The sociology and political economy of "Islamic terrorism" in Egypt

Terrorism and Political Violence

Volumn 15, Issue 4, 2003, Pages 114-142

  Alam, Anwar ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 3042659943     PISSN: 09546553     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09546550390449917     Document Type: Review

References (57)

1. The term Islamic terrorism is not synonymous to Islamic fundamentalism/neo-fundamentalism/revivalism/resurgence/radicalism/exterimism/ conservatism. Each terminology has a specific connotation. None of the terms connote that terrorism is inherent in the ideological structure of Islam. Second, all fundamentalist organizations are not necessarily terrorist organizations and vice-versa. However, militant fundamentalist organizations retain the tendency to degenerate into a terrorist outfit depending upon the context and its nature of evolution. Here Islamic terrorism only refers to the 'violent acts committed by a group for the particular political ends in the name of Islam'. For a discussion of the problem of defining terrorism, see Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism (New York: Columbia University Press 1998) pp.13-44.
2. Nachman Tal, 'Islamic Terrorism in Egypt: The Challenge and Response', Strategic Assessment 1/2 (March 1998) p.2.
3. Hisham Mubarak, 'What does the Gamma'a Islammiya Want? An Interview with Talat al-Fuad Qasim', in Joel Beinin and Joe Stork (eds.), Political Islam: Essays From Middle East Report (London: I.B. Tauris 1997) p.320.
4. For details, see Mamoun Fandy, 'Egypt's Islamic Group: Regional Revenge?', Middle Eastern Journal 48/4 (Autumn 1994) pp.607-8.
5. Eberhard Kienle, A Grand Delusion: Democracy and Economic Reform in Egypt (London: I.B. Tauris 2001) p.132.
6. Nazih Ayubi, Political Islam: Religion and Polity in the Arab World (London: Routledge 1991) p. 164.
7. See Gaurav Datt, Dean Jolliffe and Manohar Sharma 'What Do We Know About Poverty in Egypt? An Analysis of Household Survey Data for 1997', International Food Policy Research Institute (Washington DC: 1997) pp.29-32.
8. For details, see Jeffrey A. Nedoroscik, 'Extremist Groups in Egypt',Terrorism and Political Violence 14/2 (Summer 2002) pp.68-73.
9. Ibid. p.68.
10. I b i d.
11. Ayubi (note 6) p.165.
12. On the intermediary role of the rural middle class, see Leonard Binder, In a Momemt of Enthusiasm: Political Power and the Second Stratum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1978).
13. Alian Roussillion, 'Republican Egypt Interpreted: Revolution and Beyond', in Martin W. Daly (ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt: Vol 2: Modern Egypt from 1517 to the End of the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998) pp.334-93.
14. See John Waterbury, Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy Of Two Regimes (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1983).
15. For details, see Hamied Ansari, Egypt: The Stalled Society (Albany: State University of New York Press 1986) pp.97-140.
16. Ibid, pp.195-209.
17. See Robert Spring Borg, 'State-Society Relations in Egypt: The Debate Over Owner-Tenant Relations', The Middle East Journal 45/2 (Spring 1991) p.245.
18. Fandy (note 4) p.614.
19. Ibid. p.620.
20. I b i d.
21. Quoted in Ibid. p.620.
22. Quoted in Ibid. p.621.
23. Sheikh Rifa'eh Ahmed Taha, 'An Official From Jama'a Islamiya States: The Islamic State in Egypt is Approaching', (www.islam.org.au) Taha pp.2-3.
24. Rifaat Sid Ahmed, 'The Islamists, the Regime and Terrorism', Middle East Affairs Journal 2/1 (Spring/Summer) pp.71-82.
25. Fandy (note 4) p.609.
26. I b i d.
27. Nedoroscik (note 8) p.63.
28. See Stanely Reed, 'The Battle For Egypt', Foreign Affairs 72/4 (Sept.-Oct.1993) p.102.
29. For details, see Raymond William Baker, Sadat and After: Struggles for Egypt's Political Soul (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press 1990) pp.243-70.
30. Ansari (note 25) p.131.
31. Taha (note 23) p.4.
32. Nedorosick (note 8) p.63.
33. Fandy (note 4) p.610.
34. Taha (note 25) p.5.
35. Fandy (note 4) p.610.
36. In addition to Sai'di urban areas, Islamists have established clinics in the poor sections of Cairo, predominantly inhabited by Saidis. Based on her field research, Janine Astrid Clark found that up to 35 per cent of the cases treated in some Islamic clinics are Christian. See, Janine Astrid Clark, 'The Role of Islamic Grassroots in the Process of Democratization in Egypt: a Case Study of Health Clinics in Cairo', Paper presented at the 1993 MESA Conference, Research Triangle Park, North Carolina Nov. 1993.
37. Fandy (note 4) p.619.
38. See Ayubi (note 6) p.169.
39. Deborah Pugh, 'Upper Egypt', The Christian Science Monitor (May 1994) pp.12-13.
40. See Kienle (note 5) pp.134-5.
41. Ibid. p.93.
42. Johan Galtung defines cultural violence as 'those aspects of culture, the symbolic sphere of our existence - exemplified by religion and ideology, language and art, empirical and formal science (logic, mathematics) - that can be used to justify or legitimize direct or structural violence. See Johan Galtung, 'Cultural Violence', Journal of Peace Research 27/3 (1990) pp.291-305.
43. World Bank Developmental Handbook Report (Washington DC 1994) p.162.
44. Ibid. 174.
45. Government of Egypt, Institute of National Planning, Egypt: Human Development Report 1996 (Cairo, 1996) pp.29-32.
46. P. W. Cardiff, The 1995/1996 Household Income, Expenditure and Consumption Survey, Final Analysis Report (USAID and US Bureau of Census, 1997).
47. Kienle (note 5) p.149.
48. Ray Bush, 'Land Reform and Counter Revolution', in Ray Bush (ed.), CounterRevolution in Egypt's Countryside: Land and Farmers in the Era of Economic Reform (London: Zed Books 2002) p.16.
49. Land Centre for Human Rights, Cairo, 'Farmer Struggle Against Law 96 of 1992', in Bush (note 50)p. 134. For the implication of law 96 and its devastating impact on Sai'dis, see, Ray Bush (note 50) particularly chs 7,8.
50. Reem Saad, 'Egyptian Politics and the Tenancy Law', in Bush (note 50)p.116.
51. Bush (note 50)p.18.
52. Copts are Egypt's largest religious minority, constituting at least 10 per cent of the population or about 6 million out of 64 million. Most Copts live in Upper Egypt, the largest community being in the province of Asiyut. They also tend to concentrate in bigger cities and towns such as Cairo, Alexandria, Asiyut, Minya and Sohag. They are represented in all social classes in Egypt, with a considerable number in the middle and upper classes. See Saad Eddin Ibrahim, The Copts of Egypt (London: Minority Rights Group 1996).
53. Kienle (note 5) p.135.
54. Taha (note 23) pp.7-8.
55. Ibid. p.3.
56. Kienle (note 5) p.135.
57. Mubarak (note 3)p.321.