Legitimizing Soviet trade: Gender and the feminization of the retail workforce in the Soviet 1930s

Journal of Social History

Volumn 37, Issue 4, 2004, Pages

  Randall, Amy E ^a,b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI   (United States)

^b Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 3142696900     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2004.0062     Document Type: Review

References (242)

1. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
2. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
3. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
4. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
5. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
6. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
7. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
8. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
9. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
10. For more on women retail employees, see Susan Porter Benson, Counter Cultures: Saleswomen, Managers, and Customers in American Department Stores, 1890-1940 (Urbana, 1986); Sarah S. Malino, "Behind the Scenes in the Big Store: Reassessing Women's Employment in American Department Stores, 1870-1920," in Martin Blatt and Martha Norkunas, eds., Work, Recreation, and Culture: Essays in American Labor History (New York, 1996), 17-38; Theresa M. McBride, "A Woman's World: Department Stores and the Evolution of Women's Employment, 1870-1920," French Historical Studies 10 (Fall 1978): 664-83; Ellen Furlough, Consumer Cooperation in France: The Politics of Consumption (Ithaca, 1991); and Carole Elizabeth Adams, Women Clerks in Wilhelmine Germany: Issues of Class and Gender (New York, 1998). The scholarship on women consumers is too extensive to cite in full. See Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York, 1994); Eds. Victoria de Grazia and Ellen Furlough, The Sex of Things (Berkeley, 1996); Mary Louise Roberts, "Gender, Consumption, and Commodity Culture," The American Historical Review 103:3 (June 1998): 817-44; Leora Auslunder, Taste and Power: Furnishing Modern France (Berkeley, 1996); Elaine Abelson, When Ladies Go A-Thieving: Middle-Class Shoplifters in the Victorian Department Store (New York, 1989).
11. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
12. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
13. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
14. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
15. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
16. "Zhenshchina v kooperatsii - bol'shaia sila," Sovetskaia torgovlia (hereafter referred to as ST) 16 May (1936): 1; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 90; and Rossiiski gosudarstvennyi arkhiv po ekonomiki (RGAE), f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. In calling women trade workers a "great force," the press and others echoed Stalin's comments about the value of women in collective farms in 1933. See Joseph Stalin, Selected Writings (New York, 1942), 294. There is, of course, some irony in Stalin's dictum, given the resistance of some women peasants to collectivization. For more on this resistance, see Lynne Viola, "Bab'i Bunty and Peasant Women's Protest during Collectivization," The Russian Review 45:1 (1986): 23-42.
17. For women's rewards, see "Desiat'biografii," ST8March (1937):3; "1,400zhenshchinordenonosok," ST 8 March (1937): 2; Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 5452, o. 28, d. 100, ll. 5, 11; RGAE f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 69-71.
18. For women's rewards, see "Desiat'biografii," ST8March (1937):3; "1,400zhenshchinordenonosok," ST 8 March (1937): 2; Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 5452, o. 28, d. 100, ll. 5, 11; RGAE f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 69-71.
19. For women's rewards, see "Desiat'biografii," ST8March (1937):3; "1,400zhenshchinordenonosok," ST 8 March (1937): 2; Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 5452, o. 28, d. 100, ll. 5, 11; RGAE f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 69-71.
20. For women's rewards, see "Desiat'biografii," ST8March (1937):3; "1,400zhenshchinordenonosok," ST 8 March (1937): 2; Gosudarstvennyi Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (GARF), f. 5452, o. 28, d. 100, ll. 5, 11; RGAE f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 69-71.
21. For example, see RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 66-71; d. 2725; o. 3, d. 625, ll. 24, 98-9; d. 629, l. 125; f. 7971, o. 1, d. 245, ll. 147, 205-11.
22. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
23. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
24. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
25. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
26. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
27. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; d. 234, l. 148; RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, ll. 99-100; Benedikt Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," Rabotnitsa 43 (1931): 9; Brigada "SKT" - Bazanov, Matanov, Poliakova, "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31 Moskoopprodukta - konkretnoe rukovodstvo i pomoshch'," Snabzhenie, Kooperatsiia, Torgovlia (hereafter referred to as SKT) 53 (1932): 3 [5 March]; and "Kak idet podgotovka k 8 March v raionakh Moskvy," "Zhenskii, udarnyi," ST 8 March (1935): 1; and V. N. Plost, "Nashi izdeliia poluchili vysokuiu otsenku," ST 16 Feb (1937): 3.
28. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
29. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
30. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
31. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
32. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
33. Scholarship on women workers in the 1930s includes: Wendy Z. Goldman, Women at the Gates: Gender and Industry in Stalin's Russia (Cambridge, 2002); Melanie Ilič, Women Workers in the Soviet Interwar Economy: From 'Protection' to 'Equality' (London, 1999); Matt F. Oja, "From Krestianka to Udamitsa: Rural Women and the Vydvizhenie Campaign, 1933-1941," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1996); Mary Buckley, Women ana Ideology in the Soviet Union (Ann Arbor, 1989); Jeffrey Rossman, "The Teikovo Cotton Workers' Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender, and Identity Politics in Stalin's Russia," Russian Review 56:1 (1997): 44-69. For more on women and wage labor in the 1920s, see Diane P. Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia: Gender and Class in the Socialist Workplace," American Historical Review 100: 5 (1995): 1438-64.
34. I.V. Stalin, "Otchetnyi doklad tovarishcha Stalin o rabote TsK VKP (b)," in XVII s'ezd vsesoiuznoi kommunisticheskoi partii (b): Stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1934), 26.
35. It should be noted that the legitimacy and authority extended to women retail workers were accompanied by a similar discourse on the value of women consumers. Although Soviet functionaries and the media exhorted men consumers to participate in the remaking of retail trade and consumption, they emphasized women's roles and supposed talents as consumers. For more on the identification of women with consumption in the 1930s see Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992), 219-29; Julie Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism," in Sheila Fitzpatrick, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000), 200-202; Amy E. Randall, "The Campaign for Soviet Trade: Creating Socialist Retail Trade in the 1930s" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2000), ch. 6; and Susan Reid, "Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s," Slavic Review 57:1 (1998), especially 141-8.
36. It should be noted that the legitimacy and authority extended to women retail workers were accompanied by a similar discourse on the value of women consumers. Although Soviet functionaries and the media exhorted men consumers to participate in the remaking of retail trade and consumption, they emphasized women's roles and supposed talents as consumers. For more on the identification of women with consumption in the 1930s see Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992), 219-29; Julie Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism," in Sheila Fitzpatrick, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000), 200-202; Amy E. Randall, "The Campaign for Soviet Trade: Creating Socialist Retail Trade in the 1930s" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2000), ch. 6; and Susan Reid, "Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s," Slavic Review 57:1 (1998), especially 141-8.
37. It should be noted that the legitimacy and authority extended to women retail workers were accompanied by a similar discourse on the value of women consumers. Although Soviet functionaries and the media exhorted men consumers to participate in the remaking of retail trade and consumption, they emphasized women's roles and supposed talents as consumers. For more on the identification of women with consumption in the 1930s see Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992), 219-29; Julie Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism," in Sheila Fitzpatrick, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000), 200-202; Amy E. Randall, "The Campaign for Soviet Trade: Creating Socialist Retail Trade in the 1930s" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2000), ch. 6; and Susan Reid, "Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s," Slavic Review 57:1 (1998), especially 141-8.
38. It should be noted that the legitimacy and authority extended to women retail workers were accompanied by a similar discourse on the value of women consumers. Although Soviet functionaries and the media exhorted men consumers to participate in the remaking of retail trade and consumption, they emphasized women's roles and supposed talents as consumers. For more on the identification of women with consumption in the 1930s see Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," The Cultural Front: Power and Culture in Revolutionary Russia (Ithaca, 1992), 219-29; Julie Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism," in Sheila Fitzpatrick, ed., Stalinism: New Directions (New York, 2000), 200-202; Amy E. Randall, "The Campaign for Soviet Trade: Creating Socialist Retail Trade in the 1930s" (Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 2000), ch. 6; and Susan Reid, "Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s," Slavic Review 57:1 (1998), especially 141-8.
39. In addition, private traders and store proprietors regularly faced restrictions, heavy taxation, and prosecution.
40. For the regime's treatment of private trade in the 1920s, see Alan Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists: The Nepmen, 1921-1929 (Berkeley, 1987), especially 56-82, 100-8; Robert Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 76-7; I. Ia. Trifonov, Likvidatsiia ekspluatatorskikh klassov v SSSR (Moscow, 1975), 225-30; and L. F. Morozov, Bor'ba protiv kapitalisticheskikh elementov v promyshlennosti i torgovle: dvadtsatye - nachalo tridtsatykh godov (Moscow, 1978). Rationing, which had been introduced during the Civil War and subsequently eliminated under NEP, was reintroduced in 1928 and 1929.
41. For the regime's treatment of private trade in the 1920s, see Alan Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists: The Nepmen, 1921-1929 (Berkeley, 1987), especially 56-82, 100-8; Robert Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 76-7; I. Ia. Trifonov, Likvidatsiia ekspluatatorskikh klassov v SSSR (Moscow, 1975), 225-30; and L. F. Morozov, Bor'ba protiv kapitalisticheskikh elementov v promyshlennosti i torgovle: dvadtsatye - nachalo tridtsatykh godov (Moscow, 1978). Rationing, which had been introduced during the Civil War and subsequently eliminated under NEP, was reintroduced in 1928 and 1929.
42. For the regime's treatment of private trade in the 1920s, see Alan Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists: The Nepmen, 1921-1929 (Berkeley, 1987), especially 56-82, 100-8; Robert Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 76-7; I. Ia. Trifonov, Likvidatsiia ekspluatatorskikh klassov v SSSR (Moscow, 1975), 225-30; and L. F. Morozov, Bor'ba protiv kapitalisticheskikh elementov v promyshlennosti i torgovle: dvadtsatye - nachalo tridtsatykh godov (Moscow, 1978). Rationing, which had been introduced during the Civil War and subsequently eliminated under NEP, was reintroduced in 1928 and 1929.
43. For the regime's treatment of private trade in the 1920s, see Alan Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists: The Nepmen, 1921-1929 (Berkeley, 1987), especially 56-82, 100-8; Robert Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil (Cambridge, MA, 1989), 76-7; I. Ia. Trifonov, Likvidatsiia ekspluatatorskikh klassov v SSSR (Moscow, 1975), 225-30; and L. F. Morozov, Bor'ba protiv kapitalisticheskikh elementov v promyshlennosti i torgovle: dvadtsatye - nachalo tridtsatykh godov (Moscow, 1978). Rationing, which had been introduced during the Civil War and subsequently eliminated under NEP, was reintroduced in 1928 and 1929.
44. For negative depictions of private traders as well as cooperative and state trade employees during the NEP years, see Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists, esp. 165-68; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs in the 1930s," Russian History/Histoire Russe 13: 2-3 (Summer-Fall 1986): 187-234; Julie Hessler, "Culture of Shortages: A Social History of Soviet Trade, 1917-1953" (Ph.D. diss, University of Chicago, 1996), chap. 3.
45. For negative depictions of private traders as well as cooperative and state trade employees during the NEP years, see Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists, esp. 165-68; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs in the 1930s," Russian History/Histoire Russe 13: 2-3 (Summer-Fall 1986): 187-234; Julie Hessler, "Culture of Shortages: A Social History of Soviet Trade, 1917-1953" (Ph.D. diss, University of Chicago, 1996), chap. 3.
46. For negative depictions of private traders as well as cooperative and state trade employees during the NEP years, see Ball, Russia's Last Capitalists, esp. 165-68; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs in the 1930s," Russian History/Histoire Russe 13: 2-3 (Summer-Fall 1986): 187-234; Julie Hessler, "Culture of Shortages: A Social History of Soviet Trade, 1917-1953" (Ph.D. diss, University of Chicago, 1996), chap. 3.
47. Many Communists as well as non-party supporters saw non-wage earning women - and housewives in particular - as "politically unconscious," or worse, as "philistine women hostile to communism." These views are quoted in Elizabeth Wood, The Baba and the Comrade: Gender and Politics in Revolutionary Russia (Bloomington, 1997), 204. For more on suspicion toward women, see idem, 203-12.
48. Many Communists as well as non-party supporters saw non-wage earning women - and housewives in particular - as "politically unconscious," or worse, as "philistine women hostile to communism." These views are quoted in Elizabeth Wood, The Baba and the Comrade: Gender and Politics in Revolutionary Russia (Bloomington, 1997), 204. For more on suspicion toward women, see idem, 203-12.
49. Anne E. Gorsuch, Youth in Revolutionary Russia: Enthusiasts, Bohemians, Delinquents (Bloomington, 2000), 102.
50. For more on this process, see Wood, Baba and Comrade; and Barbara Evans Clements, "The Birth of the New Soviet Woman," in A. Gleason, P. Kenez, R. Stites, eds., Bolshevik Culture: Experiment and Order in the Russian Revolution (Bloomington, 1985), 220-37.
51. For more on this process, see Wood, Baba and Comrade; and Barbara Evans Clements, "The Birth of the New Soviet Woman," in A. Gleason, P. Kenez, R. Stites, eds., Bolshevik Culture: Experiment and Order in the Russian Revolution (Bloomington, 1985), 220-37.
52. The media regularly raised the specter of women's self-indulgent consumption. The bourgeois NEPman was often accompanied by a fashionably dressed NEPwoman. Notably, women were often identified with self-indulgent consumption in the pre-revolutionary period. See Christine Ruane, "Clothes Shopping in Imperial Russia: the Development of a Consumer Culture," Journal of Social History 28:4 (1995): 765-82.
53. See Tsentral'nyi Komitet Profsoiuza Sovetskikh i Torgovykh Sluzhashchikh (TsKP-STS), Rabota sredi zhenshchin chlenov nashego soiuza (Moscow, 1926), 13-14. Norton Dodge states that women made up 16 percent of the workforce by 1929. See Norton Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy (Baltimore, 1966), 178. The percentage of women workers in cooperative and state trade was relatively low in comparison to their percentage in other service industries, such as public catering. Moreover, their participation in the trade workforce fell far short of the total percentage of women employed in the general labor force, which was 27.2 percent in 1929.
54. See Tsentral'nyi Komitet Profsoiuza Sovetskikh i Torgovykh Sluzhashchikh (TsKP-STS), Rabota sredi zhenshchin chlenov nashego soiuza (Moscow, 1926), 13-14. Norton Dodge states that women made up 16 percent of the workforce by 1929. See Norton Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy (Baltimore, 1966), 178. The percentage of women workers in cooperative and state trade was relatively low in comparison to their percentage in other service industries, such as public catering. Moreover, their participation in the trade workforce fell far short of the total percentage of women employed in the general labor force, which was 27.2 percent in 1929.
55. E.g., see RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 399. Also see N. Ostrovskaia, "Vovlechenie rabotnits i krest'ianok v kooperatsiiu," Kommunistka 3 (1924): 33-6.
56. E.g., see RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 399. Also see N. Ostrovskaia, "Vovlechenie rabotnits i krest'ianok v kooperatsiiu," Kommunistka 3 (1924): 33-6.
57. GARF, f. 5468, o. 9, d. 317, l. 10; o. 11, d. 300, ll. 107-107ob; o. 12, d. 251, ll. 2, 6, 6 ob, 12 ob, 16, 18, 27ob, 35ob, 42.
58. Though most trade administrators and workers appear to have linked men with retail work and evaluated women retail workers negatively, some individuals recognized women workers' achievements and skills and advocated women's employment. They argued that women's inexperience could be remedied by training programs and that women's physical weakness did not have to be an impediment, so long as conditions were adapted for women workers. Some even praised women workers for their commendable qualities: sobriety, politeness, and honesty. E.g., see GARF, f. 5468, o. 12, d. 251, ll. 16 ob, 28ob, 29, 31.
59. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 64. Although this source is from 1931, the idea that women could not handle work that involved grime appears to have been a common sentiment throughout the 1920s. For example, see Zheludova's comments about reactions to women workers in the 1920s in RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 68.
60. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 64. Although this source is from 1931, the idea that women could not handle work that involved grime appears to have been a common sentiment throughout the 1920s. For example, see Zheludova's comments about reactions to women workers in the 1920s in RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 68.
61. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 527, l. 70.
62. On provisioning-related labor unrest and disorders in 1930 and 1931, see Elena Osokina, Za fasadom, "Stalinskogo izobiliia": Raspredelenie i rynok v snabzhenii naseleniia v gody industrializatsii, 1927-1941 (Moscow, 1997), especially 81-5. Also see Goldman, Women at the Gates, 86. On labor turnover and its connection to provisioning, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York, 1985), 220-1; Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 95-9; Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 279-80.
63. On provisioning-related labor unrest and disorders in 1930 and 1931, see Elena Osokina, Za fasadom, "Stalinskogo izobiliia": Raspredelenie i rynok v snabzhenii naseleniia v gody industrializatsii, 1927-1941 (Moscow, 1997), especially 81-5. Also see Goldman, Women at the Gates, 86. On labor turnover and its connection to provisioning, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York, 1985), 220-1; Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 95-9; Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 279-80.
64. On provisioning-related labor unrest and disorders in 1930 and 1931, see Elena Osokina, Za fasadom, "Stalinskogo izobiliia": Raspredelenie i rynok v snabzhenii naseleniia v gody industrializatsii, 1927-1941 (Moscow, 1997), especially 81-5. Also see Goldman, Women at the Gates, 86. On labor turnover and its connection to provisioning, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York, 1985), 220-1; Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 95-9; Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 279-80.
65. On provisioning-related labor unrest and disorders in 1930 and 1931, see Elena Osokina, Za fasadom, "Stalinskogo izobiliia": Raspredelenie i rynok v snabzhenii naseleniia v gody industrializatsii, 1927-1941 (Moscow, 1997), especially 81-5. Also see Goldman, Women at the Gates, 86. On labor turnover and its connection to provisioning, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York, 1985), 220-1; Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 95-9; Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 279-80.
66. On provisioning-related labor unrest and disorders in 1930 and 1931, see Elena Osokina, Za fasadom, "Stalinskogo izobiliia": Raspredelenie i rynok v snabzhenii naseleniia v gody industrializatsii, 1927-1941 (Moscow, 1997), especially 81-5. Also see Goldman, Women at the Gates, 86. On labor turnover and its connection to provisioning, see Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York, 1985), 220-1; Stephen Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain: Stalinism as Civilization (Berkeley, 1995), 95-9; Davies, The Soviet Economy in Turmoil, 279-80.
67. For more on Soviet trade as a cultural enterprise, see Amy E. Randall, "'Revolutionary Bolshevik Work': Stakhanovism in Retail Trade," The Russian Review (July, 2000): 425-41; and Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism."
68. For more on Soviet trade as a cultural enterprise, see Amy E. Randall, "'Revolutionary Bolshevik Work': Stakhanovism in Retail Trade," The Russian Review (July, 2000): 425-41; and Hessler, "Cultured Trade: The Stalinist Turn to Consumerism."
69. For more on the campaign for kul'turnost', see below, p. 973.
70. Buckley, Women and Ideology in the Soviet Union, 113. Economic planners had not anticipated this increase at the outset of the First Five-Year Plan in 1928. Instead they had forecast a modest 5.5 percent increase of female laborers over the course of five years. See Gail Warshofsky Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development, and Social Change (Berkeley, 1978), 98.
71. Buckley, Women and Ideology in the Soviet Union, 113. Economic planners had not anticipated this increase at the outset of the First Five-Year Plan in 1928. Instead they had forecast a modest 5.5 percent increase of female laborers over the course of five years. See Gail Warshofsky Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society: Equality, Development, and Social Change (Berkeley, 1978), 98.
72. Women workers made up a disproportionate number of the unemployed in the 1920s, and as a result, they constituted a reserve source of labor. For more on women's unemployment during NEP, see William Chase, Workers, Society, and the Soviet State: Labor and Life in Moscow, 1918-1929 (Urbana, 1987), 110, 149-50; Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 155-60; Goldman, Women at the Gates, 16-21; and idem, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936 (Cambridge, 1993), especially 109-16.
73. Women workers made up a disproportionate number of the unemployed in the 1920s, and as a result, they constituted a reserve source of labor. For more on women's unemployment during NEP, see William Chase, Workers, Society, and the Soviet State: Labor and Life in Moscow, 1918-1929 (Urbana, 1987), 110, 149-50; Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 155-60; Goldman, Women at the Gates, 16-21; and idem, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936 (Cambridge, 1993), especially 109-16.
74. Women workers made up a disproportionate number of the unemployed in the 1920s, and as a result, they constituted a reserve source of labor. For more on women's unemployment during NEP, see William Chase, Workers, Society, and the Soviet State: Labor and Life in Moscow, 1918-1929 (Urbana, 1987), 110, 149-50; Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 155-60; Goldman, Women at the Gates, 16-21; and idem, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936 (Cambridge, 1993), especially 109-16.
75. Women workers made up a disproportionate number of the unemployed in the 1920s, and as a result, they constituted a reserve source of labor. For more on women's unemployment during NEP, see William Chase, Workers, Society, and the Soviet State: Labor and Life in Moscow, 1918-1929 (Urbana, 1987), 110, 149-50; Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 155-60; Goldman, Women at the Gates, 16-21; and idem, Women, the State and Revolution: Soviet Family Policy and Social Life, 1917-1936 (Cambridge, 1993), especially 109-16.
76. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
77. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
78. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
79. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's
80. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
81. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
82. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
83. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
84. Sovnarkom drafted this list in October 1930 and published it in December 1930. Narkomtrud then reissued it in January 1931. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, especially 169-73; Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 64-7, 175-6; Richard Stites, The Women's Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930 (Princeton, 1978), 395; Lapidus, Women in Soviet Society, 98, 121; Ilič, Women Workers, 216-7. The list broadened women's existing labor roles by promoting female employment in occupations and work spheres formerly monopolized by men, including a wide range of jobs in heavy industry (construction, machine building, mining, and so on). Simultaneously, it reinforced gender divisions within the labor force by planning to expand female employment in unskilled jobs and occupations with low wages and low status. It also determined women's labor to be unacceptable in certain jobs because of the preconceptions that women were physically weaker than men and that certain jobs and machinery were harmful to the "female organism" and women's ability to reproduce. The "physical particularities of the female organism" were often discussed in relation to women's labor. For example, see GARF, f. 6893, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 73ob, 74- Ideas about women's bodies and wage labor are examined in Janet Hyer, "Managing the Female Organism: Doctors and the Medicalization of Women's Paid Work in Soviet Russia During the 1920s," in Women in Russia and Ukraine, ed. Rosalind Marsh (Cambridge, 1996), 111-20. For more on women, reproduction, and anxieties about female biology, see Eric Naiman, Sex in Public: the Incarnation of Early Soviet Ideology (Princeton, 1997), especially pp. 181-207. Notably, the increased mechanization of production and the development of new technical equipment contributed to the regime's opinion that women's physical "limitations" and lack of skills (compared to men) were becoming less significant and that women could be hired in some of the jobs and occupations previously dominated by men. See B. Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud v 1931 godu," Voprosy truda 1 (1931): 34. Various governmental bodies set subsequent quotas for the employment and education of women workers.
85. Goldman, Women at the Gates, 144.
86. Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 158-9.
87. B. Marsheva, "Poltora milliona zhenshchin vovlechem v stroitel'stvo sotsializma," Trud 6 March (1931): 4. Research data backed up these claims and confirmed women worker's dependability and productivity. Research conducted by the Institute for Labor Protection, for example, not only verified women factory workers' competency but also suggested they were often better on the job than their male co-workers. Data also showed that men violated work discipline more than women. And it indicated that women had fewer absences than men, even including pregnancy-related absences. See Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud," 34.
88. B. Marsheva, "Poltora milliona zhenshchin vovlechem v stroitel'stvo sotsializma," Trud 6 March (1931): 4. Research data backed up these claims and confirmed women worker's dependability and productivity. Research conducted by the Institute for Labor Protection, for example, not only verified women factory workers' competency but also suggested they were often better on the job than their male co-workers. Data also showed that men violated work discipline more than women. And it indicated that women had fewer absences than men, even including pregnancy-related absences. See Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud," 34.
89. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
90. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
91. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
92. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
93. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
94. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
95. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
96. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
97. For more on the wife-activists' movement, see Mary Buckley, "The Untold Story of Obshchestvennitsa in the 1930s," Europe-Asia Studies 48: 4 (1996): 569-86; idem, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm," Social History 26:3 (2001): 282-98; Sheila Fitzpatrick, "Becoming Cultured: Socialist Realism and the Representation of Privilege and Taste," 232-33; idem, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (Oxford, 1999): 156-63; Robert Maier, "Sovety zhen as a Surrogate Trade Union: Comments on the History of the Movement of Activist Women in the 1930s," in Politics and Society Under the Bolsheviks: Selected Papers from the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies 1995 (New York, 1999), 189-98; Rebecca Balmas Neary, "Mothering Socialist Society: The Wife-Activists' Movement and the Soviet Culture of Daily Life, 1934-1941," The Russian Review 58 (July 1999): 396-412; Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 127-9, 186; Thomas Schrand, "Soviet 'Civic-Minded Women' in the 1930s: Gender, Class, and Industrialization in a Socialist Society," Journal of Women's History 11:3 (1999): 126-50; and Vsesouiznoe soveshchanie zhen Khoziaistvennikov i inzhenernotekhnicheskikh rabotnikov tiazheloi promyshlennosti - stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow, 1936).
98. By 1935, approximately 31 percent of all trade workers and 45 percent of salesclerks were women. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli (Moscow, 1935), 11. The intensification of women's labor in Soviet trade continued throughout the 1930s, and by 1939 women comprised approximately 60 percent of salesclerks and 70 percent of cashier workers in urban areas. See Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi - Rossiia (Moscow, 1939), 178. The total percentage of female employees in cooperative and state trade went from 22 percent in 1930 to 38 percent in 1940. See Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 179. After WWII the feminization of retail trade continued.
99. By 1935, approximately 31 percent of all trade workers and 45 percent of salesclerks were women. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli (Moscow, 1935), 11. The intensification of women's labor in Soviet trade continued throughout the 1930s, and by 1939 women comprised approximately 60 percent of salesclerks and 70 percent of cashier workers in urban areas. See Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi - Rossiia (Moscow, 1939), 178. The total percentage of female employees in cooperative and state trade went from 22 percent in 1930 to 38 percent in 1940. See Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 179. After WWII the feminization of retail trade continued.
100. By 1935, approximately 31 percent of all trade workers and 45 percent of salesclerks were women. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli (Moscow, 1935), 11. The intensification of women's labor in Soviet trade continued throughout the 1930s, and by 1939 women comprised approximately 60 percent of salesclerks and 70 percent of cashier workers in urban areas. See Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi - Rossiia (Moscow, 1939), 178. The total percentage of female employees in cooperative and state trade went from 22 percent in 1930 to 38 percent in 1940. See Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 179. After WWII the feminization of retail trade continued.
101. For example, the Central Committee of the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers (PRKG) planned to increase the overall percentage of female employees in 1932 to 50 percent of the total trade workforce, with significantly higher or lower targets depending on the region. Other sources indicate that the goal set in 1931 for the trade sector was higher than 50 percent. For example, see Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud," 36. Similarly the Moscow branch proposed that women constitute 90 percent of all trade workers. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 40. It should be noted that the People's Commissariat of Supply was renamed the People's Commissariat of Domestic Trade (Narkomvnutorg) in 1934, and that the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers was split up into two different trade unions. These successor bodies continued the policy of recruiting women. For more on central directives to recruit women, see GARF, f. 6983, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 3-25, 42-43, 77ob.
102. For example, the Central Committee of the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers (PRKG) planned to increase the overall percentage of female employees in 1932 to 50 percent of the total trade workforce, with significantly higher or lower targets depending on the region. Other sources indicate that the goal set in 1931 for the trade sector was higher than 50 percent. For example, see Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud," 36. Similarly the Moscow branch proposed that women constitute 90 percent of all trade workers. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 40. It should be noted that the People's Commissariat of Supply was renamed the People's Commissariat of Domestic Trade (Narkomvnutorg) in 1934, and that the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers was split up into two different trade unions. These successor bodies continued the policy of recruiting women. For more on central directives to recruit women, see GARF, f. 6983, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 3-25, 42-43, 77ob.
103. For example, the Central Committee of the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers (PRKG) planned to increase the overall percentage of female employees in 1932 to 50 percent of the total trade workforce, with significantly higher or lower targets depending on the region. Other sources indicate that the goal set in 1931 for the trade sector was higher than 50 percent. For example, see Marsheva, "Zhenskii trud," 36. Similarly the Moscow branch proposed that women constitute 90 percent of all trade workers. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 40. It should be noted that the People's Commissariat of Supply was renamed the People's Commissariat of Domestic Trade (Narkomvnutorg) in 1934, and that the Trade Union of Cooperative and State Trade Workers was split up into two different trade unions. These successor bodies continued the policy of recruiting women. For more on central directives to recruit women, see GARF, f. 6983, o. 1, d. 159, ll. 3-25, 42-43, 77ob.
104. E.g., Moskovskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv (MGA), f. 2458. o. 1, d. 34, l. 121.
105. I. M. Novikov, Novyi etap v rabote potrebitel'skoi kooperatsii (Moscow, 1931), 47. Likewise, in 1931 the PRKG planned to hire 50,000 workers' wives to work in 5,000 new food stores. See "V tochnosti i bez promedleniia vypolnit' reshenie TsK partii o potrebkooperatsii," Rabotnitsa 25 (1931): 3. For similar examples, see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 50, ll. 82, 87; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 131.
106. I. M. Novikov, Novyi etap v rabote potrebitel'skoi kooperatsii (Moscow, 1931), 47. Likewise, in 1931 the PRKG planned to hire 50,000 workers' wives to work in 5,000 new food stores. See "V tochnosti i bez promedleniia vypolnit' reshenie TsK partii o potrebkooperatsii," Rabotnitsa 25 (1931): 3. For similar examples, see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 50, ll. 82, 87; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 131.
107. I. M. Novikov, Novyi etap v rabote potrebitel'skoi kooperatsii (Moscow, 1931), 47. Likewise, in 1931 the PRKG planned to hire 50,000 workers' wives to work in 5,000 new food stores. See "V tochnosti i bez promedleniia vypolnit' reshenie TsK partii o potrebkooperatsii," Rabotnitsa 25 (1931): 3. For similar examples, see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 50, ll. 82, 87; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 131.
108. Wendy Goldman and others discuss the value of resorting to workers' wives and daughters. See Goldman, Gender and Industry, 152-3.
109. L. Gatovskii, et al., "Voprosy razvertyvaniia sovetskoi torgovli," Problemy ekonomiki 1 (1932): 58; G. Neiman, "Za razvernutuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Planovoe khoziaistvo 2 (1932): 78; M. P. Agapitov, et al., Organizatsiia i tekhnika sovetskoi roznichnoi torgovli (Leningrad, 1933), 250; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64, 67. The introduction of machines also allowed for the deskilling of certain tasks, such as the slicing of meat, which enabled unskilled workers - including women - to take on jobs in a relatively quick manner that had previously required lengthy training. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, l. 318.
110. L. Gatovskii, et al., "Voprosy razvertyvaniia sovetskoi torgovli," Problemy ekonomiki 1 (1932): 58; G. Neiman, "Za razvernutuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Planovoe khoziaistvo 2 (1932): 78; M. P. Agapitov, et al., Organizatsiia i tekhnika sovetskoi roznichnoi torgovli (Leningrad, 1933), 250; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64, 67. The introduction of machines also allowed for the deskilling of certain tasks, such as the slicing of meat, which enabled unskilled workers - including women - to take on jobs in a relatively quick manner that had previously required lengthy training. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, l. 318.
111. L. Gatovskii, et al., "Voprosy razvertyvaniia sovetskoi torgovli," Problemy ekonomiki 1 (1932): 58; G. Neiman, "Za razvernutuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Planovoe khoziaistvo 2 (1932): 78; M. P. Agapitov, et al., Organizatsiia i tekhnika sovetskoi roznichnoi torgovli (Leningrad, 1933), 250; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64, 67. The introduction of machines also allowed for the deskilling of certain tasks, such as the slicing of meat, which enabled unskilled workers - including women - to take on jobs in a relatively quick manner that had previously required lengthy training. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, l. 318.
112. L. Gatovskii, et al., "Voprosy razvertyvaniia sovetskoi torgovli," Problemy ekonomiki 1 (1932): 58; G. Neiman, "Za razvernutuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Planovoe khoziaistvo 2 (1932): 78; M. P. Agapitov, et al., Organizatsiia i tekhnika sovetskoi roznichnoi torgovli (Leningrad, 1933), 250; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64, 67. The introduction of machines also allowed for the deskilling of certain tasks, such as the slicing of meat, which enabled unskilled workers - including women - to take on jobs in a relatively quick manner that had previously required lengthy training. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, l. 318.
113. L. Gatovskii, et al., "Voprosy razvertyvaniia sovetskoi torgovli," Problemy ekonomiki 1 (1932): 58; G. Neiman, "Za razvernutuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Planovoe khoziaistvo 2 (1932): 78; M. P. Agapitov, et al., Organizatsiia i tekhnika sovetskoi roznichnoi torgovli (Leningrad, 1933), 250; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64, 67. The introduction of machines also allowed for the deskilling of certain tasks, such as the slicing of meat, which enabled unskilled workers - including women - to take on jobs in a relatively quick manner that had previously required lengthy training. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, l. 318.
114. E.g., S"ezdy sovetov RSFSR v postanovleniiakh i rezoliutsiiakh (Moscow, 1939), 436, 439; Novikov, Novyi etap, 46. SR refers to the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which had been discredited by the Bolsheviks in the early years of Soviet rule.
115. E.g., S"ezdy sovetov RSFSR v postanovleniiakh i rezoliutsiiakh (Moscow, 1939), 436, 439; Novikov, Novyi etap, 46. SR refers to the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which had been discredited by the Bolsheviks in the early years of Soviet rule.
116. "Rech' sekretaria VTsSPS tov. Shvernika," Izvestiia 27 July (1930): 4.
117. "Preniia po dokladu T. Zelenskogo," Izvestiia 5 March (1931): 2; and "Potrebkooperatsiiavazhneishii rychag bol'shevistskogo nastupleniia," Pravda 6 March (1931): 6.
118. "Preniia po dokladu T. Zelenskogo," Izvestiia 5 March (1931): 2; and "Potrebkooperatsiiavazhneishii rychag bol'shevistskogo nastupleniia," Pravda 6 March (1931): 6.
119. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 66.
120. This does not mean that women were exempt from prosecution for criminal activities in trade. For example, the newspaper Rabochaia Moskva reported that 100 speculators were arrested in the second week of August in 1936, including some housewives. See Rabochaia Moskva 12 Aug (1936): 4.
121. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, l. 5; o. 1, d. 2725, l. 15; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 91; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2.
122. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, l. 5; o. 1, d. 2725, l. 15; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 91; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2.
123. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, l. 5; o. 1, d. 2725, l. 15; V. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry i problemy rukovodstva," ST 1 (1934): 91; Iu. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," ST 8 March (1936): 2.
124. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 67; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 660, l. 5; d. 662, l. 16; o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21.
125. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 660, l. 3. For similar sentiments, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 414, l. 124; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, l. 36.
126. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 660, l. 3. For similar sentiments, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 414, l. 124; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, l. 36.
127. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2455, l. 14.
128. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 96-115; o. 3, d. 629, l. 18; "Budem podlinnymi khoziaevami svoikh kooperativov," SKT 8 March (1934): 1; Gin, "Initsiative rabotnits," SKT 27 Feb (1932): 3.
129. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 96-115; o. 3, d. 629, l. 18; "Budem podlinnymi khoziaevami svoikh kooperativov," SKT 8 March (1934): 1; Gin, "Initsiative rabotnits," SKT 27 Feb (1932): 3.
130. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 96-115; o. 3, d. 629, l. 18; "Budem podlinnymi khoziaevami svoikh kooperativov," SKT 8 March (1934): 1; Gin, "Initsiative rabotnits," SKT 27 Feb (1932): 3.
131. Presumably the majority of these men were transferred to other work spheres, unless they were actually charged with transgressions.
132. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, ll. 27, 36; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 64-5.
133. Postanovleniia VIII s'ezda, 86.
134. It appears that drunkenness was primarily an issue among male trade workers. There was virtually no indication of women's insobriety in archival files and published primary sources from the 1930s, while there were repeated examples of men's drunkenness. E.g., see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 365, l. 6; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65, and o. 28, d. 542, l. 11; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 370, ll. 196, 205ob, 206ob; "Zhiznennyi i godovoi balans zavmaga Smirnova," SKT No. 257 (1933): 5; Men'shikov, "Kak my rabotaem," ST 18 April (1936): 3.
135. It appears that drunkenness was primarily an issue among male trade workers. There was virtually no indication of women's insobriety in archival files and published primary sources from the 1930s, while there were repeated examples of men's drunkenness. E.g., see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 365, l. 6; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65, and o. 28, d. 542, l. 11; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 370, ll. 196, 205ob, 206ob; "Zhiznennyi i godovoi balans zavmaga Smirnova," SKT No. 257 (1933): 5; Men'shikov, "Kak my rabotaem," ST 18 April (1936): 3.
136. It appears that drunkenness was primarily an issue among male trade workers. There was virtually no indication of women's insobriety in archival files and published primary sources from the 1930s, while there were repeated examples of men's drunkenness. E.g., see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 365, l. 6; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65, and o. 28, d. 542, l. 11; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 370, ll. 196, 205ob, 206ob; "Zhiznennyi i godovoi balans zavmaga Smirnova," SKT No. 257 (1933): 5; Men'shikov, "Kak my rabotaem," ST 18 April (1936): 3.
137. Vadim Volkov, "The Concept of Kul'turnost': Notes on the Stalinist Civilizing Process," in Stalinism: New Directions, 210-30.
138. E.g., RGAE, f. 484, o. 3. d. 662, l. 17.
139. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 629, l. 17; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65.
140. "Rech' tov. Toiba," Pravda vostoka 22 Jan (1936): 3
141. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," 2.
142. For more on how trade authorities envisioned the new system, see Randall, "The Campaign for Soviet Trade: Creating Socialist Retail Trade in the 1930s."
143. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry," 91; Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," 2.
144. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry," 91; Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," 2.
145. Cited in Sheila Fitzpatrick, "After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs, Small Traders, and Artisans in the 'Socialist Russia' of the 1930s," 208; and G. Kalish'ian, "Za kul'turnuiu torgovliu khlebom," Rabotnitsa 1 (1935): 14, respectively.
146. Cited in Sheila Fitzpatrick, "After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs, Small Traders, and Artisans in the 'Socialist Russia' of the 1930s," 208; and G. Kalish'ian, "Za kul'turnuiu torgovliu khlebom," Rabotnitsa 1 (1935): 14, respectively.
147. Gin, "Initsiative rabotnits," 3.
148. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3. d. 662, l. 17.
149. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 65; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 631, l. 102; o. 3, d. 661, l. 13; f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, l. 69.
150. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 69, 101, 105, 107-8.
151. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 245, l. 212.
152. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3. d. 662, l. 17.
153. For example, see Editorial, "Zadachi stakhanovskogo goda v torgovle," ST 1 (1936): 10; "Za kul'turnuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Pravda vostoka 28 Jan (1936): 4.
154. For example, see Editorial, "Zadachi stakhanovskogo goda v torgovle," ST 1 (1936): 10; "Za kul'turnuiu sovetskuiu torgovliu," Pravda vostoka 28 Jan (1936): 4.
155. In the 1920s, official Soviet discourse usually characterized women's association with the domestic as a negative. As Elizabeth Wood has noted, however, during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period, the Bolsheviks called on women to utilize their domestic experience to serve the public cause. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 61-67, 143. During the 1930s, women's domestic experience was often officially recognized as positive.
156. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2725, l. 21. Presumably they were thrifty because of their experience as managers of the household economy.
157. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
158. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
159. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
160. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
161. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
162. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
163. GARF, f. 5468, o. 13, d. 162, l. 150; S. Smidovich, "Beseda s delegatkami o kooperatsii," Krest'ianka 4 (1929): 1; Gik, "Rabochee snabzhenie - v ruki rabochikh," Rabotnitsa 38 (Oct 1930): 3; Tri goda bor'by za sovetskuiu kul'turnuiu torgovliu (Moscow, 1934), 35; E. V. Butuzova, "My za rubezhom," in Bez nykh my ne pobedili by (Moscow, 1975), 407; F. U. Lobachev, "Luchshe ispol'zovat' tsennuiu pomoshch'," ST 10 May (1936): 3. Party officials utilized a similar rhetoric about the value of women's "housewife's eye" during the Civil War and in the immediate post-war period. See Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 66, 143. For more on the idea of women as experienced consumers, see Fn 8.
164. M. Shaburova, "Sovety i organizatsiia zhenskikh trudiashchikhsia mass," Rabotnitsa 19 (1934): 2-3. For a similar view see Kalish'ian, "Za kul'turnuiu torgovliu khlebom," 14.
165. M. Shaburova, "Sovety i organizatsiia zhenskikh trudiashchikhsia mass," Rabotnitsa 19 (1934): 2-3. For a similar view see Kalish'ian, "Za kul'turnuiu torgovliu khlebom," 14.
166. Bolotin, "Stakhanovskie metody," 4.
167. E.g., "Liubliu svoe delo i gorzhus' svoei rabote," ST 1 (1936): 52.
168. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, for example, recruited more women and family members than the 1931 Tsentrosoiuz plan called for, but the Tatar Consumer Cooperative Society did not meet its assigned target. See Novikov, Novyi etap, 47.
169. For example, in 1933 women made up 28.3 percent of all trade workers in the Soviet Union, but only 12.5 percent of the trade workers in Chuvashia, and 14.5 percent of the total in Kirghizia. See Nodel', "Torgovye kadry," 91.
170. Dodge makes some of these points when discussing the overall percentage of women wage earners (in all fields) in different Soviet republics. See Dodge, Women in the Soviet Economy, 239.
171. GARF, f. 6983, o. 1, d. 159, l. 18.
172. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 66.
173. Mart, "Zhenskii magazin - luchshii v Kieve," 9.
174. Kaminskii, "O podgotovke rabotnikov prilavka," ST 7-8 (1936): 88.
175. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 119, ll. 213, 213ob. When promoted to section head Chulkova resolved to hire "only women" and to show that women could do the same work as men. Interestingly, she argued that when women began to work for her the previous "filth and disorder" in the workplace disappeared. Thus Chulkova highlighted women's equal capacities at the same time that she asserted women's superiority by noting their better ability to keep things tidy.
176. E.g., GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 60. This pattern was not unique to the retail sector. Notwithstanding the significant increase in women's labor throughout the Soviet economy in the 1930s, the majority of women workers remained in low paying and low status jobs. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. 212-9; Buckley, Women and Ideology, 117-8; David L. Hoffmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929-1941 (Ithaca, 1994): 121. Even in predominantly female professions, such as elementary school teaching, women, workers faced a gender hierarchy that did not privilege them. Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Bloomington, 1991), 50.
177. E.g., GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 60. This pattern was not unique to the retail sector. Notwithstanding the significant increase in women's labor throughout the Soviet economy in the 1930s, the majority of women workers remained in low paying and low status jobs. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. 212-9; Buckley, Women and Ideology, 117-8; David L. Hoffmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929-1941 (Ithaca, 1994): 121. Even in predominantly female professions, such as elementary school teaching, women, workers faced a gender hierarchy that did not privilege them. Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Bloomington, 1991), 50.
178. E.g., GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 60. This pattern was not unique to the retail sector. Notwithstanding the significant increase in women's labor throughout the Soviet economy in the 1930s, the majority of women workers remained in low paying and low status jobs. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. 212-9; Buckley, Women and Ideology, 117-8; David L. Hoffmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929-1941 (Ithaca, 1994): 121. Even in predominantly female professions, such as elementary school teaching, women, workers faced a gender hierarchy that did not privilege them. Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Bloomington, 1991), 50.
179. E.g., GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 60. This pattern was not unique to the retail sector. Notwithstanding the significant increase in women's labor throughout the Soviet economy in the 1930s, the majority of women workers remained in low paying and low status jobs. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. 212-9; Buckley, Women and Ideology, 117-8; David L. Hoffmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929-1941 (Ithaca, 1994): 121. Even in predominantly female professions, such as elementary school teaching, women, workers faced a gender hierarchy that did not privilege them. Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Bloomington, 1991), 50.
180. E.g., GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 60. This pattern was not unique to the retail sector. Notwithstanding the significant increase in women's labor throughout the Soviet economy in the 1930s, the majority of women workers remained in low paying and low status jobs. See Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. 212-9; Buckley, Women and Ideology, 117-8; David L. Hoffmann, Peasant Metropolis: Social Identities in Moscow, 1929-1941 (Ithaca, 1994): 121. Even in predominantly female professions, such as elementary school teaching, women, workers faced a gender hierarchy that did not privilege them. Larry E. Holmes, The Kremlin and the Schoolhouse: Reforming Education in Soviet Russia, 1917-1931 (Bloomington, 1991), 50.
181. Nodel', "Torgovye kadry," 90.
182. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli, 11, 94.
183. Vsesoiuznaia perepis' naseleniia 1939 goda: Osnovnye itogi - Rossiia, 176, 178. The numbers for 1935 and 1939 are not entirely comparable. The percentage for 1939 includes heads of store sections along with salesclerks in stores and stalls.
184. RGAE, f. 484, o. 1, d. 2667, ll. 66-68.
185. I. Zelenskii, "Bol'she zhenshchin na rukovodiashchuiu rabotu," ST 10 March (1936): 2.
186. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 233, l. 111; D. Zenin, "Podrugi," ST 1 May (1936): 3; "Informatsiia," ST 3 (1936): 80; "Informatsiia, " ST 4-5 (1936): 156; "Informatsiia," ST 4 (1937): 70-71.
187. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 233, l. 111; D. Zenin, "Podrugi," ST 1 May (1936): 3; "Informatsiia," ST 3 (1936): 80; "Informatsiia, " ST 4-5 (1936): 156; "Informatsiia," ST 4 (1937): 70-71.
188. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 233, l. 111; D. Zenin, "Podrugi," ST 1 May (1936): 3; "Informatsiia," ST 3 (1936): 80; "Informatsiia, " ST 4-5 (1936): 156; "Informatsiia," ST 4 (1937): 70-71.
189. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 233, l. 111; D. Zenin, "Podrugi," ST 1 May (1936): 3; "Informatsiia," ST 3 (1936): 80; "Informatsiia, " ST 4-5 (1936): 156; "Informatsiia," ST 4 (1937): 70-71.
190. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 233, l. 111; D. Zenin, "Podrugi," ST 1 May (1936): 3; "Informatsiia," ST 3 (1936): 80; "Informatsiia, " ST 4-5 (1936): 156; "Informatsiia," ST 4 (1937): 70-71.
191. For an example of women's promotions, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 542, l. 8.
192. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli, 11, 94. The Trade Union of State Trade Workers likewise failed to promote women to leadership positions. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 296, l. 111.
193. Kadry sovetskoi torgovli, 11, 94. The Trade Union of State Trade Workers likewise failed to promote women to leadership positions. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 296, l. 111.
194. E.g., the Ural oblast consumer society planned to increase the number of female recruits to 70 percent of the total new recruits by the first of January 1932. Despite the plan, the personnel division only enrolled 120 women in daytime courses (out of 300 students) and 480 women in evening classes (out of 900 students) to become trained store managers, salesclerks, and accountants. The educational plan did not meet the 70 percent target and the number of new female hires did not reach even 40 percent. M. Mints, "Uraloblsoiuz sryvaet podgotovku kadrov iz zhenaktiva," SKT (1931), exact date missing.
195. MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 51, l. 14. For similar views, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 67; d. 234, l. 135.
196. MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 51, l. 14. For similar views, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, l. 67; d. 234, l. 135.
197. MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 34, l. 79; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 68, ll. 65,
198. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 143.
199. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, ll. 44, 72-3.
200. This was certainly not specific to women in the retail sector. For more on hostility to women in leadership positions, see Mary Buckley, "Complex 'Realities' of the 'New' Women of the 1930s: Assertive, Superior, Belittled and Beaten," in Linda Edmondson, ed., Gender and Russian History and Culture (New York, 2001), esp. 181-4; and Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. ch. 6.
201. This was certainly not specific to women in the retail sector. For more on hostility to women in leadership positions, see Mary Buckley, "Complex 'Realities' of the 'New' Women of the 1930s: Assertive, Superior, Belittled and Beaten," in Linda Edmondson, ed., Gender and Russian History and Culture (New York, 2001), esp. 181-4; and Goldman, Women at the Gates, esp. ch. 6.
202. Berkovich, "Zhenshchina v sovetskoi torgovle," 2. Federova is quoted in Berkovich.
203. V. F. Polozhenskaia, "Ia s rabotoi spravilas'," ST 8 March (1936): 3. For additional examples of men who were unhappy with a woman's promotion and authority, see Antonova Ekaterina Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," ST 8 March (1936): 3; and G. Nikolaev, "Vydvizhenka, " ST 16 August (1937): 2.
204. V. F. Polozhenskaia, "Ia s rabotoi spravilas'," ST 8 March (1936): 3. For additional examples of men who were unhappy with a woman's promotion and authority, see Antonova Ekaterina Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," ST 8 March (1936): 3; and G. Nikolaev, "Vydvizhenka, " ST 16 August (1937): 2.
205. V. F. Polozhenskaia, "Ia s rabotoi spravilas'," ST 8 March (1936): 3. For additional examples of men who were unhappy with a woman's promotion and authority, see Antonova Ekaterina Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," ST 8 March (1936): 3; and G. Nikolaev, "Vydvizhenka, " ST 16 August (1937): 2.
206. For example, see Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvehnyi arkiv obshchestvennykh dvizhenii g. Moskvy (TsGAOD) f. 69, o. 1, d. 944, l. 51. For more on opposition to Stakhanovite instructors, see Randall, "'Revolutionary Bolshevik Work': Stakhanovism in Retail Trade," 437.
207. For example, see Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvehnyi arkiv obshchestvennykh dvizhenii g. Moskvy (TsGAOD) f. 69, o. 1, d. 944, l. 51. For more on opposition to Stakhanovite instructors, see Randall, "'Revolutionary Bolshevik Work': Stakhanovism in Retail Trade," 437.
208. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 629, l. 101.
209. Other industries and state agencies also grappled with this problem in the early 1930s. See Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 314.
210. For efforts to expand options, see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 50, l. 87; Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Moskovskoi oblasti (TsGAMO), f. 747, d. 625, ll. 9, 16, 20; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 28; o. 28, d. 208, ll. 7, 42; d. 296, l. 113; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 236, l. 63. For more on the failure to address needs, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 64; d. 234, ll. 138, 149, 151.
211. For efforts to expand options, see MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 50, l. 87; Tsentral'nyi gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Moskovskoi oblasti (TsGAMO), f. 747, d. 625, ll. 9, 16, 20; GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 28; o. 28, d. 208, ll. 7, 42; d. 296, l. 113; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 236, l. 63. For more on the failure to address needs, see GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, l. 64; d. 234, ll. 138, 149, 151.
212. "V tsentral'nom univermage," ST 28 May (1936): 1.
213. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 365, l. 51. Glavtorg was the chief administration that exercised control over a group of torgs (trade organizations). Glavtorg RSFSR supervised 57 torgs.
214. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 365, l. 51.
215. Otchet tsentral'nogo komiteta, 49. If we divide the amount spent on daycare in 1936 by the number of trade-union members listed in June 1937 (638,067, p. 9), the trade union spent approximately 4.7 rubles on child care for each member. Presumably the expenditures on child care increased in 1937 and presumably not all trade-union members needed child care. The amount spent on child care, however, could not meet the overwhelming need.
216. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 208, ll. 2-5; d. 382, l. 43; RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 487, l. 3.
217. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 126, ll. 1, 1ob.
218. RGAE, f. 7971, o. 1, d. 488, ll. 359-360.
219. GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 365, l. 51.
220. Brigada "SKT", "Zhenskomu magazinu No. 31," 3.
221. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 69, ll. 30, 55.
222. MGA, f. 2458, o. 1, d. 45, l. 18.
223. V. A. Karakhin, "Chutko podkhodim k kazhdomu prodavtsu," ST 1 (1936): 56. For a store director's similar evaluation of the importance of child care for women workers, see GARF, f. 5442, o. 28, d. 428, l. 498.
224. V. A. Karakhin, "Chutko podkhodim k kazhdomu prodavtsu," ST 1 (1936): 56. For a store director's similar evaluation of the importance of child care for women workers, see GARF, f. 5442, o. 28, d. 428, l. 498.
225. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 140; o. 28, d. 296, l. 113; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 631, l. 30. It should be noted that usually women workers also did not have access to facilities at stores - e.g., breastfeeding rooms - with which to make their mothering easier. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 428, l. 512.
226. GARF, f. 5452, o. 23, d. 234, l. 140; o. 28, d. 296, l. 113; RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 631, l. 30. It should be noted that usually women workers also did not have access to facilities at stores - e.g., breastfeeding rooms - with which to make their mothering easier. See GARF, f. 5452, o. 28, d. 428, l. 512.
227. RGAE, f. 484, o. 3, d. 661, ll. 13 and 27 respectively.
228. Victoria Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters Under Lenin and Stalin (Berkeley, 1997); Choi Chatterjee, "Soviet Heroines and Public Identity, 1930-1939," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1999), Elizabeth Waters, "The Female Form in Soviet Political Iconography," in Barbara Evans Clements, Barbara Alpern Engel, and Christine D. Worobec, eds., Russia's Women: Accommodation, Resistance, Transformation (Berkeley, 1991), 238.
229. Victoria Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters Under Lenin and Stalin (Berkeley, 1997); Choi Chatterjee, "Soviet Heroines and Public Identity, 1930-1939," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1999), Elizabeth Waters, "The Female Form in Soviet Political Iconography," in Barbara Evans Clements, Barbara Alpern Engel, and Christine D. Worobec, eds., Russia's Women: Accommodation, Resistance, Transformation (Berkeley, 1991), 238.
230. Victoria Bonnell, Iconography of Power: Soviet Political Posters Under Lenin and Stalin (Berkeley, 1997); Choi Chatterjee, "Soviet Heroines and Public Identity, 1930-1939," in The Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies (Pittsburgh, 1999), Elizabeth Waters, "The Female Form in Soviet Political Iconography," in Barbara Evans Clements, Barbara Alpern Engel, and Christine D. Worobec, eds., Russia's Women: Accommodation, Resistance, Transformation (Berkeley, 1991), 238.
231. For the glorification of women in agriculture, see Oja, "From Krestianka to Udarnitsa." Also see Buckley, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm"; and Roberta Manning, "Women in the Soviet Countryside on the Eve of World War II, 1935-1940," in Beatrice Farnsworth and Lynne Viola, eds., Russian Peasant Women (Oxford, 1992), 206-35.
232. For the glorification of women in agriculture, see Oja, "From Krestianka to Udarnitsa." Also see Buckley, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm"; and Roberta Manning, "Women in the Soviet Countryside on the Eve of World War II, 1935-1940," in Beatrice Farnsworth and Lynne Viola, eds., Russian Peasant Women (Oxford, 1992), 206-35.
233. For the glorification of women in agriculture, see Oja, "From Krestianka to Udarnitsa." Also see Buckley, "The Soviet 'Wife-Activist' Down on the Farm"; and Roberta Manning, "Women in the Soviet Countryside on the Eve of World War II, 1935-1940," in Beatrice Farnsworth and Lynne Viola, eds., Russian Peasant Women (Oxford, 1992), 206-35.
234. Chatterjee, "Soviet Heroines and Public Identity, 1930-1939," 1.
235. Retail labor heroes, for example, were never as celebrated as those who won recognition in coal mining or metallurgy. The feminized retail sector continued to have a secondary status vis-à-vis the masculinized industrial sector. For similar arguments about labor and economic hierarchies, and the subordination of agriculture to industry, see Bonnell, Iconography of Power, 122; Reid, "All Stalin's Women," 147; Waters, "The Female Form," 240-1.
236. Retail labor heroes, for example, were never as celebrated as those who won recognition in coal mining or metallurgy. The feminized retail sector continued to have a secondary status vis-à-vis the masculinized industrial sector. For similar arguments about labor and economic hierarchies, and the subordination of agriculture to industry, see Bonnell, Iconography of Power, 122; Reid, "All Stalin's Women," 147; Waters, "The Female Form," 240-1.
237. Retail labor heroes, for example, were never as celebrated as those who won recognition in coal mining or metallurgy. The feminized retail sector continued to have a secondary status vis-à-vis the masculinized industrial sector. For similar arguments about labor and economic hierarchies, and the subordination of agriculture to industry, see Bonnell, Iconography of Power, 122; Reid, "All Stalin's Women," 147; Waters, "The Female Form," 240-1.
238. As scholars have shown, this essentialized view of women affected the hiring, retention, advancement, and acceptance of women workers in the 1920s. See Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia," 1442; Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 109-18; and Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 157-60. Such a perspective appears to have adversely affected women's employment and promotion in the trade sector in the 1930s; for example, some store managers opposed women's promotion by arguing that women's family obligations would hinder their dependability. See Tov. Moroz, "Podgotovit" novye kadry prodavtsov," Trud 1 Jan (1935): 2; Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," 3.
239. As scholars have shown, this essentialized view of women affected the hiring, retention, advancement, and acceptance of women workers in the 1920s. See Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia," 1442; Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 109-18; and Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 157-60. Such a perspective appears to have adversely affected women's employment and promotion in the trade sector in the 1930s; for example, some store managers opposed women's promotion by arguing that women's family obligations would hinder their dependability. See Tov. Moroz, "Podgotovit" novye kadry prodavtsov," Trud 1 Jan (1935): 2; Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," 3.
240. As scholars have shown, this essentialized view of women affected the hiring, retention, advancement, and acceptance of women workers in the 1920s. See Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia," 1442; Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 109-18; and Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 157-60. Such a perspective appears to have adversely affected women's employment and promotion in the trade sector in the 1930s; for example, some store managers opposed women's promotion by arguing that women's family obligations would hinder their dependability. See Tov. Moroz, "Podgotovit" novye kadry prodavtsov," Trud 1 Jan (1935): 2; Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," 3.
241. As scholars have shown, this essentialized view of women affected the hiring, retention, advancement, and acceptance of women workers in the 1920s. See Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia," 1442; Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 109-18; and Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 157-60. Such a perspective appears to have adversely affected women's employment and promotion in the trade sector in the 1930s; for example, some store managers opposed women's promotion by arguing that women's family obligations would hinder their dependability. See Tov. Moroz, "Podgotovit" novye kadry prodavtsov," Trud 1 Jan (1935): 2; Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," 3.
242. As scholars have shown, this essentialized view of women affected the hiring, retention, advancement, and acceptance of women workers in the 1920s. See Koenker, "Men against Women on the Shop Floor in Early Soviet Russia," 1442; Goldman, Women, the State and Revolution, 109-18; and Wood, The Baba and the Comrade, 157-60. Such a perspective appears to have adversely affected women's employment and promotion in the trade sector in the 1930s; for example, some store managers opposed women's promotion by arguing that women's family obligations would hinder their dependability. See Tov. Moroz, "Podgotovit" novye kadry prodavtsov," Trud 1 Jan (1935): 2; Vasil'evna, "Piat' let v odnom sel'po," 3.