A History," 800
80. Keeley, War Before Civilization, 67-69
81. and George R. Milner, "Warfare in Prehistoric and Early Historic Eastern North America," Journal of Archaeological Research 7 (1999): 126-27, discuss the archaeological and ethnographic evidence for large-scale massacres. There are numerous examples of successful surprise attacks during the historic era resulting in high casualties
82. Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 785, describes several, but one only has to think of the successful initial Native American attacks in any number of seventeenth-century wars: the 1622 attack in Virginia, the outbreak of King Philip's War in 1675, and even the initial Tuscarora attacks described below
83. Keener and Otterbein both argue that the technological imbalance between the Hurons and the Iroquois allowed even nonsurprise attacks to be highly lethal: Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 788-96
84. Otterbein, "Huron v. Iroquois," 148
85. The argument over the lethality of precontact Indian warfare is a bitter one, see Wayne E. Lee, "Early American Ways of War: A New Reconaissance, 1600-1815," Historical Journal 44 (2001): 271-76
86. Otterbein, "A History of Research," 794-805
87. This is another way in which early European witnesses might have misunderstood the larger intent of Indian warfare. Colin Calloway, for example, cites Garcilaso de la Vega in the 1540s for his observation that Mississippian warfare did not include territorial conquest. But the operational technique of cutting off (attacking, destroying, and retreating) could still lead to conquest when sustained over the long term. It is only natural that the first European witnesses would look for what they expected: open battle, siege, occupation, and conquest, while denigrating warfare that did not match those expectations. Calloway, New Worlds, 94
88. Keeley, War Before Civilization, 116
89. Dye, "Warfare in the Sixteenth-Century"
90. David H. Dye, "The Art of War in the Sixteenth-Century Central Mississippi Valley," in Perspectives on the Southeast: Linguistics, Archaeology and Ethnohistory, ed. Patricia B. Kwachka (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 44-60
91. Hudson, Knights of Spain
92. Larson, "Functional Considerations"
93. For the "half-moon" tactic, see Eid, "A Kind of Running Fight"
94. Gleach, Powhatan's World, 43
95. Roger Williams's dictionary of Narragansett indicated that there was a single word for such a formation. Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America (1643) (London: n. p. , 1643
96. It is possible that some Native American groups prior to European contact engaged in pitched battles in more closed, "orderly" formations. Some early European witnesses portrayed native battle in such a manner, but they may have been succumbing to their own preconceptions. Paul Hulton, ed. , The Work of Jacques Le Moyne De Morgues: A Huguenot Artist in France, Florida and England, 2 vols. (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1977), plate 106 and 1:144
97. Bruce G. Trigger, Natives and Newcomers: Canada's "Heroic Age" Reconsidered (Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985), 176
98. Trigger, Huron, 53-54
99. Otterbein, "Why the Iroquois Won"
100. Fausz, "Fighting 'Fire' with Firearms," 34
101. For blood revenge warfare, see James Adair, History of the American Indians (1930; New York: Argonaut Press, 1966), 154-59, 260
102. John Phillip Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet: Law, Trade, and Diplomacy in the Cherokee Nation During the Early Years of European Contact (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1976), 9
103. Larson discusses the need to separate the functional role of warfare for a society from the question of individual motivations to participate. Larson, "Functional Considerations," 382-93
104. Compare Daniel K. Richter, "War, Peace, and Polities in Seventeenth-Century Huronia," in Cultures in Conflict: Current Archaeological Perspectives, ed. Diana Tkaczuk and Brian C. Vivian (Calgary: University of Calgary Archaeology Association, 19S9), 283-84
105. Trigger, Huron, 51
106. Keeley, War Before Civilization, 113-26
107. Compare James H. Merrell, The Indians' New World: Catawbas and Their Neighbors From European Contact Through the Era of Removal (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), ix. Steele's Warpaths is a sensitive survey of Indian warfare and their adaptation to change, but is conducted on such a sweeping scale that the details of the process are elided
108. Figure 1 is based on John E. Byrd and Charles L. Heath, '"The Country here is very thick of Indian Towns and Plantations . . . ': Tuscarora settlement patterns as revealed by the Contentnea Creek Survey," in Material Contributions to Middle Atlantic Ethnohistory, ed. Dennis Blanton and Julia King (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002) (town names are standardized from Table 1 in this source)
109. John E. Byrd and Charles L. Heath, "The Rediscovery of the Tuscarora Homeland: A Final Report of the Archaeological Survey of the Contentnea Creek Drainage, 1995-1997," report submitted to the National Park Service and the North Carolina Division of Archives and History, Raleigh, N. C. , 1997 (available in the Office of State Archaeology, Greene County Surveys, #4153)
110. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 318
111. David Sutton Phelps, "Archaeology of the North Carolina Coast and Coastal Plain: Problems and Hypotheses," in The Prehistory of North Carolina: An Archaeological Symposium, ed. Mark A. Mathis and Jeffrey J. Crow (Raleigh: Division of Archives and History, North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, 1983), 37
112. Byrd and Heath, "The Rediscovery," 8-9
113. H. Trawiek Ward and R. P. Stephen Davis, Time Before History: The Archaeology of North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), 223-25
114. Phelps, "Archaeology of the North Carolina Coast," 43
115. For the Tuscarora's regional power, see Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 307-12
116. Douglas W. Boyce, "Did a Tuscarora Confederacy Exist?," in Four Centuries of Southern Indians, ed. Charles M. Hudson (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975), 38
117. Douglas W. Boyce, "Iroquoian Tribes of the Virginia-North Carolina Coastal Plain," in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 15, Northeast, ed. Bruce W. Trigger (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1987), 283
118. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 315 n. 38
119. Boyce, "Tuscarora Confederacy," 34
120. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 323
121. Byrd and Heath, "The Country. "
122. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 313
123. Douglas W. Boyce, "'As the Wind Scatters the Smoke': The Tuscaroras in the Eighteenth Century," in Beyond the Covenant Chain: The Iroquois and Their Neighbors in Indian North America, 1600-1800, ed. Daniel K. Richter and James H. Merrell (Syracuse, N. Y: Syracuse University Press, 1987), 152
124. The following settlement pattern summary is from Byrd and Heath, "The Country"; Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 275
125. John Barnwell, "Journal of John Barnwell," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 5 (1898): 394 (hereafter abbreviated "Barnwell's Journal")
126. Baron Christoph von Graffenried, Christoph Von Graffenried's Account of the Founding of New Bern, ed. V. H. Todd and J. Goebel (Raleigh, N. C: Edwards & Broughton, Co. , 1920), 266
127. Phelps, "Archaeology of the North Carolina Coast," 46
128. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 224
129. Graffenried, Graffenried's Account, 272. The presumption here is that his transfer took place early enough in the conflict that whatever palisading he witnessed had already been in place before the war
130. Byrd and Heath, "The Rediscovery," 10; Personal conversation with John Byrd and Charles Heath, 20 April 2001. Tuscarora conflict with groups to the north continued into the eighteenth century: Minutes of Council of Virginia, 23 October 1702, Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, America and West Indies, 1574-1739, CD-ROM, ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, John C. Appleby, and Mandy Banton (London: Routledge in association with the Public Record Office, 2000), item 1093, 20:690 (hereafter abbreviated CSP-CS-AWI)
131. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 311
132. This fits in with the broader regional portrait of both fortified and unfortified villages as common features in the pre-contact landscape. John White's drawings of coastal Algonkian settlements includes both types of villages. P. H. Hulton and David Beers Quinn, eds. , The American Drawings of John White, 1577-1590, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1964), 2: plates 31 and 35. Larson, "Functional Considerations," 384. Further discussion of prehistoric palisading follows
133. The original version of the engraving is available in Hulton and Quinn, Drawings of John White, 2: plate 31
134. Hulton, ed. , The Work of Jacques Le Moyne, Plate 122, text 1:149. See also Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 213-16
135. Evidence for the northern Iroquois palisades is surveyed in Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 780-86
136. See also the illustrations in Trigger, Natives and Newcomers, 180
137. Trigger, The Children of Aataentsic, 1:43-44
138. and the Pequot fortifications at Mystic, reproduced in Hirsch, "The Collision of Military Cultures," 1189
139. David E. Jones, Native North American Armor, Shields, and Fortifications (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004) appeared too late to be fully considered in this article
140. Le Moyne's drawing does not show a ditch, but his extensive caption describes one. Hulton, The Work of Jacques Le Moyne, 1:149
141. As for the Tuscarora, the Jordan's Landing site apparently had such a ditch, although the excavator has referred to it simply as a borrow pit for earth thrown up against the palisade wall. Phelps, "Archaeology of the North Carolina Coast," 44-46
142. Abler, "European Technology," 276
143. Compare Larson, "Functional Considerations," 384
144. Palisade walls two or three posts thick are attested for the northern Iroquoian peoples, and for sites in pre-contact western North Carolina (Pisgah culture). Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 781-S2
145. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 161-63
146. Larson, "Functional Considerations"; David J. Hally, "The Chiefdom of Coosa," in The Forgotten Centuries: Indians and Europeans in the American South, 1521-1704, ed. Charles Hudson and Carmen Chaves Tesser (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1994), 233
147. Both of these sources provide archaeological evidence for the extensive use of straightline palisade walls supplemented by numerous projecting bastions in the Mississippian southeast. Excavations at Town Creek in North Carolina reveal a similar pattern, but with a more circular palisade and with fewer bastions (and therefore less functional). See Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 125
148. and Charles Hudson, Elements of Southeastern Indian Religion (Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1984), Plate XVIIIb
149. For more on southeastern palisading in general, see below and Hudson, Southeastern, 211-13
150. For a broader summary of bastion use, see Milner, "Warfare in Prehistoric," 119-20
151. The Tuscaroras and Coastal Algonkians of North Carolina are considered to be roughly the southern "edge" of the cultural region associated with the northeast woodlands. Southeastern Mississippian culture's northernmost extent was the southern part of North Carolina, highlighted by the platform mound village style (such as at Town Creek). Byrd and Heath, "The Rediscovery," 5
152. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 125
153. Bruce G. Trigger, "Cultural Unity and Diversity," in Handbook of North American Indians, 15:798-804. The Tuscaroras may also have seen European-style bastioned fortifications by 1711. Jamestown had had such bastions, as had the Roanoke fort. The Tuscaroras' relations with the Spanish may have included a viewing of the fortifications at St. Augustine, and the early fortifications at Charles Town also followed the European trace italienne design. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 310-11
154. Larry Ivers, Colonial Forts of South Carolina, 1670-1775 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1970), 40-42
155. Harry S. Mustard, "On the Building of Fort Johnson," South Carolina Historical Magazine 64 (1963): 129-35
156. Milner, "Warfare in Prehistoric," 123-25
157. Patricia M. Lambert, "The Archaeology of War: A North American Perspective," Journal of Archaeological Research 10 (2002): 227
158. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 307 and passim
159. Boyce, "As the Wind Scatters the Smoke," 152
160. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 318-21
161. Ward, Time Before History, 274
162. Lawrence Lee, Indian Wars in North Carolina, 1663-1763 (Raleigh, N. C. : Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 1963
163. Alonzo Thomas Dill, Jr. , "Eighteenth Century New Bern: Part III, Rebellion and Indian Warfare," North Carolina Historical Review 22 (1945): 300-305
164. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 319-20
165. For the various groupings of Indians either hostile or neutral, see Boyce, "Tuscarora Confederacy," 36
166. Gleach, Powhatan's World, 51-53, 158
167. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 322-23
168. Steinen, "Ambushes, Raids, and Palisades," 134
169. Compare Lepore, Name of War, 118-19
170. Thomas Parramore, "With Tuscarora Jack on the Back Path to Bath," North Carolina Historical Review 64 (1987): 122
171. Parramore, "Tuscarora Ascendancy," 322-23
172. Ironically, the confusion of the northern Tuscaroras on this point reveals their general belief in the ethnic disunity of the colonists. The northern Indians had been told by contacts in Virginia that the southern Tuscaroras had attacked the Germans, not the English (when in fact the reverse was true), and therefore assumed the English would quickly make peace. "Barnwell's Journal," 398
173. For a similar hope for intercolonial disunity, see Calloway, Western Abenakis, 106
174. Graffenried commented on the general lack of fortifications in the area. Graffenried, Graffenried's Account, 239
175. For North Carolina's inability to respond and for the hasty construction of garrison houses, see Christine Anne Styrna, "The Winds of War and Change: The Impact of the Tuscarora War on Proprietary North Carolina, 1690-1729" (Ph. D. diss. , College of William and Mary, 1990), 144-45
176. Detailed accounts of the Indian attacks are few and generally secondhand; see William L. Saunders, ed. , The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh, N. C. : various publishers, 1886-90), 1:808-13, 815, 819-20, 825-29
177. Calloway, New Worlds, 103
178. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers, 125-27
179. Dill, "Rebellion and Indian Warfare," 299-300
180. Styrna identifies South Carolina's motives as a desire for Indian slaves; a motive that North Carolina explicitly acknowledged. "Winds of War," 156-57
181. Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1:900
182. Complete, although brief, narratives of the war are available in Hugh T. Letler, Colonial North Carolina: A History (New York: Scribner, 1973), 67-76
183. Lee, Indian Wars, 20-38
184. Dill, "Rebellion and Indian Warfare. " Alan Gallay's The Indian Slave Trade: The Rise of English Empire in the American South, 1670-1717 (New Haven, Conn. : Yale University Press, 2002), 257-87, is a valuable updating, but contains some errors
185. This account is provided by Christoph von Graffenried, who had been taken prisoner immediately prior to the initial attack, and was moved back and forth between villages as part of negotiations. He was thus in a position to witness the Tuscaroras' response to this first attack. Graffenried's Account, 273-74
186. The reliance on swamps to conceal one's population from attack is of course an old technique, not one turned to simply because of Europeans. Dye, "Warfare in the Sixteenth-Century," 219
187. For "refuge" fortifications, see John Keegan, A History of Warfare (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1993), 139-40
188. For a similar case, see Otterbein, "Huron vs. Iroquois. "
189. Barnwell described a number of the forts he encountered as unfinished, and there were clearly some more complex than others. Graffenried recorded the Tuscarora decision to fortify in advance of Barnwell's arrival. Graffenried's Account, 243
190. For the placement of the forts at some distance from the towns, see Byrd and Heath, "The Rediscovery," 31
191. "Barnwell's Journal," 394-95
192. Other sources indicate that in fact there may have been mostly noncombatants within the fort, contradicting Barnwell's assumptions about men in the forts and women and children hiding in the swamps. Parramore, "Tuscarora Jack," 123-24
193. "Barnwell's Journal," 396, 398, 400
194. The following is drawn entirely from "Barnwell's Journal," 43-47
195. Phelps, "Archaeology of the North Carolina Coast," 46
196. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 224
197. "Barnwell's Journal," 45
198. Peter H. Wood, "'It was a Negro Taught Them': A New Look at African Labor in Early South Carolina," Journal of Asian and African Studies 9 (1974 ): 160-89
199. Following is in "Barnwell's Journal," 50-52
200. Graffenried relates how he suggested that they bring in the artillery then rusting at the governor's residence on the Albemarle. Graffenried's Account, 244. Graffenried's version of events conflates the two sieges of Hancock's Fort, but it is clear that the artillery became available only at the second siege
201. Graffenried's Account, 244
202. Graffenried's Account, 245
203. The truce terms, his march into the fort, and the quote are from "Barnwell's Journal," 50-54
204. For the Indian population hiding in the swamps during the siege, sec "Barnwell's Journal," 43
205. Barnwell claimed that the men slept in the small forts, with the women and children in the swamps, but he admits to killing ten women in the assault on Narhantes (Torhunta), while other evidence examined by Thomas Parramore hints that virtually the whole "garrison" of that fort might have been the old, women, and children. "Barnwell's Journal," 395-96
206. Parramore, "Tuscarora Jack," 123-24
207. Keegan, History of Warfare, 139
208. Compare the nearly contemporaneous advice given by an Abenaki guide to an English commander contemplating warfare with enforted Chickasaws; Jones, Native North American Armor, 131
209. Graffenried's Account, 245
210. Joseph W. Barnwell, "The Second Tuscarora Expedition," South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine 10 (1909): 33
211. Quote from Graffenried's Account, 245
212. There is much less information available about Moore's expedition, although the siege of Neoheroka itself is well documented. Barnwell's "Second Tuscarora Expedition" is still the best modern account. In addition to the sources cited in Barnwell, see Graffenried's Account, 245 (where he mistakenly refers to Neoheroka as Catechna)
213. Barnwell, "Second Tuscarora Expedition," 35-36
214. The excavation results have not yet been published, but preliminary papers have been presented: John E. Byrd, "The Search for Forts of the Tuscarora War Era," Paper presented at the Society for American Archaeology Conference, New Orleans, La. , 2001
215. Charles L. Heath and David S. Phelps, "Architecture of a Tuscarora Fortress: Neoheroka Fort and the Tuscarora War," Paper presented at the Society for American Archaeology Conference, Seattle, Wash. , 1998. Figure 4 is not yet published, but was generously made available by John Byrd and Charles Heath
216. The excavators of Neoheroka have suggested that the bunkers represented neither a European nor a Native American traditional style of fortification. Heath and Phelps, "Architecture," 2
217. Jones, however, documents possible parallels further west in Native North American Armor, 5, 101, 103
218. Heath and Phelps, "Architecture," 4
219. Graffenried's Account, 245
220. The number of whites killed and wounded actually exceeds the number Moore brought with him from South Carolina. The presumption is that he had been reinforced with some North Carolinians. Barnwell's research indicates that Captain Maul's company (the one badly shot up between Bastions E and D) was from North Carolina. "Second Tuscarora Expedition," 37 n. 9. Captain Maul started the battle with forty-seven men, of whom only twenty were alive and uninjured at the end
221. The casualty counts are from the diagram, and from Moore's letter to Pollock, dated 27 March 1713, reprinted in Barnwell, "Second Tuscarora Expedition," 39
222. For further discussion of the Tuscaroras' hope for Iroquois help, see Styrna, "Winds of War," 140-41
223. For the abandoment of the other fort, "Cohunehe," see Barnwell, "Second Tuscarora Expedition," 40
224. Lee, Indian Wars, 37-38
225. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 128
226. This is a subject worth further exploration, but for a few of the many examples of the importance attached to volley or cannon-fire honorary salutes; the meaning of white, red, British or French flags; or other syneretic military symbolism, see Chicken, "Journal of the March (1715)," 330, 332
227. Henry Timberlake, The Memoirs of Lieut. Henry Timberlake (Johnson City, Tenn. : Watauga Press, 1927
228. Captain Christopher French, "Journal of an Expedition to South Carolina," Journal of Cherokee Studies 2 (1977): 280
229. As for the use of firearms, the speed and completeness of this shift for the Cherokees also needs further exploration, but for most of the period covered here seems already to have been fairly complete. Tom Hatley, The Dividing Paths: Cherokees and South Carolinians Through the Revolutionary Era (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 14, 46
230. This assumption is found in Gerald F. Schroedl, "Cherokee Ethnohistory and Archaeology from 1540 to 1838," in Indians of the Greater Southeast: Historical Archaeology and Ethnohistory, ed. Bonnie G. McEwan (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), 206
231. Hudson, Southeastern Indians, 92
232. Larson, "Functional Considerations," 384
233. Rennard Strickland, Fire and the Spirits: Cherokee Law From Clan to Court (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1975)
234. Reid, A Better Kind of Hatchet
235. John Phillip Reid, A Law of Blood: The Primitive Law of the Cherokee Nation (New York: New York University Press, 1970)
236. Hatley, Dividing Paths
237. Fred Gearing, Priests and Warriors: Social Structures for Cherokee Politics in the 18th Century, Memoir 93 (Menasha, Wise: American Anthropological Association, 1962)
238. Population changes are discussed in Russell Thornton, The Cherokees: A Population History (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1990)
239. Peter H. Wood, "The Changing Population of the Colonial South: An Overview by Race and Region, 1685-1790," in Powhatan's Mantle: Indians in the Colonial Southeast, ed. Peter H. Wood, Gregory A. Waselkov, and M. Thomas Hatley (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), 61-66
240. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 231-33
241. Alexander Longe, "A Small Postscript on the ways and manners of the Indians called Cherokees [1725]," Southern Indian Studies 21 (1969): 44 (quote)
242. Reid, Better Kind of Hatchet, 6, 9
243. Theda Perdue, "Cherokee Relations with the Iroquois in the Eighteenth Century," in Beyond the Covenant Chain, 136
244. Hudson, Southeastern Indians, 238-39
245. Strickland, Fire and the Spirits, 47-48
246. This process was common in many Native American groups. Calloway, New Worlds, 111
247. Schroedl, "Cherokee Ethnohistory"
248. Roy S. Dickens Jr. , Cherokee Prehistory: The Pisgah Phase in the Appalachian Summit Region (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976), 14-15
249. Bennie C. Keel, Cherokee Archaeology: A Study of the Appalachian Summit (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976), 215-16
250. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 187
251. Christopher French noted in 1761 that the houses were "straggling," to the point of not being "commanded by muskett shot. " French, "Journal of an Expedition to South Carolina," 275-301
252. The following summary is based on Keel, Cherokee Archaeology, 214
253. Dickens, Cherokee Prehistory, 16
254. Roy S. Dickens, Jr. , "Mississippian Settlement Patterns in the Appalachian Summit Area: The Pisgah and Quallah Phases," in Mississippian Settlement Patterns, ed. Bruce D. Smith (New York: Academic Press, 1978), 119
255. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 179-81
256. David G. Moore, ed. , The Conference on Cherokee Prehistory (Swannanoa, N. C. : Warren Wilson College, 1986)
257. Schroedl, "Cherokee Ethnohistory," 209-12
258. R. P. Stephen Davis, Jr. , "The Cultural Landscape of the North Carolina Piedmont at Contact," in The Transformation of the South-eastern Indians, 1540-1760, ed. Robbie Ethridge and Charles Hudson (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002), 135-54
259. Christopher B. Rodning, "Reconstructing the Coalescence of Cherokee Communities in Southern Appalachia," in Transformation of the Southeastern Indians, 155-76
260. Hudson, Knights of Spain, 185-98
261. Dickens, Cherokee Prehistory, 46, 50, 96, 97
262. Keel, Cherokee Archaeology, 218
263. Dickens, "Mississippian Settlement Patterns," 131
264. Ward and Davis, Time Before History, 160-78, 186-87
265. "Henry Woodward's Westoe Voyage," in Narratives of Early Carolina, 1650-1708, ed. Alexander S. Salley (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911), 133
266. Abraham Wood, "Letter of Abraham Wood Describing Needham's Journey (1673)," in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 1540-1800, ed. Samuel Cole William (Johnson City, Tenn. : Watauga Press, 1928), 28
267. There is some dispute over whether this "Tomahittan" village was actually "ethnically" Cherokee. See Davis, "Cultural Landscape," 141
268. Wood, "Letter of Abraham Wood," 28-29
269. Verner Crane, The Southern Frontier, 1670-1732 (Durham, N. C. : Duke University Press, 1929), 40-41
270. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 22
271. Styrna, "Winds of War," 122
272. Crane, Southern Frontier, 24, 75-77, 79-80
273. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 25
274. For more on the Yamassee War, see Hatley, Dividing Paths, 23-26
275. Crane, Southern Frontier, 162-86
276. William L. Ramsey, "'Something Cloudy in Their Looks': The Origins of the Yamasee War Reconsidered," Journal of American History 90 (2003): 44-75
277. Gallay, Indian Slave Trade
278. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 24
279. Reid, Better Kind of Hatchet, 61-73
280. Chicken, "Journal of the March (1715)," 315-54
281. Town locations in Figures 5 and 6 are derived from Betty Anderson Smith, "Distribution of Eighteenth-Century Cherokee Settlements," in The Cherokee Indian Nation: A Troubled History, ed. Duane II. King (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1979), 46-60
282. John Oliphant, Peace and War on the Anglo-Cherokee Frontier, 1756-63 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001), 124, 160
283. Schroedl, "Cherokee Ethnohistory," 205
284. Barbara R. Duncan and Brett II. Riggs, Cherokee Heritage Trails Guidebook (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), 17
285. and contemporary maps reprinted in Lawrence Henry Gipson, The British Empire Before the American Revolution, 10 vols. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), 9:50, 55
286. "A New Map of the Cherokee Nation," Journal of Cherokee Studies 2 (1977): 334
287. Also useful is an undated, unsigned letter sent to James Grant prior to his 1761 expedition which describes the relative positions of many of the interior towns. Box 32, Papers of James Grant of Ballindalloeh (hereafter James Grant Papers), National Archives of Scotland, Edinburgh, Scotland-Microfilm ed. , Library of Congress. Spellings of town names generally follow Smith. Cuming's journal and Hunter's map from 1730 indicate a number of other Middle Towns near Etchoe, but their subsequent history is less clear, and so they are not shown here. Their absence in later records may be further proof of the town abandonment discussed below. Sir Alexander Cuming, "Journal of Sir Alexander Cuming (1730)," in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 115-43
288. Chicken, "Journal of the March (1715)," 345
289. Reid discusses the nature of this incident as an initiation of war in Law of Blood, 175
290. See also Hatley, Dividing Paths, 24-25
291. Crane, Southern Frontier, 200-201
292. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 95-96
293. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 111-12, 149, 150, 153, 157
294. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 146 (quote), 148, 149-50, 152
295. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 156
296. Tobias Fitch, "Captain Fitch's Journal to the Creeks, 1725," in Travels in the American Colonies, 198
297. Chicken, "Journal of Mission (1725)," 160-61
298. Smith, "Distribution of Cherokee Settlements," 48-49
299. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 82-83
300. David Corkran, The Cherokee Frontier, 1740-1762 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1962), 23, 36
301. Samuel C. Williams, "An Account of the Presbyterian Mission to the Cherokees, 1757-1759," Tennessee Historical Magazine, 2d Ser. , 1 (1931): 130. Some of the destroyed towns were rebuilt in the same vicinity after the peace, notably Keowee, Oconne, and Quanessee
302. Thornton, The Cherokees, 29, 35
303. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 94
304. The "Warrior's Path" from the northeast approaches the Cherokee towns via the northeastern Middle Towns (sometimes called the "Out Towns"). Dowd rightly suggests that fear of a South Carolina invasion may also have led to the abandonment of the Lower Towns, but that fear, while real, must have been merely a kind of last straw. It is clear that the Creeks had surprised and burned at least two towns in the early 1750s. Gregory Evans Dowd, "The Panic of 1751: The Significance of Rumors on the South Carolina-Cherokee Frontier," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. , 53 (1996): 536-37, especially note 25
305. Journal of the Commons House of the Assembly, 1751-1752, ed. Terry Lipscomb and Nicholas Olsbcrg (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1977), 261
306. Thomas Walker, "Dr. Thomas Walker's Journal (1750)," in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 171
307. The fort described by Walker is presumed to be one occupied by a Cherokee refugee community as described by Hatley, Dividing Paths, 82-83
308. South Carolina Gazette, 21-26 May 1759
309. Milo Milton Quaife, ed. , The Siege of Detroit in 1763: The Journal of Pontiacs Conspiracy and John Rutherfurd's Narrative of a Captivity (Chicago: Lakeside Press, 1958), 150-51
310. T. F. Brewer and J. Baillie, "The Journal of George Pawley's 1746 Agency to the Cherokee," Journal of Cherokee Studies 16 (1991): 15-16, 19
311. Compare the Indians at Schaghticoke on the Hudson River in the early eighteenth century who asked the governor of New York to build them a stockade "both as a defense and to draw back those who had left. " Calloway, Western Abenakis, 107 (another example on 214)
312. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 94
313. Richter, Ordeal of the Longhouse, 111
314. Gleach, Powhatan's World, 152-54
315. Ralph Hamor, A True Discourse of the Present State of Virginia (1615) (Richmond: Library of Virginia, 1957), 42, 44
316. Helen C. Rountree, "The Powhatans and Other Woodland Indians as Travelers," in Powhatan Foreign Relations, 50
317. For Cherokee use of this technique, see Reid, Better Kind of Hatchet, 10
318. White Outerbridge to Gov. Lyttelton, 8 March 1757, all in William Lyttelton Papers, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Mich. Reid points out, however, that such resident aliens could also be loose cannons, acting on their own needs and thus creating trouble for the community in which they lived. Law of Blood, 163-72
319. For trade purposes: Hatley, Dividing Paths, 95-98
320. Brewer and Baillie, "The Journal of George Pawley," 15
321. For a detailed recounting of the diplomatic maneuvering that preceded the building of Fort Prince George, and the divisions of Cherokee opinion on the subject, see Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, 35-36, 38-49
322. For a description of Fort Prince George, see South Carolina Gazette, 29 December 1759
323. Alexander Hewatt, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia (London, 1779
324. Brewer and Baillie, "The Journal of George Pawley," 16, 19
325. The best and most convenient description of the construction of Fort Loudoun is the pamphlet produced at the Fort Loudoun park: Paul Kelley, Historic Fort Loudoun (Vonore, Tenn. : Fort Loudon Association, 1958)
326. Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, 46
327. Hatley suggests that the Cherokees were taken aback by the size and scale of the eventual fort, arguing that they intended to have a permanent British "presence" in their midst, à la the diplomatic and economic motives discussed above, not a British "army. " Dividing Paths, 95-96. This is disingenuous: by 1756 there were a number of continuously garrisoned forts in South Carolina, most especially Fort Prince George in the Lower Towns. There could have been little doubt among the Cherokees about what "fort" meant
328. John William Gerard De Brahm, "De Brahm's Account (1756)," in Early Travels in the Tennessee Country, 190-91
329. De Brahm, "De Brahm's Account (1756)," 190-91
330. Corkran, Cherokee Frontier, 90-91
331. Kelley, Fort Loudoun, 11-12
332. Grant's papers with correspondence covering all three campaigns [James Grant Papers); the detailed coverage printed in the South Carolina Gazette and Muryland Gazette for each campaign; the journals of several officers [French, "Journal of an Expedition," especially 297-98
333. Major Alexander Monypenny, "Diary of March 20-May 31, 1761," Journal of Cherokee Studies 2 (1977): 320-31
334. the competing versions of Grant's campaign in Philopatrios, Some Observations, and Henry Laurens, "A Letter Signed Philolethes," in Philip M. Hamer and George C. Rogers, eds. , The Papers of Henry Laurens (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1972), 3:275-355, especially 312
335. a history written by a participant shortly after the war |Thomas Mante, The History of the Late War in North America, and the Islands of the West-Indies . . . (London: W. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1772)|
336. and other early histories of the war [Alexander Hewatt, An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia
337. George Milligen, A Short Description of the Province of South-Carolina (1763), in Colonial South Carolina: Two Contemporary Descriptions, ed. Chapman J. Milling (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1951)]
338. Colonel William Byrd directly stated that there were no "strong Holds" in any of the Middle Towns. Col. Byrd to General Amherst, 21 March 1761, 4ZZ, Draper Manuscripts. Finally, De Brahm, who had seen many Cherokee villages in the 1750s, but who had no notion of developments over the previous several decades, wrote that "The Indians have as yet no Notion of shutting themselves in Forts. " John William Gerard De Brahm, De Brahm's Report of the General Survey in the Southern District of North America (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1971), 110
339. There are numerous narratives of the Cherokee War, but the three most recent and authoritative are John Oliphant, Peace and War on the Anglo-Cherokee Frontier, 1756-63 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001)
340. Hatley, Dividing Paths
341. The siege and eventual fate of Fort Loudoun is beyond the scope of this article. See P. M. Hamer, "Fort Loudoun in the Cherokee War, 1758-1761," North Carolina Historical Review 2 (1925): 442-58, and the sources cited above
342. Hatley, Dividing Paths
343. See also Jones, Native North American Armor, 131
344. Logistics was also a key reason for Montgomery's departure from Fort Prince George prior to the conclusion of a peace. He blamed the lack of pay and clothing for the provincials and rangers, as well as the disrepair of their wagons and the worn-out condition of their horses. Montgomery to Amherst, 11[?| September 1760, Box 48, James Grant Papers. Grant explained Montgomery's decision in Grant to Lt. Gov. Bull, 3 July 1760, reprinted in Philopatrios, Some Observations, 87
345. See also Steele, Warpaths, 231
346. South Carolina Gazette, 16-23 August 1760
347. There are numerous accounts of this second battle of Etchoe: see Hewatt, Historical Account, 2:248-49
348. Laurens, "A Letter Signed Philolethes," in Papers of Henry Laurens, 3:308-11
349. French, "Journal of an Expedition," 283
350. Oliphant, Peace and War, 159-62, especially note 145
351. The best reconstruction of his march is in Oliphant, Peace and War, 160
352. Grant's Journal, Amherst Papers, WO 34/40, PRO. The lack of resistance after Etchoe may be attributed to a severe lack of ammunition. Stephen Brumwell, Redcoats: The British Soldier and War in the Americas, 1755-1763 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 220
353. Hatley correctly points out that the separate, concurrent Virginia expedition under William Byrd (and later Adam Stephen), although it never penetrated to the Overhill Towns, was in a position threatening to do so, and probably further pressured the Cherokees to negotiate. Dividing Paths, 139
354. Fausz, "Patterns of Anglo-Indian Aggression," 246
355. Lee, Crowds and Soldiers, 121
356. Calloway, New Worlds, 109
357. Hewatt, Historical Account, 2:251
358. Laurens, "A Letter Signed Philolethes," in Papers of Henry Laurens, 3:287 and passim
359. Keeley, War Before Civilization, 44, 75, 175
360. This is also the explanation usually given for the defeat of the intertribal alliance in King Philip's War; see Steele, Warpaths, 106
361. Malone, Skulking Way, 121-22
362. I am making a distinction here between the Europeans' need for constant logistical supply (they had no ability to live off the country in the frontier zones of North America) and the Indians' structural inability demographieally
363. Robert M. Utley, "Cultural Clash on the Western North American Frontier," in The Military and Conflict Between Cultures, ed. James C. Bradford (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1997), 103
364. Calloway, New Worlds, 103
365. Ward, "Fighting the 'Old Women. '"
366. Oliphant, Peace and War, 131,161
367. Laurens, "A Letter Signed Philolethes," in Papers of Henry Laurens, 3:287 (quote), 288
368. M. Thomas Hatley, "The Three Lives of Keowee: Loss and Recovery in Eighteenth-Century Cherokee Villages," in Powhatan's Mantle, 155-56
369. There is a strong possibility that the Pequots at Mystic were primarily women, children, and the elderly, but the point remains. Native American refuge forts were highly vulnerable to prepared European attack. Karr, "Why Should You Be," 876, 905
370. Philopatrios, Some Observations, 73
371. Hatley, Dividing Paths, 161
372. Robin F. A. Fabel, Colonial Challenges: Britons, Native Americans, and Caribs, 1759-1775 (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000), S7
373. First two quotes from Calloway, Western Abenakis, 88-89, 59
374. Utley, "Cultural Clash. " For other brief discussion of palisade abandonment, see Steele, Warpaths, 135
375. Starkey, European and Native American Warfare, 23-24
376. Larson, "Functional Considerations," 384
377. Keener, "Iroquois Assault Tactics," 801
378. It is interesting to note the different sequence of choices made by the Catawbas, as recounted in Merrell, Indians' New World, 124-25, 127
379. Malone points out the European-style modifications made to Narragansett forts in the 1670s. Skulking Way, 98-101
380. The Susquehannocks in the 1660s and 1670s improved a European-built fort, and used it in conjuction with cannon to fight off both native and European besiegers. They eventually abandoned the fort at the close of the Virginia siege in 1675. Steele, Warpaths, 52-54
381. Douglas B. Bamforth, "Indigenous People, Indigenous Violence: Preeontaet Warfare on the North American Great Plains," Man, New Series, 29 (1994): 111
382. Eid, "A Kind of Running Fight," 155-68
383. Hewatt, Historical Account, 2:231-32
384. Mante, History, 290-93
385. letters of James Grant in Philopatrios, Some Observations, 81-87
386. Oliphant, Peace and War, 130-31. For 1761, sec note 167. For Bushy Run in 1763, see note 161
387. Trigger, "Early Native North American Responses," 1214