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As made, for example, by Ackerman who asserts that the seriousness of the present terrorist threat is such as to go beyond the criminal law. B. Ackerman, 'The Emergency Constitution' (2004) 113 Yale Law J. 1029-91, at 1034.
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R. Dworkin, 'Terror and the Attack on Civil Liberties' (2003) 50 New York Rev. of Books
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S. Schulhofer, 'Liberty and Security After September 11' (2003) 14 American Prospect
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See, for example, articles in the special issue of the Harvard J. of Law and Public Policy (2002), especially those by Dinh and Heymann. See, also
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See, for example, articles in the special issue of the Harvard J. of Law and Public Policy (2002), especially those by Dinh and Heymann. See, also, D. Cole and J.D. Cole, Terrorism and the Constitution: Sacrificing Civil Liberties in the Name of National Security (2002);
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Notoriously in the case of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice 1993, the balancing of interests was advanced as a key justification for the recommendations made, though little attention was given to what exactly was being balanced or in whose interests
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Cm. 2263
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Notoriously in the case of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice 1993, the balancing of interests was advanced as a key justification for the recommendations made, though little attention was given to what exactly was being balanced or in whose interests. Report of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice (1993; Cm. 2263).
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Report of the Royal Commission on Criminal Justice
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17
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28844504292
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On the means by which balancing might be subject to 'a more rigorous and structured approach
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see A. Ashworth, ch. 3, 'Taking a "Balanced" View of the Public Interest'
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Human Rights, Serious Crime and Criminal Procedure
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Freedom and security after september 11
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V. Dinh, 'Freedom and Security after September 11' (2002) 25 Harvard J. of Law and Public Policy 399-406;
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Dinh, V.1
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Dworkin, op. cit. (2002), n. 5.
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A definition that Fenwick condemns as 'immensely broad and imprecise',at 734
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A definition that Fenwick condemns as 'immensely broad and imprecise'. H. Fenwick, "The Anti-Terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001: A Proportionate Response to 11 September?' (2002) 65 Modern Law Rev. 724-62, at 734.
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Home Office press release 'Broadening powers to tackle extremism' (118/2005, 5 August 2005)
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Home Office press release 'Broadening powers to tackle extremism' (118/2005, 5 August 2005) at 〈http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/〉.
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28844477913
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5 August 2005
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PM's press conference, 5 August 2005, at 〈www.direct.gov.uk〉
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PM's Press Conference
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col. 394 (15 March)
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P. O'Malley, 'Risk, Power, and Crime Prevention' (1992) 21 Economy and Society 252-75;
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Dangerousness and Criminal Justice
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P. Heymann, 'Civil Liberties and Human Rights in the Aftermath of September 11' (2002) 25 Harvard J. of Law and Public Policy 441-56;
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note
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A counterview, put to me by Timothy Endicott, is that Rawls's original position might actually lead us to sacrifice others if the odds are sufficiently good of our escaping the burdens we license. A stronger claim might therefore be that we ought not, as a matter of principle, to tolerate such sacrifice.
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For example, the concept of Human Security widens the security agenda beyond national security and the military defence of state boundaries. Human Security fuses ideas from international relations and development studies to foster a new focus on people rather than states. UN Commission on Human Security, Human Security Now (2003).
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Human Security Now
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Take, for example, the government's willingness to contemplate deporting terrorist suspects to countries known to engage in torture in contravention of Article 3: Up to now, the concern has been that orders for deportation will be struck down as contrary to article 3 of the ECHR ⋯ in view of the changed conditions in Britain. Should legal obstacles arise, we will legislate further, including, if necessary amending the Human Rights Act, in respect of the interpretation of the ECHR. Prime Minister's statement on anti-terror measures, 5 August 2005.
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L. Lazarus, Contrasting Prisoners' Rights (2004) 133-46, 163-91. Take, for example, the government's willingness to contemplate deporting terrorist suspects to countries known to engage in torture in contravention of Article 3: Up to now, the concern has been that orders for deportation will be struck down as contrary to article 3 of the ECHR ⋯ in view of the changed conditions in Britain. Should legal obstacles arise, we will legislate further, including, if necessary amending the Human Rights Act, in respect of the interpretation of the ECHR. Prime Minister's statement on anti-terror measures, 5 August 2005.
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For the United States debate, see Ackerman
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The anti-emergency constitution
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On the question of effectiveness, see, also, Thomas
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P. Roberts, 'Privacy, Autonomy and Criminal Justice Rights: Philosophical Preliminaries', eds. P. Alldridge and C. Brants
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ECHR Article 8 1. 'Everyone has the right to respect for his private and family life, his home and his correspondence.' P. Roberts, 'Privacy, Autonomy and Criminal Justice Rights: Philosophical Preliminaries' in Personal Autonomy: the Private Sphere and Criminal Law: a comparative study, eds. P. Alldridge and C. Brants (2001).
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Katyal, N.1
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An alternative approach offered by Feldman is to distinguish categorically between legal characteristics of acts of crime and of war, to which end he outlines four defining criteria: identity, provenance, intentionality, and scale by which to determine the appropriate legal domain. Feldman, op. cit., n. 71.
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Feldman1
|