The left against Europe? A critical engagement with new constitutionalism and structural dependence theory

Government and Opposition

Volumn 41, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 197-229

  Strange, Gerard ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33645024821     PISSN: 0017257X     EISSN: 14777053     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00176.x     Document Type: Review

References (118)

1. See, for example, Stuart Holland, The European Imperative, Nottingham, Spokesman, 1993;
2. Stuart Holland, Beyond Maastricht: A New Strategy for Jobs and Recovery in Europe, London, MSF, 1993;
3. Ken Coates, 'A European Recovery Programme', European Labour Forum, 7 (Spring 1992), pp. 5-6.
4. See John Stirling, 'This Great Europe of Ours: Trade Unions and 1992', Capital and Class, 45 (1991), pp. 7-14.
5. Similar visions for progressive EU-level social and economic regulation have been advocated by, among others, André Gorz and Alain Lipietz. See André Gorz, Reclaiming Work, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1999, pp. 19-22;
6. Alain Lipietz, Towards a New Economic Order, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1992, pp. 127-46.
7. David Baker, Andrew Gamble and David Seawright, 'The Conservative Party and Monetary Union', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 4: 3 (2002), pp. 413-15.
8. A. Cartpanis and M. Herland, 'The Reconstruction of the International Financial Architecture: Keynes's Revenge?', Review of International Political Economy, 9: 2 (2002), pp. 271-97.
9. See Gerard Strange, 'British Trade Unions and European Integration in the 1990s: Politics Versus Political Economy', Political Studies, 50: 2 (2002), pp. 332-53.
10. See Gerard Strange, 'British Trade Unions and Economic and Monetary Union in the European Union', Capital and Class, 63 (1997), pp. 13-24.
11. P. Whyman, B. Burkitt and M. Baimbridge, 'Economic Policies outside EMU: Strategies for a Global Britain', Political Quarterly, 171: 4 (2000), pp. 451-62;
12. G. Taylor and A. Mathers, 'The Politics of European Integration', Capital and Class, 78 (2002), pp. 39-60;
13. Janet Bush, Larry Elliot and Andrew Gamble, In or Out? Labour and the Euro, Fabian Pamphlet 601, London, Fabian Society, 2002.
14. Stephen Gill, 'The Emerging World Order and European Change: The Political Economy of the European Union', in Ralph Miliband and Leo Panitch (eds), New World Order? The Socialist Register 1992, London, Merlin, 1992, pp. 157-96;
15. Stephen Gill, 'European Governance and the New Constitutionalism: Economic and Monetary Union and Alternatives to Disciplinary Neoliberalism in Europe', New Political Economy, 3: 1 (1998), pp. 245-80;
16. Bastian van Apeldoorn, 'Transnational Agency and European Governance: The Case of the European Roundtable of Industrialists', New Political Economy, 5: 2 (2000), pp. 157-81;
17. Bastian van Apeldoorn, Transnational Capitalism and the Struggle over European Integration, London, Routledge, 2002.
18. David Coates, 'Labour Power and International Competitiveness: A Critique of Ruling Orthodoxies', in L. Panitch and and Colin Leys (eds), Global Capitalism versus Democracy: The Socialist Register 1999, London, Merlin Press, 1999, pp. 108-41;
19. David Coates, Models of Capitalism: Growth and Stagnation in the Contemporary Era, Cambridge, Polity Press, 2000;
20. David Coates, 'Strategic Choices in the Study of New Labour: A Response to Replies from Hay and Wickham-Jones', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 4: 3 (2002), pp. 479-86;
21. David Coates, 'Capitalist Models and Social Democracy: The Case of New Labour', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 3: 3 (2001), pp. 284-307.
22. For an outline of die 'transformationist' approach see Jonathan Perraton, David Goldblatt, David Held and Anthony McGrew, 'The Globalisation of Economic Activity', New Political Economy, 2: 2 (1997), pp. 257-77.
23. For an outline of the 'competition state' approach see Philip Cerny, 'Paradoxes of the Competition State: The Dynamics of Political Globalisation', Government and Opposition, 32: 1 (1997), pp. 251-74.
24. For the new international political economy approach see Robert Cox, 'Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory', Millennium: Journal of International Studies, 10: 2, pp. 126-55.
25. For the regulationist approach see Alain Lipietz, Mirages and Miracles, London, Verso, 1987;
26. Alain Lipietz, 'Post-Fordism and Democracy', in Ash Amin (ed.), Post-Fordism: A Reader, Oxford, Blackwell, 1994, pp. 338-57.
27. Colin Hay and Ben Rosamond, 'Globalisation, European Integration and the Discursive Construction of Economic Imperatives', Journal of European Public Policy, 9: 2 (2002), pp. 147-67.
28. Gill, 'European Governance', pp. 4-5.
29. Peter Burnham, 'New Labour and the Politics of Depoliticisation', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 3: 2 (2001), pp. 127-49.
30. Gill, 'European Governance', p. 8.
31. Andrew Gamble, The Free Economy and the Strong State, London, Macmillan, 1988, p. 44;
32. see also Wener Bonefeld, 'European Integration: The Market, the Political and Class', Capital and Class, 77 (2002), pp. 117-42.
33. Ibid., Wener Bonefeld, 'European Integration: The Market, the Political and Class', Capital and Class, 77 (2002), pp. 117-42.
34. Gill, 'European Governance', p. 5.
35. Van Apeldoorn, 'Transnational Agency and European Governance', pp. 157-81.
36. See, for example, Holland, Beyond Maastricht.
37. See Andrew Gamble, 'The Free Economy and the Strong State', in R. Miliband and and J. Saville (eds), The Socialist Register 1979, London, Merlin Press, pp. 1-25.
38. F. A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1960.
39. M. Rhodes, 'The European Welfare State: A Future of Competitive Corporatism?', in M. Rhodes and Y. Meny (eds), The Future of the European Welfare State, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1998;
40. Gösta Esping-Anderson, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1990;
41. Gösta Esping-Anderson (ed.), Welfare States in Transition: National Adaptations in Global Economics, London, Sage, 1996;
42. Cerny, 'Paradoxes of the Competition State'; G. Garrett, Partisan Politics in a Global Economy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
43. E. P. Thompson, Whigs and Hunters: Origin of the Black Act, London, Penguin, 1990, pp. 258-69.
44. The generally negative attitude of British unions towards the law partly reflects the long-established industrial relations culture in Britain based on legal immunities, alongside free collective bargaining and the pervading assumption of economic class conflict. It also reflects a lack of familiarity with alternative industrial relations cultures, more prevalent in Europe, based on corporatism and the more consensual tradition of social partnership.
45. Daphne Josselin, 'Trade Unions for EMU: Sectoral Preferences and Political Opportunities', West European Politics, 24: 1 (2001), pp. 55-74.
46. Strange, 'The British Labour Movement and Economic and Monetary Union in Europe';
47. Andrew Gamble and Gavin Kelly, 'British Labour and EMU', West European Politics, 23: 1 (2000), pp. 1-25;
48. Josselin, 'Trade Unions for EMU';
49. Strange, 'British Trade Unions and European Integration in the 1990s.
50. Baker, Gamble and Seawright, 'The Conservative Party and Monetary Union'.
51. Holland, Beyond Maastricht,
52. See also the case for the Euro presented by Andrew Gamble in Bush, Elliott and Gamble, In or Out?
53. Paul Hirst and Graeme Thompson 'Globalisation in One Country? The Peculiarities of the British', Economy and Society, 29: 3 (2000), pp. 335-56;
54. Geoffrey Garrett, 'Capital Mobility, Exchange Rates and Fiscal Policy in the Global Economy', Review of International Political Economy, 7: 1 (2000), pp. 153-70.
55. Josselin, 'Trade Unions for EMU';
56. Andreas Bieler, 'Labour, Neo-liberalism and the Conflict over Economic and Monetary Union: A Comparative Analysis of British and German Trade Unions', German Politics, 12: 2 (2003), pp. 24-44;
57. Strange, 'British Trade Unions and EU Integration in the 1990s', pp. 341-9.
58. J. Trichet, 'The Euro after Two Years', Journal of Common Market Studies, 39: 1 (2001), pp. 1-13.
59. Ben Clift, 'Social Democracy and Globalization: The Cases of France and the UK', Government and Opposition, 37: 4 (2002), pp. 466-500. As Clift points out (p. 468), it is fundamentally misleading to define Keynesian policy wholly in terms of deficit financing. By contrast, anti-cyclical policy captures the greater complexity of Keynesian policy and indicates a commitment to sustainable levels of growth and employment that may require budget surpluses (during booms) as well as deficits (during downturns). Indeed, this seems to be a key part of the consensus view emerging from the current process of Stability and Growth Pact reform sparked by the initial decision of the European Commission to pursue punitive measures against Germany and France as euro-zone deficit rule 'defaulters'.
60. Kenneth Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan? Social Democratic Governments in a Neo-Liberal Euro Area', Political Quarterly, 70: 2 (1999), p. 202.
61. P. Pochet, 'The New Employment Chapter of the Amsterdam Treaty', Journal of European Social Policy, 9: 3 (1999), pp. 271-8;
62. Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan', pp. 201-7.
63. Pochet, 'The New Employment Chapter', p. 272.
64. Ben Clift, The Jospin Way', Political Quarterly, 72: 2 (2001), pp. 170-9;
65. Clift, 'Social Democracy and Globalization';
66. Dyson, 'Benign or Malevolent Leviathan', pp. 203-4.
67. Pochet, 'The New Employment Chapter', pp. 273-4.
68. Gamble, 'The Case for the Euro', in Bush, Elliot and Gamble, In or Out?.
69. Ibid., Gamble, In or Out?., pp. 4-8, 16-19.
70. For a critique of Radice's structuralist approach to globalization and convergence see Gerard Strange, 'Globalisation, Regionalism and Labour Interests in the New International Political Economy', New Political Economy, 7: 3 (2002), pp. 344-7;
71. Gerard Strange, 'Beyond "Third Wave" Globalisation Analysis', European Political Science, 2: 2 (2003), pp. 42-6.
72. Hugo Radice, 'Taking Globalisation Seriously', in Panitch and Leys, Global Capitalism Versus Democracy, pp. 1-28;
73. Hugo Radice, 'The National Economy: A Keynesian Myth?', Capital and Class, 22 (1984), pp. 111-40.
74. Radice, 'Taking Globalisation Seriously', p. 8.
75. Wolfgang Streeck, 'More Uncertainties: West German Unions facing "1992"', Industrial Relations, 30: 3 (1991), pp. 317-49;
76. Wolfgang Streeck, 'German Capitalism: Does it Exist? Can it Survive?', New Political Economy, 2: 2 (1997), pp. 237-56.
77. Coates, Models of Capitalism, pp. 77-106, 251-9.
78. Coates, 'Labour Power and International Competitiveness', p. 136;
79. Coates, Models of Capitalism, pp. 255-7;
80. Coates, 'Capitalist Models and Social Democracy', p. 297.
81. Geoffrey Garrett, Partisan Politics in a Global Economy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1998;
82. Mark Wickham-Jones; 'New Labour and the Global Economy: Partisan Politics and the Social Democratic Model', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 2: 1 (2000), pp. 1-25;
83. Colin Hay, 'Contemporary Capitalism, Globalisation, Regionalisation and the Persistence of National Variation', Review of International Studies, 26: 4 (2000), pp. 509-32;
84. Coates, 'Labour Power and International Competitiveness', pp. 133-6;
85. Coates, Models of Capitalism, pp. 86-96 and 104-6;
86. Coates, 'Capitalist Models and Social Democracy', pp. 284-307;
87. Coates, 'Strategic Choices in the Study of New Labour', pp. 479-86.
88. Greg Albo, 'Competitive Austerity and the Impasse of Capitalist Employment Policy', in Panitch and Leys, Global Capitalism Versus Democracy, pp. 144-70.
89. David Coates, quoted in C. Lloyd and J. Payne, 'On the Political Economy of Skill', New Political Economy, 7: 3 (2002), p. 383;
90. Coates, Models of Capitalism, pp. 254-9;
91. Albo, 'Competitive Austerity', pp. 148-57.
92. Coates, Models of Capitalism, p. 241.
93. Ibid., Coates, Models of Capitalism, p. 254.
94. Ibid., Coates, Models of Capitalism, p. 255.
95. Ibid., Coates, Models of Capitalism, p. 256.
96. For a critical analysis of this aspect of Radice's analysis see Strange, 'Beyond "Third Wave" Globalisation Analysis', p. 46.
97. Immanuel Wallerstein, 'Ecology and Capitalist Costs of Production: No Exit', keynote address at PEWS XXI, The Global Environment and the World System, University of California, Santa Cruz, 1997.
98. This confusion is a feature in much of the debate around the alleged impact of globalization on the viability of social democracy. For critical expositions see John Callaghan, 'Social Democracy's Big Problem: Economic Globalisation or Hard Times?', European Political Science, 2: 2 (2003), pp. 32-9;
99. John Callaghan, 'Globalisation and Social Democracy', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 4: 3 (2002), pp. 429-51.
100. See R. C. O. Matthews, 'Why Has Britain Had Full Employment since the War', Economic Journal, 78: 3 (1968), pp. 555-69;
101. Callaghan, 'Social Democracy's Big Problem', pp. 34-5.
102. Holland, The European Imperative, pp. 261-3;
103. Will Hutton, The World We're In, London, Little Brown, 2002.
104. Andreas Boltho, The European Economies: Growth and Crisis, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1988.
105. Clift, 'Social Democracy and Globalization', p. 467.
106. Daniele Leborgne and Alain Lipietz, 'How to Avoid a Two-Tier Europe', Labour and Society, 15: 2 (1990), pp. 177-99;
107. Hutton, The World We're In;
108. Colin Hay, 'Globalisation, EU-isation and the Space for Social Democratic Alternatives: Pessimism of the Intellect: A Reply to Coates', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 4: 3 (2002), pp. 452-4.
109. Robert O'Brien, 'Labour and IPE: Rediscovering Human Agency', in R. Palen (ed.), Global Political Economy: Contemporary Theories, London, Routledge, 2000, pp. 89-99.
110. Wallerstein, 'Ecology and Capitalist Costs of Production', pp. 1-11.
111. Ibid., Wallerstein, 'Ecology and Capitalist Costs of Production', p. 4.
112. As Hobson and Ramesh have noted, it is 'possible for " structuralists" to conceive globalisation in agent-centric terms, as when they focus on the agency of multinational corporations (MNCs) or other non-state actors'.
113. J. Hobson and M. Ramesh, 'Globalisation Makes of States What States Make of It: Between Agency and Structure in the State/Globalisation Debate', New Political Economy, 7: 1, pp. 5-22.
114. Radice, 'Taking Globalisation Seriously', p. 22.
115. Andreas Bieler and Adam Morton, 'Globalisation, the State and Class Struggle: A "Critical Economy" Engagement with Open Marxism', British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 5: 4 (2003), pp. 467-99;
116. see also Bob Jessop, 'Regulation Theory, Post-Fordism and the State: More than a Response to Bonfeld', Capital and Class, 34 (1988), p. 147.
117. John Holloway, quoted by Bieler and Morton, 'Globalisation, the State and Class Struggle', p. 474.
118. Bieler and Morton, 'Globalisation, the State and Class Struggle', p. 478.