Populism, political conflict, and grass-roots organization in Latin America

Comparative Politics

Volumn 38, Issue 2, 2006, Pages 127-148

  Roberts, Kenneth M ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 33644688353     PISSN: 00104159     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/20433986     Document Type: Article

References (60)

1. Kurt Weyland, "Clarifying a Contested Concept: Populism in the Study of Latin American Politics," Comparative Politics, 34 (October 2001), 1-22.
2. Kenneth M. Roberts, "Neoliberalism and the Transformation of Populism in Latin America: The Peruvian Case," World Politics, 48 (October 1995), 82-116;
3. Kurt Weyland, "Neopopulism and Neoliberalism in Latin America: Unexpected Affinities," Studies in Comparative International Development, 31 (Fall 1996), 3-31;
4. Bruce H. Kay, "'Fujipopulism' and the Liberal State in Peru, 1990-1995," Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs, 38 (Winter 1996), 55-98.
5. Nicolás Lynch, "Neopopulismo: Un Concepto Vacío," Socialismo y Participatión, 86 (December 1999), 63-80;
6. Aníbal Quijano, "Populismo y Fujimorismo," in Felipe Burbano de Lara, ed., El Fantasma del Populismo (Caracas: Nueva Sociedad, 1998), pp. 171-205;
7. Carlos M. Vilas, "¿Populismos Reciclados o Neoliberalismo a Secas? El Mito del 'Neopopulismo' Latinoamericano," Revista Venezolana de Economía y Ciencias Sociales, 9 (May-August 2003), 13-36.
8. Edward Gibson, "The Populist Road to Market Reform," World Politics, 49 (April 1997), 339-70.
9. Michael Conniff, "Introduction," in Michael Conniff, ed., Populism in Latin America (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1999), p. 4;
10. Carlos de la Torre, Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorean Experience (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 2000), p. 4.
11. Kenneth M. Roberts, "Social Inequalities without Class Cleavages in Latin America's Neoliberal Era," Studies in Comparative International Development, 36 (Winter 2002), 3-33.
12. Ruth Berins Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991), pp. 236-47.
13. Kevin J. Middlebrook, The Paradox of Revolution: Labor, the State, and Authoritarianism in Mexico (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995).
14. It is theoretically possible that social organizations other than labor unions, such as peasant communities or neighborhood associations, would be primary vehicles for populist mobilization. There are no clear-cut historical examples of such civic populism, but Venezuela under Hugo Chávez approximates this model, given its reliance on extrapartisan, nonlabor community organizations, as discussed below.
15. Collier and Collier, p. 341.
16. James W. McGuire, Peronism without Perón: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997).
17. The CGT was itself internally fractionalized and subjugated to Perón's personal authority. Nevertheless, inside Argentina it was the foremost organizational expression of Peronism until the second half of the 1980s.
18. Steven Levitsky, Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America: Argentine Peronism in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), ch. 3.
19. Peter F. Klarén, Modernization, Dislocation, and Aprismo: Origins of the Peruvian Aprista Party, 1870-1932 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973), p. 126.
20. Collier and Collier, pp. 150-51.
21. De la Torre; Ximena Sosa-Buchholz, "The Strange Career of Populism in Ecuador," in Conniff, ed.
22. Weyland, "Clarifying a Contested Concept," p. 15.
23. Marcus Kurtz, "The Dilemmas of Democracy in the Open Economy: Lessons from Latin America," World Politics, 56 (January 2004), 272-80.
24. World Labour Report 1997-98: Industrial Relations, Democracy, and Social Stability (Geneva: International Labour Organization, 1997), p. 235.
25. See Levitsky, Transforming Labor-Based Parties;
26. María Victoria Murillo, Labor Unions, Partisan Coalitions, and Market Reforms in Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
27. Steve Ellner, "Organized Labor and the Challenge of Chavismo," in Steve Ellner and Daniel Hellinger, eds., Venezuelan Politics in the Chávez Era: Class, Polarization, and Conflict (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2003), pp. 168-76.
28. Weyland, "Clarifying a Contested Concept," p. 15.
29. Ibid., Weyland, "Clarifying a Contested Concept," p. 15.
30. Catherine Conaghan, Making and Unmaking Authoritarian Peru: Re-Election, Resistance, and Regime Transition, The North-South Agenda Papers, 47 (Miami: University of Miami North-South Center, 2001).
31. John Aldrich, Why Parties? The Origins and Transformation of Political Parties in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995).
32. Dietrich Rueschemeyer, John Stephens, and Evelyne Huber Stephens, Capitalist Development and Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 54.
33. Sally Bowen, The Fujimori File: Peru and Its President, 1990-2000 (Lima: Peru Monitor, 2000), pp. 21-22.
34. Susan Stokes, Mandates and Democracy: Neoliberalism by Surprise in Latin America (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp. 69-70.
35. Bowen, The Fujimori File, p. 76.
36. Fernando Tuesta, Perú Político en Cifras: Elite Política y Elecciones, 2nd ed. (Lima: Fundación Friedrich Ebert, 1994), pp. 52-63.
37. Pedro Planas, La Democracia Volátil: Movimientos, Partidos, Líderes Politicos y Conductas Electorales en el Perú Contemporáneo (Lima: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2000), pp. 347-51.
38. Interview with Cambia 90 congressional leader Luz Salgado, Lima, March 18, 1999.
39. Philip Mauceri, "State Reform, Coalitions, and the Neoliberal Autogolpe in Peru," Latin American Research Review, 30 (1995), 7-37.
40. Interview with Ricardo Marcenaro, Lima, March 12, 1999.
41. Hernando Burgos, "La Inagotable Caja China de Fujimori," Quehacer, 126 (September-October 2000), 18-21;
42. Martín Paredes, "Hijos de la Medianoche," Quehacer, 127 (November-December 2000), 64-69.
43. Fujimori eventually paid a steep price for his antipathy to institutionalization and his insistence on starting from scratch in every electoral cycle. In 2000 his campaign team forged over a million signatures in a frantic attempt to register his fourth party, unleashing a scandal that exacerbated public concerns over violations of democratic norms.
44. See Moises Arce, Market Reform in Society: Post-Crisis Politics and Economic Change in Authoritarian Peru (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, forthcoming), ch. 5.
45. See Conaghan.
46. Margarita López Maya, "Hugo Chávez Frías: His Movement and His Presidency," in Ellner and Hellinger, eds., pp. 75-76.
47. Ibid., Margarita López Maya, "Hugo Chávez Frías: His Movement and His Presidency", pp. 80-81.
48. See also Hugo Chávez Frías, "Discurso del Presidente Chávez," Primer Congreso Programático Ideológico de Los Circulos Bolivarianos, Caracas, December 17, 2003.
49. Kurt Weyland, "Will Chávez Lose His Luster?," Foreign Affairs, 80 (November-December 2001), 84.
50. Deborah Norden, "Democracy in Uniform: Chávez and the Venezuelan Armed Forces," in Ellner and Hellinger, eds., pp. 104-6.
51. Dawn Gable, "Civil Society, Social Movements, and Participation in Venezuela's Fifth Republic," February 9, 2004, www.venezuelanalysis.com/ articles.php?artno=1103, p. 4;
52. David Hansen, Kirk A. Hawkins, and Jason Seawright, "Dependent Civil Society: The Circulos Boliarianos in Venezuela," paper presented at the Twenty-fifth International Congress of the Latin American Studies Association, Las Vegas, October 7-9, 2004.
53. Gregory Wilpert, "Collision in Venezuela," New Left Review, 21 (May-June 2003), 112-14.
54. Gable, "Civil Society," pp. 2-3.
55. Ibid., Gable, "Civil Society", p. 4.
56. See the interview in "Venezuela: Bolivarian Circles in Frontline of the Revolution," http://www.greenleft.org.au/back/2003/540p18.htm.
57. Chávez Frías, "Discuso del Presidente Chávez."
58. See http://archivo.eluniversal.com/2003/06/29/29186AA.html.
59. For a more extensive analysis of the differences between these two leaders, see Steve Ellner, "The Contrasting Variants of the Populism of Hugo Chávez and Alberto Fujimori," Journal of Latin American Studies, 35 (2003), 139-62.
60. In December 2002 managers and white collar workers in the oil sector launched a devastating two month lockout/strike that was designed to force Chavez to resign, but it was eventually broken by the government. Thereafter, the opposition shifted to a strategy of removing Chávez by means of a recall vote, which Chávez also defeated in August 2004.