Debating the transatlantic relationship: Rhetoric and reality

International Affairs

Volumn 80, Issue 4, 2004, Pages

  Jones, Erik ^a  

^a JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 3142720627     PISSN: 00205850     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2346.2004.00406.x     Document Type: Review

References (74)

1. Elizabeth Pond, Friendly fire: the near-death of the transatlantic alliance (Washington DC: Brookings Institution/European Union Studies Association, 2004), p. x.
2. John Palmer, Europe without America? The crisis in Atlantic relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), p. 1.
3. Josef Joffe, 'European-American relations: the enduring crisis', Foreign Affairs 59: 4, Spring 1981, p. 835.
4. Ibid., p. 842.
5. Christopher Tugendhat, 'Europe's need for self-confidence', International Affairs 58: 1, Winter 1981-2, pp. 7-8.
6. Stanley Korber argues that this was the distinctive feature of the crisis in transatlantic relations during the early 19805. Stanley Korber, 'Can NATO survive?', International Affairs 59: 3, Summer 1983, pp. 339-41.
7. Lawrence Freedman, 'The Atlantic crisis', International Affairs 58: 3, Summer 1982, p. 411.
8. Ibid., p. 412.
9. The importance of accepting the significance of the crisis is evident in Michael Cox's recent review of Robert Kagan's Of paradise and power. Cox's point is that it is necessary to recognize that the crisis is significant in order to understand why it has reached such proportions. Michael Cox, 'Commentary: Martians and Venusians in the new world order', International Affairs 79: 3, Summer 2003, p. 531.
10. The importance of accepting the significance of the crisis is evident in Michael Cox's recent review of Robert Kagan's Of paradise and power. Cox's point is that it is necessary to recognize that the crisis is significant in order to understand why it has reached such proportions. Michael Cox, 'Commentary: Martians and Venusians in the new world order', International Affairs 79: 3, Summer 2003, p. 531.
11. http://www.dod.mil/transcripts/2001/t10182001_t018sdmy.html.
12. See e.g. Josef Joffe, 'Continental divides', The National Interest 71, Spring 2003, p. 157.
13. Charles Krauthammer, 'The unipolar moment revisited', The National Interest 70, Winter 2002-2003, p. 10.
14. Charles Krauthammer, 'The unipolar moment', Foreign Affairs 70: 1, Winter 1990-91, p. 25.
15. http://www.dod.mil/tramcripts/2001/t10182001_t018sdmy.html (emphasis added).
16. Krauthammer attempts to make this suggestion more palatable by insisting that the United States act in the global interest rather than in the national interest. However, the problem remains that the US definition of the global mission is no more constraining the real world than the US definition of the mission in general. See Krauthammer, 'The unipolar moment revisited', p. 14.
17. Joffe, 'Continental divides', p. 157. Spurred on by the neo-conservarives, the Bush administration may identify such opportune moments more often than they actually exist. See G. John Ikenberry, 'The end of the neoconservative moment', Survival 46: 1, Spring 2004, pp. 8-10.
18. Joffe, 'Continental divides', p. 157. Spurred on by the neo-conservarives, the Bush administration may identify such opportune moments more often than they actually exist. See G. John Ikenberry, 'The end of the neoconservative moment', Survival 46: 1, Spring 2004, pp. 8-10.
19. Krauthammer, 'The unipolar moment', p. 24.
20. See articles 4, 98 and 99 of the Treaty Establishing the European Community.
21. Erik Jones, 'The politics of Europe 2001: adversity and persistence', Industrial Relations Journal 33: 5, Dec. 2002, pp. 385-7.
22. Erik Jones, 'The politics of Europe 2002: flexibility and adjustment', Industrial Relations Journal 34: 5, Dec. 2003, pp. 369-71.
23. The Belgian government conceded this asymmetry during the negotiation of the 1993 European Commission White Paper on competitiveness. Nevertheless, both the Belgians and the Dutch remain committed to the use of concerted wage moderation in order to sustain cost competitiveness vis-à-vis their 'major trading partners', meaning Germany. See Commission of the European Communities, white paper, Growth, competitiveness, employment: the challenges and ways forward into the 21st century, Part C (Brussels: European Commission, 1993), p. 72.
24. Erik Jones, The politics of economic and monetary union: integration and idiosyncrasy (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002), pp. 5-7.
25. Indeed, the classic statement of the problem was written to inform US policy-makers of the necessity for cooperating with their European counterparts. See Richard Cooper, The economics of interdependence: economic policymaking in the Atlantic community (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1968).
26. Robert Kagan, Of paradise and power: America and Europe in the new world order (New York: Knopf, 2003).
27. The citation is taken from the essay that launched the volume. See Robert Kagan, 'Power and weakness', Policy Review 113, June 2002, http://www. policyreview.org/JUN02/kagan_print.html.
28. See e.g. Cox, 'Commentary', pp. 523-32; David P. Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', The National Interest 72, Summer 2003, pp. 5-15; Philip Gordon, 'Bridging the Atlantic divide', Foreign Affairs 82: 1, Jan.-Feb. 2003, pp. 70-83; Tony Judt, 'America and the world', New York Review of Books 50: 6, 10 April 2003, pp. 28-31. See also Robert Cooper, The breaking of nations: order and chaos in the twenty-first century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), pp. 155-72.
29. See e.g. Cox, 'Commentary', pp. 523-32; David P. Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', The National Interest 72, Summer 2003, pp. 5-15; Philip Gordon, 'Bridging the Atlantic divide', Foreign Affairs 82: 1, Jan.-Feb. 2003, pp. 70-83; Tony Judt, 'America and the world', New York Review of Books 50: 6, 10 April 2003, pp. 28-31. See also Robert Cooper, The breaking of nations: order and chaos in the twenty-first century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), pp. 155-72.
30. See e.g. Cox, 'Commentary', pp. 523-32; David P. Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', The National Interest 72, Summer 2003, pp. 5-15; Philip Gordon, 'Bridging the Atlantic divide', Foreign Affairs 82: 1, Jan.-Feb. 2003, pp. 70-83; Tony Judt, 'America and the world', New York Review of Books 50: 6, 10 April 2003, pp. 28-31. See also Robert Cooper, The breaking of nations: order and chaos in the twenty-first century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), pp. 155-72.
31. See e.g. Cox, 'Commentary', pp. 523-32; David P. Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', The National Interest 72, Summer 2003, pp. 5-15; Philip Gordon, 'Bridging the Atlantic divide', Foreign Affairs 82: 1, Jan.-Feb. 2003, pp. 70-83; Tony Judt, 'America and the world', New York Review of Books 50: 6, 10 April 2003, pp. 28-31. See also Robert Cooper, The breaking of nations: order and chaos in the twenty-first century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), pp. 155-72.
32. See e.g. Cox, 'Commentary', pp. 523-32; David P. Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', The National Interest 72, Summer 2003, pp. 5-15; Philip Gordon, 'Bridging the Atlantic divide', Foreign Affairs 82: 1, Jan.-Feb. 2003, pp. 70-83; Tony Judt, 'America and the world', New York Review of Books 50: 6, 10 April 2003, pp. 28-31. See also Robert Cooper, The breaking of nations: order and chaos in the twenty-first century (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2003), pp. 155-72.
33. Robert Kagan, 'America's crisis of legitimacy', Foreign Affairs 83: 2, March-April 2004, pp. 65-87.
34. See also Charles Kupchan, 'The rise of Europe, America's changing internationalism, and the end of US primacy', Political Science Quarterly 118: 2, 2003, pp. 225-8.
35. For a notable exception, see Calleo, 'Power, wealth and wisdom', pp. 11-14.
36. The following paragraphs were influenced strongly by Christopher Hill's analysis of the 'capability-expectations gap' in Europe. See Christopher Hill, 'The capability-expectations gap, or conceptualizing Europe's international role', Journal of Common Market Studies 31: 3, Sept. 1993, pp. 305-28.
37. Of course, it should be admitted that Greece spends roughly twice as much as Sweden when measured as a ratio of GDP. However, this still does not explain the rough comparability between the two countries in absolute terms, nor does it eliminate the disparity between Sweden and, among others, Finland. The data are taken from Jeffrey Chamberlain, Comparisons of US and foreign military spending: data from selected public sources, CRS Report for Congress RL 32209 (Washington DC: Library of Congress, 28 Jan. 2004).
38. http://www.sweden.se/templates/FactSheet_4173.asp#3
39. The text of the 1954 Paris agreements is available online from the official website of the WEU, http://www.weu.int.
40. The Treaty of Brussels is available at http://www.weu.int. The Treaty of Washington is available at http://www.nato.int/docu/basictxt/treaty.htm.
41. The Treaty of Brussels is available at http://www.weu.int. The Treaty of Washington is available at http://www.nato.int/docu/basictxt/treaty.htm.
42. And it breaks down altogether when it clashes with vital, or even relatively important, national interests, as discussed above.
43. See Cooper, The breaking of nations, pp. 157-8; Andrew D. James, 'The defense industry and transformation: a European perspective', in Daniel S. Hamilton, ed., Transatlantic transformations: equipping NATO for the 21st century (Washington DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University, 2004), p. 175.
44. See Cooper, The breaking of nations, pp. 157-8; Andrew D. James, 'The defense industry and transformation: a European perspective', in Daniel S. Hamilton, ed., Transatlantic transformations: equipping NATO for the 21st century (Washington DC: Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University, 2004), p. 175.
45. This is not to say that there was not vitriol on either side. For two perspectives on the mutual antagonism in the present crisis, see Timothy Garton Ash, 'Anti-Europeanism in America', New York Review of Books 50: 2, 13 Feb. 2003, pp. 32-4; Tony Judt, 'Anti-Americans abroad', New York Review of Books 50: 7, 1 May 2003, pp. 24-7.
46. This is not to say that there was not vitriol on either side. For two perspectives on the mutual antagonism in the present crisis, see Timothy Garton Ash, 'Anti-Europeanism in America', New York Review of Books 50: 2, 13 Feb. 2003, pp. 32-4; Tony Judt, 'Anti-Americans abroad', New York Review of Books 50: 7, 1 May 2003, pp. 24-7.
47. http://www.dod.mil/transcripts/2003/t01232003_t0122sdfpc.html.
48. Cox, 'Commentary', p. 531.
49. The classic statement is Joseph S. Nye Jr, Bound to lead: the changing nature of American power (New York: Basic Books, 1990). However, the notion of 'soft power' is as old as the study of 'international relations', if not older, See e.g. E. H. Carr, The twenty years' crisis: 1919-1939, (London: Macmillan, 1939), pp. 97-134.
50. The classic statement is Joseph S. Nye Jr, Bound to lead: the changing nature of American power (New York: Basic Books, 1990). However, the notion of 'soft power' is as old as the study of 'international relations', if not older, See e.g. E. H. Carr, The twenty years' crisis: 1919-1939, (London: Macmillan, 1939), pp. 97-134.
51. Cooper, The breaking of nations, p. 167.
52. See e.g. Joseph S. Nye Jr, 'The American national interest and global public goods', International Affairs 78: 2, Spring 2002, pp. 233-44.
53. See G. John Ikenberry, After victory: institutions, strategic restraint, and the rebuilding of order after major wars (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001).
54. Anne-Marie Slaughter, 'The clear, cruel lessons of Iraq', Financial Times, 8 April 2004, p. 15.
55. Anne-Marie Slaughter, 'A dangerous myth', Prospect 95, Feb. 2004, pp. 11-13. See also Stanley Hoffmann, 'America goes backward', New York Review of Books 50: 10, 12 June 2003, pp. 74-80.
56. Anne-Marie Slaughter, 'A dangerous myth', Prospect 95, Feb. 2004, pp. 11-13. See also Stanley Hoffmann, 'America goes backward', New York Review of Books 50: 10, 12 June 2003, pp. 74-80.
57. Brian Urquhart, 'World order and Mr Bush', New York Review of Books 50: 15, 9 Oct. 2003, p. 12.
58. This is essentially what many critics of current US policy have accused the Bush administration of doing in the transatlantic relationship. See e.g. Ivo H. Daalder, 'The end of Atlanticism', Survival 45: 2, Summer 2003, pp. 147-66.
59. Much of this conventional wisdom is expounded at length in the sociological literature of the late 1960s and early 1970s. See e.g. Theodore J. Lowi, The politics of disorder (New York: Norton Library, 1971), pp. 169-85; Michel Crozier, The stalled society (New York: Viking, 1970), pp. 19-36.
60. Much of this conventional wisdom is expounded at length in the sociological literature of the late 1960s and early 1970s. See e.g. Theodore J. Lowi, The politics of disorder (New York: Norton Library, 1971), pp. 169-85; Michel Crozier, The stalled society (New York: Viking, 1970), pp. 19-36.
61. See Leslie Friedman Goldstein, Constituting federal sovereignty: the European Union in comparative context (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).
62. The European Commission has chosen to challenge this decision before the European Court of Justice. However, the challenge was based on procedural principles and not on the rules for excessive deficits per se. The ECJ heard arguments in the spring of 2004 and a judgment is expected by the summer.
63. peter Ludlow made this point at the SAIS Bologna Center on 22 April 2004. See also Peter Ludlow, 'Brussels breakdown', Prospect 95, Feb. 2004, pp. 38-43; Erik Jones, 'Competing models for Europe's constitutional debate: the basics', Journal of European Affairs 2: 1, Feb. 2004, pp. 8-19.
64. peter Ludlow made this point at the SAIS Bologna Center on 22 April 2004. See also Peter Ludlow, 'Brussels breakdown', Prospect 95, Feb. 2004, pp. 38-43; Erik Jones, 'Competing models for Europe's constitutional debate: the basics', Journal of European Affairs 2: 1, Feb. 2004, pp. 8-19.
65. Erik Jones, 'Small countries and the Franco-German relationship', in Patrick McCarthy, ed., France-Germany, 1983-1993: the struggle to cooperate (New York: St Martin's, 1993), pp. 113-38.
66. The British press is filled with examples of opposition to the constitutional treaty. Some of this opposition is spilling over into the American press as well. For a representative example, see Anthony Beevor, 'Why Britain should vote "no"', International Herald Tribune, 11 May 2004, p. 7.
67. Slaughter, 'A dangerous myth'
68. Erik Jones, 'Franco-German economic relations: from exchange and convergence to collective action', in Patrick McCarthy, ed., France-Germany in the twenty-first century (London: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 57-81.
69. This argument is adapted from Jones, The politics of economic and monetary union, pp. 123-41.
70. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America (Washington DC: The White House, Sept. 2002), p. 25.
71. Colin L. Powell, 'A strategy of partnerships', Foreign Affairs 83: 1, Jan./Feb. 2004, p. 25.
72. See e.g. Newt Gingrich, 'Rogue State Department', Foreign Policy, July/Aug. 2003, pp. 42-8.
73. Javier Solana, A secure Europe in a better world (Brussels: Council of Ministers, 20 June 2003); A secure Europe in a better world: European security strategy (Brussels: Council of Ministers, 12 Dec. 2003).
74. Javier Solana, A secure Europe in a better world (Brussels: Council of Ministers, 20 June 2003); A secure Europe in a better world: European security strategy (Brussels: Council of Ministers, 12 Dec. 2003).