Trade, Production, and Incorporation: The Indian Ocean in Flux, 1600–1900

Itinerario

Volumn 26, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 75-106

  Tagliacozzo, Eric ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 33644611008     PISSN: 01651153     EISSN: 20412827     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0165115300004952     Document Type: Article

References (166)

1. D. McLellan ed., Selected Writings/Karl Marx (Oxford 1977) 389.
2. Vijay Lakshmi Labh, ‘Some Aspects of Piracy in the Indian Ocean During the Early Modern Period’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 2/3 (1995) 259–269
3. John Anderson, ‘Piracy and World History: An Economic Perspective on Maritime Predation’ in: C.R. Pennell, Bandits at Sea (New York 1991) 82–105.
4. T.S.S. Rao and Ray Griffiths, Understanding the Indian Ocean: Perspectives on Oceanography (Paris 1998)
5. Vivian Louis Forbes, The Maritime Boundaries of the Indian Ocean Region (Singapore 1995)
6. S. Zahoor Qasim, ‘The Indian Ocean and Cyclones’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 1/2 (1994) 30–40
7. his ‘The Indian Ocean and Mangroves’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 2/1 (1994) 1–10.
8. M.N. Pearson, Spices in the Indian Ocean World (Ashgate 1996)
9. Osmand Bopearachichi ed., Origin, Evolution, and Circulation of Foreign Coins in the Indian Ocean (Delhi 1988)
10. Om Prakash, Precious Metals and Commerce: The Dutch East India Company and the Indian Ocean Trade (Ashgate 1994)
11. C. Scholten, De munten van de Nederlandsche gebiedsdeelen overzee, 1601–1948 (Amsterdam 1951)
12. Jeremy Green, ‘Maritime Aspects of History and Archaeology in the Indian Ocean, Southeast and East Asia’ in: S.R. Rao, The Role of Universities and Research Institutes in Marine Archaeology: Proceedings of the Third Indian Conference of Marine Archaeology (Goa 1994)
13. S.R. Rao ed., Recent Advances in Marine Archaeology: Proceedings of the Second Indian Conference on Marine Archaeology of the Indian Ocean (Goa 1991)
14. Tom Vosmer, ‘Maritime Archaeology, Ethnography and History in the Indian Ocean: An Emerging Partnership’ in: Himanshu Prabha Ray, Archaeology of Seafaring (Delhi 1999).
15. See the argument as laid out by Eric Wolf in his Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley 1982).
16. Adam Smith, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations I (Clarendon 1976) 223–224
17. Ted Benton, ‘Adam Smith and the Limits to Growth’ in: Stephen Copley and Kathryn Sutherland eds, Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations: New Interdisciplinary Essays (Manchester 1995) 144–170.
18. Karl Marx, Capital III (New York 1976) 451.
19. See Richard Mardsen, The Nature of Capital: Marx After Foucault (London 1999).
20. See also an interesting critique of Foucault on Modernism in: Thomas Flynn, ‘Foucault and the Eclipse of Vision’ in: David Michael Levin, Modernity and the Hegemony of Vision (Berkeley 1993) 273–286, especially 283.
21. The history of oceans, in particular, has now become an exciting and multidisciplinary research field. For the Atlantic, see Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge 1993)
22. Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Reddiker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston 2000).
23. For the Pacific, see Robert Borofsky ed., Remembrance of Pacific Pasts: An Invitation to Remake History (Honolulu 2000)
24. Walter McDougall, Let the Sea Make a Noise: A History of the North Pacific from Magellan to MacArthur (New York 1993).
25. K.N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge 1985).
26. Denys Lombard and Jean Aubin eds, Marchands el Homrnes dAffaires Asiatiques dans l'Océan Indien et la Mer de Chine 13–20 Siècles (Paris 1988)
27. Sanjay Surahmanyam, The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India, 1500–1650 (Cambridge 1990)
28. Kenneth McPherson, The Indian Ocean: A History of People and the Sea (Delhi 1993).
29. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Capitalist World-Economy (Cambridge 1979) 1–36
30. Andre Gun-der Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley 1998)
31. David Landes, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Some are So Rich, and Some So Poor (New York 1998)
32. Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: Europe, China, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton 2000)
33. A.J.R. Russell-Wood, ‘The Expansion of Europe Revisited: The European Impact on World History and Global Interaction, 1450–1800’, Itinerario 23/1 (1994) 89–94.
34. Arabia, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf are not considered as a separate shore of the Indian Ocean in this piece, though they do figure in the narrative on India and especially East Africa. Nevertheless, I have particularly benefited from the work of R.J. Barendse; see especially his ‘Reflections on the Arabian Seas in the Eighteenth Century’, Itinerario 25/1 (2000) 25–50
35. his book, The Arabian Seas: The Indian Ocean World of the Seventeenth Century (Armonk 2002).
36. Smith, The Wealth of Nations I, 91.
37. Marx, Capital III, 422.
38. Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce: The Lands Beneath the Winds (New Haven 1988 and 1993).
39. Reid's emphasis on bulk commodities took issue with Jacob van Leur's characterisation of trade as being ‘splendid but trifling’, see J.C. Van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society: Essays in Asian Social and Economic History (Hague 1955).
40. On the role of ceramics, see Barbara Harrison, Pusaka: Heirloom Jars of Borneo (Singapore 1986)
41. Roxanna Brown, The Ceramics of South-East Asia: Their Dating and Identification (Singapore 1988) 57–79.
42. A Dutch ship gutted in Northeast Java in 1597 was pillaged almost immediately by dozens of local prahu; Spanish troops in Mindanao removed all the bolts from one of their own ruined caravels, in the hopes that they would not fall into Muslim hands in 1609. An interesting corollary to this Southeast Asian metal-hunger is that often locals would pay more for certain metals based on cultural indices of value. This happened in the polities of the Javanese Pasisir, where Sulawesi's high-nickel iron was preferred for manufacturing krisses (based on the swirling designs of the nickel etched in the blades) over the cheaper imported iron brought by Europeans and Chinese. See Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, 107, 110.
43. Mercenaries were hired from Japan, Arabia, Holland, France, and Persia; see Dhiravat da Pombejra, ‘Ayutthaya at the End of the Seventeenth Century: Was There a Shift to Isolation?’ in: Anthony Reid ed., Southeast Asia in the Early Modem Era: Trade, Power, and Belief (Ithaca 1993) 250–272
44. see also Anthony Reid, ‘Europe and Southeast Asia: The Military Balance’, James Cook University of North Queensland, Occasional Paper #16 (Townsville 1982) 1.
45. See Barbara Watson Andaya, ‘Cash-Cropping and Upstream/Downstream Tensions: The Case of Jambi in the 17th and 18th-Centuries’ in: Reid ed., Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era, 108.
46. See Leonard Andaya, The World of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modem Period (Honolulu 1993)
47. Chris van Frassen, ‘Ternate, de Molukken en de Indonesische Archipel’, PhD Thesis, Leiden University (2 vols) 1987
48. the early historical chapters of Patricia Spyers, The Memory of Trade (Durham 2000).
49. John Bastin, ‘The Changing Balance of the Southeast Asian Pepper Trade’ in: Pearson, Spices in the Indian Ocean World, 283–316.
50. Anthony Reid, ‘Islamization and Christianization in Southeast Asia: The Critical Phase, 1550–1650’ in: Reid ed., Southeast Asia in the Early Modem Era, 151–179.
51. For a snapshot of gender dynamics in the Early Modern period ports, see the essays in: Barbara Watson Andaya ed., Other Pasts: Women, Gender and History in Early Modern Southeast Asia (Honolulu 2000).
52. Using a time-series of measurements, Reid juxtaposes the near-equal 5'2” heights of Europeans and Filipinos in the seventeenth century (based on Robert Fox's excavations at Catalagan), to a Western jump to 5'6” mean male height two centuries later. The cross-referencing on disease-outbreaks between hikayats, sejarahs, Chinese and Japanese trading accounts and European ship-captains' logs is also impressive. See Robert Fox, ‘The Catalangan Excavadons’, Philippine Studies 7, 3 (1959) 325–390
53. Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce I, 47–48; 61.
54. The Dutch, meanwhile, started to fall behind by the eighteenth century. See Dianne Lewis, Jan Compagnie in the Straits of Malacca, 1641–1795 (Athens 1995).
55. J.A. de Moor,’ “A Very Unpleasant Relationship”: Trade and Strategy in the Eastern Seas, Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Nineteenth Century From a Colonial Perspective’ in: G.J.A. Raven and N.A.M. Rodger eds, Navies and Armies: The Anglo-Dutch Relationship in War and Peace 1688–1988 (Edinburgh 1990) 46–69.
56. J.H. Zeeman, De kustvaart in Nederlandsch-Indië, beschouwd in verband met het Londensch Tractaat van 17 Maart 1824 (Amsterdam 1936).
57. For some of the historical context on these processes in Johor, see Leonard Andaya, The Kingdom of Johor, 1641–1728: A Study of Economic and Political Developments in the Straits of Malacca (Kuala Lumpur 1975).
58. Nicholas Tarling, Imperial Britain in Southeast Asia (Kuala Lumpur 1975) 81.
59. Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire 1875–1914 (New York 1987.)
60. Wolf, Europe and the People Without History
61. Anthony Webster, Gentleman Capitalists: British Imperialism in South East Asia 1770–1890 (London 1998).
62. Andrew Turton, ‘Ethnography of Embassy: Anthropological Readings of Records of Diplomatic Encounters Between Britain and Tai States in the Early Nineteenth Century’, South East Asia Research 5/2 (1997) 175.
63. Many of the ‘true’ initiatives behind the campaign can be seen in small actions committed after the occupation was already accomplished: such as the extension of the new border between the Upper and Lower halves of the country fifty miles north from the line originally agreed upon, to include valuable forests of teak. A.G. Pointon, The Bombay-Burma Trading Corporation (Southampton 1964) 12.
64. See the translated Burmese letter (probably from 1876) reproduced in: British Documents on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers From the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Volume E26 (Washington D.C. 1995) 104–105.
65. Chinese junks fell from 400 per annum to under 100 within a decade of the Bowring Treaty (1856), while British shipping carried eighty-seven per cent of Siamese tonnage by the year 1892. One contemporary Englishman boasted that Siamese brought rice to the mills, but there their part in the economic process ceased: the machinery was British, the jute packing-bags were fashioned in Calcutta, the steamers were from London, and the banks and insurers that financed the entire operation were British as well. See D.R. Sardesai, British Trade and Expansion in Southeast Asia, 1830–1914 (Delhi 1977) 92–93.
66. Also see Jennifer Cushman, Fields from the Sea: Chinese Junk Trade with Siam During the Late 18th and Early 19th Centuries (Ithaca 1993)
67. Ian Brown, The Elite and the Economy in Siam, 1890–1920 (Oxford 1988).
68. Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker, Thailand: Economy and Politics (Kuala Lumpur 1995).
69. Smith, The Wealth of Nations II, 638.
70. Marx, Capital III, 452.
71. S.Z. Qasim, ‘Concepts of Tides, Navigation and Trade in Ancient India’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 8, 1/2 (2000) 97–102.
72. Arabians, Persians, Syrians, Egyptians, Maghrebis, Sumatrans, Peguans, and Chinese are all mentioned as visitors to these cities; evidence of these pre-European communities can still be seen in Cochin, for example, in the synagogue and Jewish community surviving on Jew Town Road’, and the Chinese canti-levered fishing nets (brought by ambassadors of the Great Khan in the thirteenth century) overhanging Cochin harbor. For more on the early maritime relationships of Southwest India, see Haraprasad Ray, ‘Sino-Indian Historical Relations: Quilon and China’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 8 1/2 (2000) 116–128.
73. For two revisionist histories, see K.S. Matthew, ‘Trade in the Indian Ocean During the Sixteenth Century and the Portuguese’ in: K.S. Matthew ed., Studies in Maritime History (Pondicherry 1990) 13–28
74. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, ‘Profit at the Apostle's Feet: The Portuguese Settlement of Mylapur in the Sixteenth Century’ in: Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Improvising Empire: Portuguese Trade and Settlement in the Bay of Bengal (Delhi 1990) 47–67.
75. M.N. Pearson, ‘India and the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century’ in: Ashin Das Gupta and M.N. Pearson, India and the Indian Ocean 1500–1800 (Calcutta 1987) 79
76. see also Syed Hasan Askarai, ‘Mughal Naval Weakness and Aurangzeb's Attitude Towards the Traders and Pirates on the Western Coast’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 2/3 (1995) 236–242.
77. For a description of the enduring diversities of this trade to Manila, even a century later, see Thomas and Mary McHale eds, The Journal of Nathaniel Bowditch in Manila, 1796 (New Haven 1962).
78. One can still really feel the effects of this dynamic in Cambay, which is now a quiet ‘fringe city’ compared to the more prosperous Surat. Tagliacozzo, 1990 fieldnotes, 380. The later Mughal need for a dominant transit port also helped Surat vis-à-vis Cambay, while a rise in pilgrims undertaking the Hajj (and the rising price of coffee as a commodity) vaulted Mocha over Muscat in the seventeenth-century Arabian Peninsula. For some of the permutations of trade in Gujarat, see Shireen Moosvi, ‘The Gujarat Ports and their Hinterland: The Economic Relationship’ in: Indu Banga ed., Ports and their Hinterlands in India, 1700–1950 (Delhi 1992) 121–130
79. Aniruddha Ray, ‘Cambay and its Hinterland: The Early Eighteenth Century’ in: Banga ed., Ports and their Hinterlands in India, 1700–1950, 131–152
80. Ashin Das Gupta, ‘The Merchants of Surat, 1700–1750’ in: Edmund Leach and S.N. Mukherjee, Elites in South Asia (Cambridge 1970).
81. Baldeo Sahai, Indian Shipping: A Historical Survey (Delhi 1996) 208–251.
82. Savitri Chandra, ‘Sea and Seafaring as Reflected in Hindi Literary Works During the 15th to 18th Centuries’ in: Matthew ed., Studies in Maritime History, 84–91
83. R. Tirumalai, ‘A Ship Song of the Late 18th Century in Tamil’ in: Matthew ed., Studies in Maritime History, 159–164.
84. Ashin Das Gupta, ‘India and the Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century’ in: Das Gupta and Pearson, India and the Indian Ocean, 136.
85. On this question broadly, see Sugata Bose, Peasant Labour and Colonial Capital: Rural Bengal Since 1770 (Cambridge 1993)
86. Kum Kum Banerjee, ‘Grain Traders and the East India Company: Patna and its Hinterland in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries’ in: Sanjay Subrahmanyam ed., Merchants, Markets, and the State in Early Modem India (Delhi 1990) 163–189
87. Lakshmi Subramanian, ‘Western India in the Eighteenth Century: Ports, Inland Towns, and States’ in: Banga ed., Ports and their Hinterlands in India, 153–180.
88. Dilbagh Singh and Ashok Rajshirke, ‘The Merchant Communities in Surat: Trade, Trade Practices, and Institutions in the Late Eighteenth Century’ in: Banga ed., Ports and their Hinterlands in India, 181–198.
89. Larger armies and navies, heightened specialisation, professionalisation, higher codes of discipline and greater control of the State being several of these tenets. See Geoffrey Parker, The Military Revolution: Military Innovation and the Rise of the West, 1500–1800 (Cambridge 1996).
90. On the Dutch and French presence in India, see H.K. s'Jacob, ‘De VOC en de Malabarkust in de 17de eeuw’ in: M.A.P. Meilink-Roelofsz ed., De VOC in Azië (Bussum 1976) 85–99
91. Om Prakash, The Dutch Factories in India, 1617–1623 (Delhi 1984)
92. Indrani Ray ed., The French East India Company and the Trade of the Indian Ocean (Calcutta 1999).
93. P. J. Marshall, Trade and Conquest: Studies on the Rise of British Dominance in India (Aldershot 1993) 27
94. on mercenaries see G.V. Scammell, ‘European Exiles, Renegades and Oudaws and die Maritime Economy of Asia’ in: K.S. Matthew, Mariners, Merchants, and Oceans: Studies in Maritime History (Delhi 1995) 121–142.
95. See the letter from Sultan Salim to Tipu Sultan of 20 September 1798 reproduced in: Kabir Kausar, compiler, Secret Correspondence of Tipu Sultan (New Delhi 1980) 253–265.
96. These complicated currents are treated well in the following works: P.J. Marshall, ‘Private Trade in die Indian Ocean Before 1800’ in: Das Gupta and Pearson, India and the Indian Ocean, 276–300
97. S. Arasaratnam, ‘Weavers, Merchants, and Company: The Handloom Industry in South-Eastern India 1750–1790’ in: Subrahmanyam ed., Merchants, Markets, and the State, 190–214
98. Bruce Watson, ‘Indian Merchants and English Private Interests: 1659–1760’ in: Das Gupta and Pearson, India and the Indian Ocean, 301–316
99. Ashin Das Gupta, Merchants of Maritime India, 1500–1800 (Ashgate 1994) Chapter 14.
100. Bengali textiles sold very well in Europe and America, with the demands for cotton spilling over into Oudh - where its price was cheaper - as well. By 1800 it was said that ‘every foreign ship importing bullion into Calcutta brings this bullion especially for Oudh piece goods’. See Marshall, Trade and Conquest, 475–476.
101. See also Joseph Brennig, ‘Textile Producers and Production in Late Seventeenth Century Coromandel’ in: Subrahmanyam ed., Merchants, Markets, and the State, 66–89.
102. ‘Agreement between the Nabob Nudjum-ul-Dowlah and the Company, 12 August 1765’ in: Barbara Harlow and Mia Carter eds, Imperialism and Orientalism: A Documentary Sourcebook (Oxford 1999) 6.
103. S. Arasaratnam, Maritime India in the Seventeenth Century (Delhi 1994) Chapter 7.
104. S. Arasaratnam, Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800 (Ashgate 1995) Chapter 3.
105. Patricia Risso, Merchants and Failh: Muslim Commerceand Culture in the Indian Ocean (Boulder 1995) 77–98.
106. By 1777 Calcutta harbour registered a total of 290 private British trading ships in and out of port that year, with only five per cent of total traffic on ships over eighty tons remaining of (native) Indian registry. See Bruce Watson, Foundation for Empire: English Trade in India 1659–1760 (New Delhi 1980).
107. Holden Furber, Private Fortunes and Company Profits in the India Trade in the 18th Century (Aldershot 1997).
108. The phrase, of course, is James Scott's; see James Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven 1985).
109. In Madras, for example, the Governor of Ft St George (Edward Winter) partnered primarily with the merchant Beri Timmanna, while the Surat President George Oxenden held his closest ties with Bhinji Parak. In 1721 Hastings was dismissed for his private dealings and his Tamil associate, Khrishnama Venkatapati, was interrogated as well. Indian merchants could grow to be quite connected, and extremely powerful. Adiappa Narayan, dubash to Governor Richard Benyon of Madras, transacted for Indian coolies, commodity merchants, other dubashes, artisans, Tamil Chetties, local Indian dignitaries, resident Portuguese, and the high society of British Madras. See Watson, Foundation for Empire, 309–312.
110. For the complexities of these new arrangements, see Om Prakash, ‘European Corporate Enterprises and the Politics of Trade in India, 1600–1800’ in: R. Mukherjee and L. Subramanian, Politics and Trade in the Indian Ocean World (Delhi 1998) 165–182
111. Sanjay Subrahmanyam and C.A. Bayly, ‘Portfolio Capitalists and the Political Economy of Early Modern India’ in: Subrahmanyam ed., Merchants, Markets, and the State, 242–265.
112. For commentary on Oman and Zanzibar during this time, see R.J. Barendse, ‘Reflections on the Arabian Seas in the Eighteenth Century’, Itinerario 25/1 (2001) 25–50.
113. On the Swahili civilisations of the East African coast that developed as a result of these trading contacts over the centuries, see Mark Horton and John Middleton, The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society (Oxford 1988) 5–26.
114. For the former, see ‘The Ancient History of Dar es-Salaam’ in: G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, The East African Coast: Select Documents From the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century (Oxford 1962) 233–237.
115. See, for example, Smith, The Wealth of Nations II, 571, 578, 586–587, 939.
116. See, for example, the account of Manuel de Faria y Sousa in: Zoe Marsh ed., East Africa Through Contemporary Records (Cambridge 1961) 19–22.
117. See Michael Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders: The Swahili Coast, India, and Portugal in the Early Modern Era (Baltimore 1998).
118. See Engels, especially in: Marx, Capital III, 1047.
119. The purchasing of slaves in East Africa, and in the Indian Ocean generally, had a long pedigree by this point; see S. Arasaratnam, ‘Slave Trade in the Indian Ocean in the Seventeenth Century’ in: Matthew, Mariners, Merchants, and Oceans, 195–208. The American role on the East African coast also became important, as her merchants brought copious quantities of ivory, gum copal, and other commodities back to Salem and other Northeastern ports.
120. Iftikhar Ahmad Khan, ‘Merchant Shipping in the Arabian Sea - First Half of the 19th Century’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 7 2/3 (2000) 163–173.
121. This is one of the places where a Marxist/nationalist, history such as the one forwarded by Abdul Sheriff (in his Slaves, Spices, and Ivory in Zanzibar: The Integration of an East African Commercial Enterprise into the World Economy 1770–1873 (London 1987)) seems slightly skewed. The author sees only machinations in these movements, widi clear protagonists (Zanzibaris) and antagonists (Englishmen), rather than more realistic shades of gray. There were Englishmen who believed in the anti-slavery campaigns because of their religious convictions, or on pure humanitarian grounds, without being involved in British policies of trade and expansion. Likewise, there were East African elites who saw slaving as an avenue toward their own prosperity as well. In this otherwise excellent study, this chiaroscuro seems somewhat problematic.
122. Compare the narratives of the French slave dealer Monsieur Morice (1776) with that of the Kilwa Kisiwani chronicle, both reproduced in: Freeman-Grenville, The East African Coast, 191 and 223. Slaving is clearly a desired economic arrangement for both parties here, Europeans (such as Monsieur Morice) and for certain Swahili too.
123. See also Shaikh al-Amin bin ‘Ali al Mazru'i, The History of the Mazru'i Dynasty (London 1995).
124. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices, and Ivory, 48.
125. For two good long-term analyses of these patterns, see Edward Alpers, Ivory and Slaves: The Changing Pattern of International Trade in East Central Africa to the Later Nineteenth Century (Boston 1975)
126. C.S. Nicholls, The Swahili Coast: Politics, Diplomacy, and Trade on the East African Littoral, 1798–1856 (London 1971). The landscape (in all senses, geographic and social) of Pemba completely changed in the 1830s. Pemba at one time was a granary for Mombasa and Arabia, but this changed as the local peasantry were marginalised off of their communally-owned lands and plantations were erected by the Zanzibar elite. Although slaves were brought in by the thousands, the original planters were also conscripted, with Said Sultan attempting to expropriate their labour along traditional tribute lines. In 1834 this was converted to a poll tax, as peasants now produced cloves for cash to pay taxes instituted from the Zanzibar Istana, instead of doing subsistence farming.
127. See Sheriff, Slaves, Spices, and Ivory, 55–59.
128. On relations between the coasts and the interior, see Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders, 63–100
129. Richard Hall, Empires of the Monsoon: A History of the Indian Ocean and its Invaders (London 1996) Chapters 26 and 50.
130. For the evolution of these processes north of Zanzibar on the Kenya coasts, see Marguerite Ylvisaker, Lamu in the Nineteenth Century: Land, Trade, and Politics (Boston 1979)
131. Sir John Gray, The British in Mombasa, 1824–1826 (Nairobi 1957).
132. One merchant spent thousands of dollars on his house, which had the characteristic carved doors and rafters of a Zanzibari home. Burton commented that some traders in were receiving harems of two to three hundred women as inducement to bring trade that way. See R.F. Burton, The Lake Regions of Central Africa I (London 1860) 270, 376
133. R.F. Burton, Zanzibar: City, Island and Coast II (London 1872) 297.
134. See also Mark Horton and John Middleton, The Swahili: The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society (Oxford 2000) 103–109.
135. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices, and Ivory, 182.
136. What had once been a seasonal activity developed into local subsistence: in the 1890s 80–100,000 Nyamwezi were making the carrying trek to the coasts. All of these changes, based on production, gender-organisation, leadership, et cetera, fit in very well with Eric Wolf's thesis on capitalism's effect on kin-ordered societies. See Wolf, Europe and the People Without History, 77–100.
137. M.N. Person, ‘Indians in East Africa: The Early Modern Period’ in: Mukherjee and Subramanian, Politics and Trade, 227–249.
138. See, for example, Luis Frederico Dias Antunes, ‘The Trade Activities of the Banyans in Mozambique: Private Indian Dynamics in the Portuguese State Economy, 1686–1777’ in: Matthew, Mariners, Merchants, and Oceans, 301–332. Compared to India and Southeast Asia, the Portuguese had relative success in these endeavors in the Early Modern East African coast, though here too their influence was ultimately short-lived (except in Mozambique).
139. ‘Ancient History of Dar es-Salaam’, 234.
140. M. Reda Bhacker, Trade and Empire in Muscat and Zanzibar: Roots of British Domination (London 1992) 71.
141. V.S. Sheth, ‘Dynamics of Indian Diaspora in East and South Africa’, Journal of Indian Ocean Studies 8/3 (2000) 217–227.
142. Hall, Empires of the Monsoon, Chapter 52.
143. W.E.F. Ward and L.W. White, East Africa: A Century of Change 1870–1970 (New York 1972).
144. Bhacker, Trade and Empire, 178.
145. For the balance between Oman and Zanzibar over the centuries, see Patricia Risso, Oman and Muscat: An Early Modern History (New York 1986).
146. Bhacker, Trade and Empire, 133.
147. Two of the best studies on the denouement of these processes are Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters: Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890–1925 (New Haven 1980)
148. Jonathan Glassman, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856–1888 (London 1995).
149. See Chengwimbe's account in: Marsh ed., East Africa Through Contemporary Records, 35–41. Missionary accounts, of course, need to be read carefully however, because of the purposes of their visits to these coasts.
150. Esmond Bradley Martin, Cargoes of the East: The Ports, Trade, and Culture of the Arabian Seas and Western Indian Ocean (London 1978) 29.
151. For a discussion of East Africa and the Early Modern world economy, see Pearson, Port Cities and Intruders, 101–128.
152. Smith, The Wealth of Nations II, 631.
153. Marx, Capital II, 314.
154. Om Prakash ed., European Commercial Expansion in Early Modem Asia (Aldershot 1997).
155. John Keay, The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company (New York 1991).
156. Proceeding backwards in time, see Paul Bois et al., L'Ancre et la Croix du Sud: La Marine Française dans l'Expansion Coloniale en Afrique Noire el dans l'Océan Indien, de 1815 à 1900 (Vincennes 1998)
157. Indrani Ray ed., The French East India Company and the Trade of the Indian Ocean (Calcutta 1999)
158. Ananda Abeydeera, ‘Anatomy of an Occupation: The Attempts of the French to Establish a Trading Settlement on the Eastern Coast of Sri Lanka in 1672’ in: Giorgio Borsa, Trade and Politics in the Indian Ocean (Delhi 1990).
159. Again proceeding backwards, see J. Steur, Herstel ofondergang: De voorsteUen tot redres van de VOC, 1740–1795 (Utrecht 1984) 17–27
160. Harm Stevens, De VOC in bedrijf, 1602–1799 (Amsterdam 1998)
161. Femme Gaastra, Bewind en beleid bij de VOC, 1672–1702 (Amsterdam 1989).
162. Martin Krieger, ‘Danish Country Trade on the Indian Ocean in the 17th and 18th Centuries’ in: K.S. Matthew ed., Indian Ocean and Cultural Interaction, 1400–1800 (Pondi-cherry 1996).
163. Christine Dobbin, Asian Entrepreneurial Minorities: Conjoint Communities in the Making of the World-Economy, 1570–1940 (London 1996).
164. Vahe Baladouni and Margaret Makepeace eds, Armenian Merchants of the Early Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (Philadelphia 1998).
165. Charles Borges, ‘Intercultural Movements in the Indian Ocean Region: Churchmen, Travelers, and Chroniclers in Voyage and in Action’ in: Matthew ed., Indian Ocean and Cultural Interaction
166. Karl Haellquist ed., Asian Trade Routes: Continental and Maritime (London 1991).