Elections and the normalization of politics in Indonesia

South East Asia Research

Volumn 13, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 117-156

  Aspinall, Edward ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

Author keywords

Democratization; Elections; Indonesia; Money politics; Political parties

Indexed keywords

DEMOCRATIZATION; ELECTION; LEGISLATION; PARTY POLITICS;

ASIA; EASTERN HEMISPHERE; EURASIA; INDONESIA; SOUTHEAST ASIA; WORLD;

EID: 24044536112     PISSN: 0967828X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.5367/0000000054604515     Document Type: Article

References (83)

1. This article is based on a paper presented to the Indonesia Update conference at the Australian National University on 24 September 2004. A shorter version of the paper is to be published as 'Political Update 2004: Indonesia's year of elections and the end of the political transition' in The Politics and Economics of Indonesia's Natural Resources, edited by Budy Resosudarmo and published by the Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs, Singapore. Several paragraphs of the present essay are taken from that version. My thanks go to Ken Ward, Greg Fealy, Marcus Mietzner and an anonymous reviewer for this journal for their comments on earlier drafts, and to Marcus Mietzner for his hospitality and input during visits to Jakarta.
2. That is, if we count the chair of the MPR, People's Consultative Assembly, held by Amien Rais between 1999 and 2004, as a governmental post.
3. Taylor, R. H. (1996), 'Introduction: Elections and politics in Southeast Asia', in Taylor, R. H., ed, The Politics of Elections in Southeast Asia, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, and Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, pp 1-11, 8.
4. Anderson, B. R. (1996), 'Elections and participation in three Southeast Asian countries', in Taylor, R. H., ed, The Politics of Elections in Southeast Asia, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, and Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, pp 12-33, 14.
5. On this dynamic, see Aspinall, E. (2005), Opposing Suharto: Compromise, Resistance and Regime Change in Indonesia, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, pp 202-238.
6. Liddle, R. W. (1999), 'Indonesia's democratic opening', Government and Opposition, Vol 34, No 1, pp 94-116, 111.
7. There is a rich and varied scholarly literature on these interrelated phenonema. On local bossism alone, see for example Benedict, R., and Anderson, O'G. (1990), 'Murder and progress in modern Siam', New Left Review, Vol 181;
8. McVey, R., ed (2000), Money and Power in Provincial Thailand, University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu;
9. Sidel, J. T. (1999), Capital, Coercion and Crime: Bossism in the Philippines, Stanford University Press, Stanford, KY;
10. Sidel, J. T. (2004), 'Bossism and democracy in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia: towards an alternative framework for the study of "local strongmen"', in Harriss, J., Stokke, K., and Tornquist, O., eds, Politicising Democracy: The New Local Politics of Democratisation, Palgrave-Macmillan, Basingstoke, pp 51-74.
11. Kerkvliet, B. J. T. (1996), 'Contested meanings of elections in the Philippines', in Taylor, R. H., ed, The Politics of Elections in Southeast Asia, Woodrow Wilson Center Press, and Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York, pp 136-163, 138-139.
12. Connors, M. K. (1999), 'Political reform and the state in Thailand', Journal of Contemporary Asia, Vol 29, No 2, pp 202-226, 204.
13. See various articles in McCargo, D., ed (2002), Reforming Thai Politics, Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen.
14. See, for instance, Basri, F. (2004), 'Perlu "Bedah Drastis" untuk Memperbaiki Ekonomi', Kompas, 2 August.
15. 'Gejala Deindustrialisasi?' Kompas, 26 January 2004.
16. 'Pengurangan Pekerja Sektor Formal Sangat Mencemaskan', Kompas, 29 June 2004.
17. Hadiz, V. R. (2003), 'Power and politics in North Sumatra: the uncompleted reformasi', in Aspinall, E., and Fealy, G., eds, Local Power and Politics in Indonesia: Decentralisation and Democratisation, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp 119-131, 191.
18. 'Bela Korupsi di DPRD, Akbar Dikecam ICW', Jawa Pos, 1 September 2004.
19. '69 councillors to be grilled over graft allegation', Jakarta Post, 22 September 2004.
20. 'Korupsi Dana APBD Rp 454 Miliar', Jawa Pos, 18 September 2004.
21. For two recent case studies on the PDI-P at the local level, see Amrih Widodo (2003), 'Changing the cultural landscape of local politics in post-authoritarian Indonesia: the view from Blora, Central Java', in Aspinall, E., and Fealy, G., eds, Local Power and Politics in Indonesia: Decentralisation and Democratisation, Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs, Singapore, pp 179-193;
22. Nankyung Choi (2004), 'Local elections and party politics in post- Reformasi Indonesia: a view from Yogyakarta', Contemporary Southeast Asia, Vol 26, No 2, pp 280-301.
23. McIntyre, A. (1997), In Search of Megawati Sukarnoputri, Working Paper No 103, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria.
24. Golkar did especially well in Sulawesi, with about 44% in south Sulawesi, 37% in south-east Sulawesi, and 53% in Gorontalo.
25. This observation accords with the findings of one study, which suggests that it was primarily career civil servants who were appointed as mayors and bupati in the immediate post-Suharto years: Malley, M. S. (2003), 'New rules, old structures and the limits of democratic decentralisation', in Aspinall, E., and Fealy, G., eds, Local Power and Politics in Indonesia: Decentralisation and Democratisation, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp 102-116. I am grateful to the reviewer for South East Asia Research for suggesting this point.
26. Fealy, G. (2001), 'Creating 'total Muslims': the Tarbiyah movement and Islamic neo-revivalism in Indonesia', paper presented to Indonesia Council Open Conference, 10-11 July, Melbourne University;
27. Furkon, A. M. (2004), Partai Keadilan Sejahtera: Ideologi dan Praksis Politik Kaum Muda Muslim Indonesia Kontemporer, Teraju, Jakarta Selatan.
28. Perlez, J. (2004), 'Indonesian Islamist party is quietly gaining ground', International Herald Tribune, 7 April.
29. Furkon, supra note 22, at p 234.
30. Furkon, supra note 22, at p 235.
31. Fealy, G., and Bubalo, A. (2005), 'Joining the caravan? The Middle East, Islamism and Indonesia', Lowy Institute for International Policy, Sydney.
32. McCargo, D. (1997), Chamlong Srimuang and the New Thai Politics, St. Martin's Press, New York, pp 150-151.
33. 'PKS: Indonesia Masih Punya Harapan', Kompas, 31 March 2004.
34. This is an argument I develop at a little greater length in Aspinall, supra note 5, at pp 269-273.
35. McCargo, D. (1997), 'Thailand's political parties: real, authentic and actual', in Hewison, K., ed, Political Change in Thailand: Democracy and Participation, Routledge, London and New York, p 125. Eventually, of course, Palang Dharma turned to the former policeman and businessman, Thaksin Shinawatra.
36. Collins, E.F., and Ihsan Ali Fauzi (2005), 'Islam and democracy!' Inside Indonesia, No 81, pp 21-22.
37. Feith, H. (1962), The Decline of Constitutional Democracy in Indonesia, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY.
38. For one discussion of attitudes toward Abdurrahman Wahid in this regard, see Fealy, G. (2001), 'Abdurrahman Wahid and the al-Khidr question', in Kingsbury, D., ed, The Presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid: An Assessment of the First Year, Monash Annual Indonesia Lecture Series, Monash Asia Institute, Clayton, Victoria.
39. For an elaboration of this argument see Aspinall, E. (2002), 'The downfall of President Abdurrahman Wahid: a return to authoritarianism?' in Robinson, K., and Bessell, S., eds, Women in Indonesia: Gender, Equity and Development, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp 28-40.
40. Crouch, H. (2003), 'Political update 2002: Megawati's holding operation', in Aspinall, E., and Fealy, G., eds, Local Power and Politics in Indonesia: Decentralisation and Democratisation, Institute of Southeast Asian Affairs, Singapore, pp 15-34.
41. Immediately after the downfall of President Suharto, Silalahi was accused of involvement in various corrupt schemes during the time when he was Secretary-General of the Department of Mining (see for example, Xpos, No 33/I/15-21, August 1998).
42. Tempo, 18 April 2004, pp 25-26.
43. 'Partai Demokrat, Kendaraan Politik untuk Yudhoyono', Kompas, 18 April 2002.
44. Even by the end of the year, there were signs that party discipline was beginning to break down at the local level in response to the dominant culture of money politics that permeated regional legislatures. For example, in September the PKS nominee was defeated by a Golkar candidate in the contest for speaker of the Jakarta DPRD, after the 'leakage' of at least three votes of Partai Demokrat members.
45. I am thankful to Nezar Patria for suggesting this point.
46. 'Megawati Soekarnoputri Ingin Langgengkan Kekuasaannya', Kompas, 23 March 2004.
47. 'Perubahan tidak Identik dengan Ganti Pemimpin', Media Indonesia, 8 September 2004.
48. See, for instance, 'Indonesians miss Suharto rule', Straits Times, 1 October 2003.
49. '"Good morning", Selamat Pagi, Partai Golkar Menguasai Sehari', Kompas, 22 April 2004.
50. For instance, his success team included the retired Lieutenant Generals Suaidi Marasabessy and Fachrul Razi, who, at the height of the transition period, had frequently been accused of aiding violent Islamist groups such as the Islamic Defenders' Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) and of helping to foment violence in Maluku. See, for example, Gamma, 30 October 2001.
51. See, for example, 'Wiranto Janjikan Rasa Aman', Media Indonesia, 11 June 2004.
52. 'Makin Simpang Siur, Manuver Politisi Mencari Mitra Koalisi', Kompas, 29 April 2004.
53. As he put it in one media interview: 'I also wish to see Indonesia have a military that is modern, has a competitive battle capacity and is professional', in 'Amien Rais: Reformasi Memang Belum Selesai', Kompas, 4 June 2004.
54. I owe this point to Salim Said.
55. Crouch, supra note 35, at, p 17.
56. The chief exception was that negotiations for alliances between the modernist end of the Islamic spectrum (Amien Rais and PAN, as well as PKS) with the Megawati/PDI-P secular nationalist camp apparently did not take place.
57. 'Warga PKB Jatim Bingung Berkoalisi dengan Golkar', Kompas, 4 June 2004.
58. 'Platform PDI-P dengan Partai Golkar Sama', Kompas, 20 July 2004.
59. '"Red Cabarnet" atau "Blue Curacao" Pilihan Sulit buat Partai Golkar', Kompas, 20 July 2004.
60. For one example, see Sukardi Rinakit, 'Kemenangan Popularitas', Kompas, 7 July 2004.
61. 'Megawati Dengar Lagu Rock kalau Sedang Marah', Analisa, 24 August 2004.
62. Derwin Pereira, 'Can Mega charm her way to victory in time?' Straits Times, 14 September 2004.
63. See, for example, comments by the Indonesia Corruption Watch in 'Indikasi Politik Uang Terjadi pada Capres', Kompas, 18 June 2004,
64. and 'Semua Capres Lakukan Politik Uang', Kompas, 30 June 2004.
65. Tempo, 18 July 2004, p 54.
66. For example, TNI buses were used to ferry thousands of people to the Al Zaytun pesantren in West Java, where 99.8% of them voted for Wiranto.
67. Callahan, W. A., and McCargo, D. (1996), 'Vote-buying in Thailand's northeast: the July 1995 general election', Asian Survey, Vol 36, No 4, pp 376-392.
68. Pasuk Phongpaichit and Chris Baker (2004), Thaksin: The Business of Politics in Thailand, Silkworm Books, Chiang Mai, p 88.
69. A more earthy example: the Jakarta Post (6 July 2004) reports that a person who was offering residents rupiah 25 thousand to vote for an unnamed candidate was 'beaten up by supporters of a major party' in Kedunglumbu, Solo.
70. Hadiz, supra note 14.
71. 'Jadi Caleg Memang Mahal', Kompas, 20 February 2004.
72. 'Caleg PKB-PPP Dipungut Infak Ratusan Juta', Media Indonesia, 12 November 2003.
73. '80% Anggota DPRD Aceh Selatan Didominasi Kontraktor', Waspada, 4 September 2004.
74. Devi Asmarani, 'Behind the Wiranto-Akbar alliance', Straits Times, 18 June 2004.
75. Devi Asmarani, 'Megawati's Party Power,' Straits Times, 14 September 2004.
76. 'Setelah Dukung Wiranto, PKB Banyak Punya Utang', Media Indonesia, 20 August 2004. This paragraph benefited from discussions with Marcus Mietzner.
77. Hedman, E.-L., and Sidel, J. T. (2000), Philippine Politics and Society in the Twentieth Century, Colonial Legacies, Post-Colonial Trajectories, Routledge, London and New York, p 177. Hedman and Sidel refer specifically to the narrow defeat of the anti-corruption campaigner Miriam Defensor Santiago in 1992 and the victory in 1998 of the populist movie star, Joseph Estrada.
78. Geertz, C. (1959), 'The Javanese village', in Skinner, G. W., ed, Local, Ethnic and National Loyalties in Village Indonesia, Yale University Cultural Report Series, New Haven, CT, pp 34-41;
79. Geertz, C. (1960), The Religion of Java, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL.
80. The reviewer for South East Asia Research has my thanks for suggesting this point.
81. Moh. Mahfud MD (2004), 'Pilihan Politik PKB', Kompas, 7 June.
82. Asfar, M. (2004), 'Di Balik Pergeseran Suara NU-PKB', Suara Merdeka, 7 July.
83. The formation of the cabinet in both style and substance accorded with the post-Suharto pattern. An intense period of uncertainty and bargaining preceded its announcement, while the final composition was itself not too dissimilar to the 'rainbow cabinets' previously headed by Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati. Although it included a fair number of respected professionals and technocrats, it retained former military men in the major security-related posts (with the exception of the Minister of Defence, Juwono Sudarsono) and a large representation of leaders from Golkar and the major Islamic parties (with the exception of PKS, whose leaders ultimately decided to refuse cabinet posts).