Presidential politicization and centralization across the modern-traditional divide

Polity

Volumn 36, Issue 3, 2004, Pages 477-504

  Galvin, Daniel ^a   Shogan, Colleen ^b  

^a YALE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b GEORGE MASON UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 3142779217     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/POLv36n3ms3235387     Document Type: Review

References (139)

1. Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power (New York: Wiley, 1960); Fred Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," in The New American Political System, ed. Anthony King (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978); Fred Greenstein, Larry Berman, and Alvin Felzenberg, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1977).
2. Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power (New York: Wiley, 1960); Fred Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," in The New American Political System, ed. Anthony King (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978); Fred Greenstein, Larry Berman, and Alvin Felzenberg, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1977).
3. Richard Neustadt, Presidential Power (New York: Wiley, 1960); Fred Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," in The New American Political System, ed. Anthony King (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1978); Fred Greenstein, Larry Berman, and Alvin Felzenberg, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey (Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute, 1977).
4. John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); John Hart, The Presidential Branch (Chatham: Chatham House, 1995) ; Hugh Heclo, "The Executive Office of the President," in Modern Presidents and the Presidency, ed. Mark Landy (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1985); James Pfiffner, The Modern Presidency (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993).
5. John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); John Hart, The Presidential Branch (Chatham: Chatham House, 1995) ; Hugh Heclo, "The Executive Office of the President," in Modern Presidents and the Presidency, ed. Mark Landy (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1985); James Pfiffner, The Modern Presidency (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993).
6. John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); John Hart, The Presidential Branch (Chatham: Chatham House, 1995) ; Hugh Heclo, "The Executive Office of the President," in Modern Presidents and the Presidency, ed. Mark Landy (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1985); James Pfiffner, The Modern Presidency (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993).
7. John P. Burke, The Institutional Presidency (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); John Hart, The Presidential Branch (Chatham: Chatham House, 1995) ; Hugh Heclo, "The Executive Office of the President," in Modern Presidents and the Presidency, ed. Mark Landy (Lexington: Lexington Books, 1985); James Pfiffner, The Modern Presidency (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993).
8. George C. Edwards III, At the Margins: Presidential Leadership of Congress (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Paul Light, The President's Agenda (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982); Mark A. Peterson, Legislating Together (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Stephen J. Wayne, The Legislative Presidency (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).
9. George C. Edwards III, At the Margins: Presidential Leadership of Congress (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Paul Light, The President's Agenda (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982); Mark A. Peterson, Legislating Together (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Stephen J. Wayne, The Legislative Presidency (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).
10. George C. Edwards III, At the Margins: Presidential Leadership of Congress (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Paul Light, The President's Agenda (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982); Mark A. Peterson, Legislating Together (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Stephen J. Wayne, The Legislative Presidency (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).
11. George C. Edwards III, At the Margins: Presidential Leadership of Congress (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989); Paul Light, The President's Agenda (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982); Mark A. Peterson, Legislating Together (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990); Stephen J. Wayne, The Legislative Presidency (New York: Harper and Row, 1978).
12. George C. Edwards III, The Public Presidency: The Pursuit of Popular Support (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Samuel Kernell, Going Public (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1997); Theodore Lowi, The Personal President (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
13. George C. Edwards III, The Public Presidency: The Pursuit of Popular Support (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Samuel Kernell, Going Public (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1997); Theodore Lowi, The Personal President (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
14. George C. Edwards III, The Public Presidency: The Pursuit of Popular Support (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Samuel Kernell, Going Public (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1997); Theodore Lowi, The Personal President (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
15. George C. Edwards III, The Public Presidency: The Pursuit of Popular Support (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1983); Samuel Kernell, Going Public (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly, 1997); Theodore Lowi, The Personal President (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); Jeffrey Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987).
16. Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995); Lowi, The Personal President; Richard Rose, The Postmodern President (Chatham: Chatham House, 1988); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1973).
17. Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995); Lowi, The Personal President; Richard Rose, The Postmodern President (Chatham: Chatham House, 1988); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1973).
18. Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995); Lowi, The Personal President; Richard Rose, The Postmodern President (Chatham: Chatham House, 1988); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1973).
19. Louis Fisher, Presidential War Power (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995); Lowi, The Personal President; Richard Rose, The Postmodern President (Chatham: Chatham House, 1988); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Imperial Presidency (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1973).
20. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Greenstein, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey. Terri Bimes and Stephen Skowronek, "Woodrow Wilson's Critique of Popular Leadership: Reassessing the Modern-Traditional Divide in Presidential History," Polity 29 (1996).
21. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Greenstein, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey. Terri Bimes and Stephen Skowronek, "Woodrow Wilson's Critique of Popular Leadership: Reassessing the Modern-Traditional Divide in Presidential History," Polity 29 (1996).
22. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Greenstein, Evolution of the Modern Presidency: A Bibliographic Survey. Terri Bimes and Stephen Skowronek, "Woodrow Wilson's Critique of Popular Leadership: Reassessing the Modern-Traditional Divide in Presidential History," Polity 29 (1996).
23. Terry Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," in The New Direction in American Politics, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1985).
24. Harvey C. Mansfield, Jr., Taming the Prince (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993).
25. Neustadt, Presidential Power.
26. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Neustadt, Presidential Power.
27. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Neustadt, Presidential Power.
28. Greenstein, "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency"; Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Neustadt, Presidential Power.
29. Mansfield, Taming the Prince.
30. See also Richard M. Pious, The American Presidency (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1979).
31. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory," in Researching the Presidency, ed. George C. Edwards III, John H. Kessel, and Bert A. Rockman (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993).
32. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory," in Researching the Presidency, ed. George C. Edwards III, John H. Kessel, and Bert A. Rockman (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993).
33. Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory," 364-65.
34. Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory," 367.
35. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," in Can the Government Govern?, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1989); Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory"; Terry Moe, and William Howell, "The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action," Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 15, (1999); Terry Moe, and William Howell, "Unilateral Action and Presidential Power: A Theory," Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999).
36. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," in Can the Government Govern?, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1989); Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory"; Terry Moe, and William Howell, "The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action," Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 15, (1999); Terry Moe, and William Howell, "Unilateral Action and Presidential Power: A Theory," Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999).
37. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," in Can the Government Govern?, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1989); Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory"; Terry Moe, and William Howell, "The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action," Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 15, (1999); Terry Moe, and William Howell, "Unilateral Action and Presidential Power: A Theory," Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999).
38. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," in Can the Government Govern?, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1989); Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory"; Terry Moe, and William Howell, "The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action," Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 15, (1999); Terry Moe, and William Howell, "Unilateral Action and Presidential Power: A Theory," Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999).
39. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency"; Terry Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," in Can the Government Govern?, ed. John E. Chubb and Paul E. Peterson (Washington, DC: The Brookings Institution, 1989); Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory"; Terry Moe, and William Howell, "The Presidential Power of Unilateral Action," Journal of Law, Economics and Organization 15, (1999); Terry Moe, and William Howell, "Unilateral Action and Presidential Power: A Theory," Presidential Studies Quarterly 29 (1999).
40. A brief note on our methodology: this research is part of a larger ongoing project critiquing the pervasive "modern/traditional" divide in presidential scholarship by investigating the executive leadership of nineteenth-century presidents. Clearly, these three case studies are not exhaustive; yet they are still informative. To gain the most explanatory power from our limited number of cases, we follow King, Keohane, and Verba by emphasizing the larger number of observations of presidential actions contained within each of the three cases. For example, within the examination of Tyler, our thesis is substantiated by numerous observations, including Tyler's strategic use of the presidential oath, his wresting of control over Harrison's cabinet, his creation of a politicized "kitchen cabinet," his use of the veto, his strategic use of the appointment power, and his efforts to build a new party for political leverage. See Gary King, Robert O. Keohane, and Sidney Verba, Designing Social Inquiry: Scientific Inference in Qualitative Research (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994).
41. Robert Seager, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardiner Tyler (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963), 135.
42. Robert J. Morgan, Whig Embattled: The Presidency under John Tyler (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1954), 7-11.
43. Charles Francis Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy Adams (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1874), 463-64.
44. James D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789-1902, vol. 5 (Washington, DC: Bureau of National Literature and Art, 1903), 36-39.
45. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 237-38.
46. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 237.
47. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 239.
48. J. G. Wilson, The Presidents of the United States, Vol. II (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1894), p. 73n, John Tyler Jr. quoted by John Fisk.
49. Mansfield, Taming the Prince.
50. The National Intelligencer, August 14, 1841.
51. Wilfred E. Binkley, President and Congress (New York: Vintage Books, 1962), 112.
52. Morgan, Whig Embattled: The Presidency under John Tyler, 62.
53. Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st session, Appendix, 364, quoted in Morgan, Whig Embattled: The Presidency under John Tyler, 64-65.
54. Congressional Globe, 27th Congress, 1st session, Appendix, 364, quoted in Morgan, Whig Embattled: The Presidency under John Tyler, 64-65.
55. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 245.
56. Norma Lois Peterson, Presidencies of William Henry Harrison & John Tyler (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1989), 147-64.
57. See Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, 1842-1843, January 10, 1843, proceedings introduced by Representative Bolts.
58. See John Tyler, Statement in Answer to the Report of the House Committee, in August, 1842, Letters and Times of the Tylers, Lyon G. Tyler, vol. II, 100, quoted in Seager, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardiner Tyler, 161.
59. See John Tyler, Statement in Answer to the Report of the House Committee, in August, 1842, Letters and Times of the Tylers, Lyon G. Tyler, vol. II, 100, quoted in Seager, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardiner Tyler, 161.
60. Secretary of State Daniel Webster was the only secretary to remain in the cabinet. Webster and Tyler had forged a mutual respect for one another, and the distinguished secretary was in the midst of important diplomatic negotiations with Great Britain over the Maine boundary (which he ultimately resolved, signing the important Webster-Ashburton Treaty); he was reviewing the question of Mexico's claims in California; and he was examining the boundary problems in Oregon as well. Webster did not feel that he could leave the State Department at such a crucial time.
61. See Duff Green to Tyler, September 10, 1841 in Duff Green, The Duff Green Papers in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina Library (Chapel Hill, NC: 1967); and letter from Gilmore in John Tyler Papers, vol. V, 175; see Oliver Perry Chitwood, John Tyler: Champion of the Old South (New York: Appleton-Century Company, 1939).
62. See Duff Green to Tyler, September 10, 1841 in Duff Green, The Duff Green Papers in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina Library (Chapel Hill, NC: 1967); and letter from Gilmore in John Tyler Papers, vol. V, 175; see Oliver Perry Chitwood, John Tyler: Champion of the Old South (New York: Appleton-Century Company, 1939).
63. See Duff Green to Tyler, September 10, 1841 in Duff Green, The Duff Green Papers in the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina Library (Chapel Hill, NC: 1967); and letter from Gilmore in John Tyler Papers, vol. V, 175; see Oliver Perry Chitwood, John Tyler: Champion of the Old South (New York: Appleton-Century Company, 1939).
64. John Tyler to Daniel Webster, Williamsburg, Oct. 11, 1841, in Seager, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardiner Tyler, 171.
65. Seager, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardiner Tyler, 224-25.
66. According to Mansfield, Machiavelli's executive government "is not ordinarily visible" (140). The sometimes "invisible" nature of executive power contributes to its ambiguity. While impressive actions which "jolt men into recalling" why they need government are important, the everyday actions of the prince are just as important for the accumulation of power. In Presidential Power, Richard Neustadt substantiates this observation when he argues that presidents must try to exercise continuous leadership rather than leadership at times of extreme crisis (6-9).
67. Leonard D. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861 (New York: MacMillan Company, 1954), 78.
68. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861 75.
69. Paul H. Bergeron, The Presidency of James K. Polk (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1987), 36.
70. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 62.
71. Stephen Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), 160.
72. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 92-93.
73. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 69.
74. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 79.
75. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 51.
76. James K. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. I-IV (Chicago: A.C. McClurg & Co., 1910), vol. 1, 48.
77. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 80.
78. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk vol. III, 135-36.
79. White, The Jacksonians: A Study in Administrative History 1829-1861, 61.
80. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. IV, 196.
81. Charles McCoy, Polk and the Presidency (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 1960), 74.
82. Sometimes the reports were read in the presence of the entire cabinet, and sometimes Polk asked the secretaries to read them aloud in front of him alone. For example, on November 26, 1847, Polk wrote in his diary, "The Postmaster General called this morning and read to me the draft which he had prepared of his annual report." In an earlier instance, Polk recounted, "The Secretary of the Navy read to me the concluding part of his Annual Report in the presence of Mr. Ritchie, having read the preceding part to me two or three nights ago." Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. III, 231-2; vol. I, 103.
83. Sometimes the reports were read in the presence of the entire cabinet, and sometimes Polk asked the secretaries to read them aloud in front of him alone. For example, on November 26, 1847, Polk wrote in his diary, "The Postmaster General called this morning and read to me the draft which he had prepared of his annual report." In an earlier instance, Polk recounted, "The Secretary of the Navy read to me the concluding part of his Annual Report in the presence of Mr. Ritchie, having read the preceding part to me two or three nights ago." Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. III, 231-2; vol. I, 103.
84. In a November 11, 1847 entry in his diary, Polk recounted a conversation he had with Quartermaster General Jesup: "He submitted to me his estimates, and I found that he had reduced them near seven millions below the sum he had first proposed." Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk vol. III, 219-20.
85. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. IV, 180-81.
86. Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," 284.
87. Polk, The Diary of James K. Polk, vol. IV, 195-96.
88. McCoy, Polk and the Presidency, 223.
89. Kernell, Going Public; Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency.
90. Kernell, Going Public; Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency.
91. Kernell, Going Public; Sidney M. Milkis, The President and the Parties (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency.
92. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 238.
93. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 269.
94. Kenneth Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1972), 95.
95. Ari Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1988), 52.
96. On March 14, 1877, Hayes wrote in his diary, "After a few days the public opinion of the Country was shown by the press to be strongly with me. . . . The expressions of satisfaction from all parts of the country are most gratifying" (81).
97. Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 164.
98. Ari Hoogenboom, Outlawing the Spoils (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1961), 156.
99. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 132.
100. Hoogenboom, Outlawing the Spoils, 136.
101. Moe, "The Politics of Bureaucratic Structure," 280.
102. E. E. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist's View of Democracy in America (Holt: Rinehart and Winston, 1960), 139.
103. Schattschneider, The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist's View of Democracy in America, 140.
104. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 131.
105. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 140.
106. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency," 254.
107. Rutherford B. Hayes and T. Harry Williams, ed. Hayes: The Diary of a President (New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1964), 100.
108. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 142.
109. Hayes, ed., Hayes: The Diary of a President, 106.
110. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 136.
111. Hayes might have recalled a January 25, 1877 letter written to him by Secretary of the Interior Carl Schurz. Writing about the Senate, Schurz stated, "A President who has public opinion at his back need fear no opposition in that body" Carl Schurz and Frederic Bancroft, ed., Speeches, Correspondences, and Political Papers of Carl Schurz,vol. 3 (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1913), 371.
112. Rutherford B. Hayes and Charles Williams, ed., Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, vol. 3 (Ohio State Archaeological Society, 1924), 455.
113. Hoogenboom, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 143.
114. Venila Lovina Shores, "The Hayes-Conkling Controversy," Smith College Studies in History 4, no. 4 (1919), 264-65.
115. Hoogenboom, Outlawing the Spoils, 173.
116. Shores, "The Hayes-Conkling Controversy," 276.
117. Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. Hayes, 66.
118. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency,"; Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory."
119. Moe, "The Politicized Presidency,"; Moe, "Presidents, Institutions, and Theory."
120. See Peri E. Arnold, "Effecting a Progressive Presidency: Roosevelt, Taft, and the Pursuit of Strategic Resources," Studies in American Political Development 17 (Spring 2003) : 61-81.
121. Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency, 8.
122. Rose, The Postmodern President; Light, The President's Agenda; Peterson, Legislating Together.
123. Rose, The Postmodern President; Light, The President's Agenda; Peterson, Legislating Together.
124. Rose, The Postmodern President; Light, The President's Agenda; Peterson, Legislating Together.
125. Tulis, in The Rhetorical Presidency, claims that the modern presidency began with the rhetorical shift ushered in by Woodrow Wilson; Greenstein, in "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," advances the argument that Franklin Roosevelt was the first modern president; Milkis, in The President and the Parties, argues that the modern presidency began after Franklin Roosevelt's presidency; and Moe, in "The Politicized Presidency," claims that the modern institutionalized presidency truly began with the formation of the Bureau of the Budget in 1921.
126. Tulis, in The Rhetorical Presidency, claims that the modern presidency began with the rhetorical shift ushered in by Woodrow Wilson; Greenstein, in "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," advances the argument that Franklin Roosevelt was the first modern president; Milkis, in The President and the Parties, argues that the modern presidency began after Franklin Roosevelt's presidency; and Moe, in "The Politicized Presidency," claims that the modern institutionalized presidency truly began with the formation of the Bureau of the Budget in 1921.
127. Tulis, in The Rhetorical Presidency, claims that the modern presidency began with the rhetorical shift ushered in by Woodrow Wilson; Greenstein, in "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," advances the argument that Franklin Roosevelt was the first modern president; Milkis, in The President and the Parties, argues that the modern presidency began after Franklin Roosevelt's presidency; and Moe, in "The Politicized Presidency," claims that the modern institutionalized presidency truly began with the formation of the Bureau of the Budget in 1921.
128. Tulis, in The Rhetorical Presidency, claims that the modern presidency began with the rhetorical shift ushered in by Woodrow Wilson; Greenstein, in "Change and Continuity in the Modern Presidency," advances the argument that Franklin Roosevelt was the first modern president; Milkis, in The President and the Parties, argues that the modern presidency began after Franklin Roosevelt's presidency; and Moe, in "The Politicized Presidency," claims that the modern institutionalized presidency truly began with the formation of the Bureau of the Budget in 1921.
129. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
130. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
131. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
132. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
133. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
134. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
135. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
136. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
137. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
138. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).
139. For a similar account of this research agenda, see Joseph M. Bessette and Jeffrey Tulis, The Presidency in the Constitutional Order (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1981). Consider the fuller significance of the presidency that can come into view when multiple sources of incentives, resources, structures, and strategies are examined alongside one another: see Tulis, The Rhetorical Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make; James W. Ceaser, Presidential Selection (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979). Using historically informed accounts of presidential politics, the presidency can be understood as an agent of change in political developments over the full scope of American history (see Pious, The American Presidency; Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make}; the office can be viewed as a political institution with certain properties that are identifiable and comparable across political institutions and regime types; and the behavior of the person in office can be informed by factors such as the particular configurations of institutional arrangements and political interests at a given moment in time (see Scott C. James, Presidents, Parties, and the State (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000), the distribution of political authority across the political landscape (see Richard Franklin Bensel, The Political Economy of American Industrialization, 1877-1900 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000)), and stages of development in constitutional interpretation (see Keith E. Whittington, Constitutional Construction: Divided Powers and Constitutional Meaning (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Bruce Ackerman, We the People (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1991); and Kenneth Mayer, With the Stroke of a Pen: Executive Orders and Presidential Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001)).