The lack of security cooperation between Southeast Asia and Japan: Yen Yes, Pax Nippon No

Asian Survey

Volumn 45, Issue 2, 2005, Pages 216-240

  Leavitt, Sandra R ^a  

^a GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; REGIONAL SECURITY;

ASIA; EASTERN HEMISPHERE; EURASIA; FAR EAST; JAPAN; SOUTHEAST ASIA; WORLD;

EID: 19444379901     PISSN: 00044687     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1525/as.2005.45.2.216     Document Type: Article

References (65)

1. Capacity includes technological sophistication, economic and education levels, and military organization and resources.
2. ASEAN was founded in 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, and Singapore. Brunei Darussalam joined in 1984. Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar, and Cambodia were added between 1995 and 1999.
3. Kenneth Hunt, "Japan and Asian Security," The Impact of Japan in Asia (Brussels: Centre d'Etude du Sud-Est Asiatique et de l'Extrème-Orient, 1970), p. 83.
4. Today, America has more Southeast Asian ports of call than during the Cold War. Military ties between the U.S. and East and Southeast Asian allies have been reinforced. Even Vietnam and America engage in low-level military cooperation and dialogue.
5. "Conference on Nation Building to Be Held Tuesday at SAIS," JHU Gazette, The Johns Hopkins University, April 12, 2004, .
6. Chong-ki Choi, Peace and Stability in Northeast Asia: Achieving International Order Without Violence (Seoul: Korean Institute of International Studies, 1985), p. D.
7. David Kruger and Murray Hiebert, "Japan: Battered but Still on Top, Far Eastern Economic Review, January 24, 2002, .
8. Richard D. Leitch, Jr., Akira Kato, and Martin E. Weinstein, Japan's Role in the Post-Cold War World (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1996), p. 29.
9. Ibid., p. 83.
10. Thalif Deen, "Japan Battles for Big Power Status at UN," Global Policy Forum, July 18, 2000, .
11. See G. John Ikenberry, After Victory: Institutions, Strategic Restraint, and the Rebuilding of Order after Major Wars (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001).
12. Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, "Complex Interdependence," in International Politics: Enduring Concepts and Contemporary Issues, eds. Robert C. Art and Robert Jervis (New York: Addison Wesley Longman, 2000), pp. 229-43.
13. Chapter 2 ("Renunciation of War"), Article 9, of Japan's Constitution reads: "Aspiring sincerely to an international peace based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right of belligerency of the state will not be recognized." See .
14. Matthew J. Gilley, "Japan's Developing Military Potential within the Context of Its Constitutional Renunciation of War," Emory International Law Review 14 (Fall 2000), p. 1716.
15. Indeed, an alternative explanation to the low level of military cooperation may be that Southeast Asian decision makers believe that Japan is too constrained by its Constitution and therefore would not be a reliable security partner.
16. For the text of the 1960 treaty, see "Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security Between Japan and the United States of America," .
17. For discussion of the revised guidelines, see David J. Richardson, "U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation: Possibilities for Regional Stability," Parameters (Summer 2000), pp. 94-104, .
18. The ARF includes the 10 ASEAN members as well as Australia, Canada, China, the European Union, India, Japan, North Korea, South Korea, Mongolia, New Zealand, Pakistan, Papua New Guinea, the Russian Federation, and the United States. See .
19. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, . Chairman's statement of 10th ASEAN Regional Forum, Phnom Penh, June, 18, 2003
20. I b i d.
21. Sueo Sudo, The International Relations of Japan and South East Asia: Forging a New Regionalism (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 110.
22. The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere encompassed Japan's policy toward its Asian neighbors. Couched in terms of peaceful and mutually beneficial engagement, its primary mechanism was economic; the means of achieving it were military. Japan sought access to Southeast Asia's inexpensive labor and natural resources.
23. Derek de Cunha, ed., Southeast Asian Perspectives on Security (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000), p. 43.
24. Leitch, Kato, and Weinstein, Japan's Role, pp. 66-67.
25. See Jeffrey K. Olick, ed., States of Memory: Continuities, Conflicts, and Transformations in National Retrospection (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003);
26. and Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Remembrance: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1994).
27. Gerrit W. Gong, Remembering and Forgetting: The Legacy of War and Peace in East Asia (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic International Studies, 1996).
28. Sueo Sudo, The International Relations of Japan and South East Asia, p. 54.
29. Also see K. Saito and Y. Ishikawa, "A Measured Approach to the Issue of Japan's War Responsibility," Japan Echo, vol. 27, 2000, pp. 45-49.
30. Chien-peng Chung, "Southeast Asian Perceptions of Major Power Relations in Northeast Asia, Global Beat (Washington, D.C.: East Asian Security Pacific Forum, Center for Security and International Studies), July 28, 2000, .
31. Both the JSDF and JCG have "peace and security" as their general mandates, are equipped for combat, and are considered by Japan as necessary for national security. The JSDF reports to the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) and is a military organization; the JCG reports to the Department of Transportation and is a law enforcement entity. In the U.S., the Coast Guard, considered a fifth branch of the military, similarly reported to Transportation until recently, when it was reassigned to the Department of Homeland Security. See A. D. Baker III, The Naval Institute Guide to Combat Fleets of the World 2002-2003 (Annapolis, Md.: Naval Institute Press, 2002), pp. 441-43, 1045.
32. Defense of Japan, vols. 1997-2003 (Tokyo: JDA).
33. Dennis Van Vranken Hickey, The Armies of East Asia: China, Taiwan, Japan, and the Koreas (Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 37.
34. Ibid., p. 38.
35. Ibid., p. 60.
36. Defense of Japan-1999;
37. and Defense of Japan-1997, p. 102.
38. Defense of Japan-1997, p. 171.
39. George W. Bush, The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, September 2002, .
40. For a summary of world reaction, see Physicians for Social Responsibility, "The Bush Doctrine: Preemption and Dominance," October 2002, .
41. Hickey, The Armies of East Asia, p. 43.
42. Ibid., p. 44.
43. Anthony Faiola, "Japan Will Send 1,000 Soldiers to Iraq," Washington Post, December 9, 2003.
44. Suvendrini Kakuchi, "Security-Japan: Jittery over North Korea, East Asian Tensions," Inter Press Service (Tokyo), August 5, 1999.
45. See, for example, .
46. The Military Balance: 2002-2003 (London: International Institute for Strategic Studies, Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 151-52.
47. Paridah Samad, "Malaysia-Japan Relations: Economic and Political Dimensions," in Japanese Influences and Presences in Asia, eds., Marie Söderberg and Ian Reader (Surrey, U.K.: Curzon Press, 2000), pp. 225, 231-32.
48. Chung, "Southeast Asian Perceptions."
49. I b i d.
50. "Like offensive realists, defensive realists believe that relative material capabilities are the most important variable in international politics, but they also maintain that beliefs about intentions can influence the behavior of states. Even powerful states can cooperate with each other if they can credibly indicate their benign intentions" (emphasis added). David M. Edelstein, "Managing Uncertainty: Beliefs about Intentions and the Rise of Great Powers, Security Studies 12:1 (Autumn 2002), p. 1.
51. While Prime Ministers Kaifu and Hosokawa both offered "sincere contrition" for Japan's aggressions and abuses in Asia, some conservative political and business leaders have stated publicly that the Nanjing Massacre in China never happened. See Sudo, The International Relations of Japan and South East Asia, p. 55.
52. Mayumi Itoh, "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations: Perception Gaps, Legacy of World War II, and Economic Diplomacy," paper presented at the 1995 Asian Studies on the Pacific Coast Conference, Pacific University, Forest Grove, Oregon, U.S.A., June 16-18, 1995, p. 5.
53. Sudo, The International Relations of Japan and South East Asia, p. 102.
54. "Bid to Counter U.S. Influence in South East Asia: China, Russia, India Want Strategic Partnership with ASEAN," Associated Foreign Press (Phnom Penb), June 19, 2003, .
55. ASEAN, "United States," ;
56. U.S. Department of State, "Foreign Military Training and DoD Engagement Activities of Interest: Joint Report to Congress" (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Political-Military Affairs, 2002);
57. Government of Japan, "National Defense Program Guidelines, FY 2005" (Tokyo: National Security Council and the Cabinet), December 10, 2004.
58. Naoto Yagi, "CBMs in East Asia: Efforts to Avoid the Worst Case," in Stimson Quarterly Update on East Asian Security II:2 (Spring 2003), .
59. Michael May, Celeste Johnson, Edward Fei, and Tatsujiro Susuki, "Energy and Security in East Asia," working paper commissioned for the Northeast Asia Cooperation Dialogue, Beijing, January 8-10, 1996, .
60. Joanne Meyers, "Resource Wars: The New Landscape of Global Conflict," speech at Carnegie Council Books for Breakfast Series (New York: Carnegie Council), May 22, 2001;
61. Hideaki Kaneda, "Regional Assessment of Northeast Asia: Pursuing a Maritime Security Coalition in the Asia-Pacific Region," paper presented at the American-Pacific Sealanes Security Institute Conference on Maritime Security in Asia (Honolulu: Center for Strategic and International Studies), January 18-20, 2004.
62. Michael Donnelly and Richard Stubbs, "Japan and Southeast Asia: Facing an Uncertain Future," in Southeast Asia in the New World Order: Political Economy of a Dynamic Region, eds. David Wurfel and Bruce Burton (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1996), p. 30.
63. Dennis Blair, "U.S. Security Policy in Asia and the Pacific: The View from Pacific Command," statements before the Committee on International Relations, U.S. House of Representatives, 107th Congress, second session (Washington, D.C.: U.S. government, February 27, 2002), serial no. 107-76, p. 5, .
64. Ibid., p. 1.
65. Udai Bhanu Singh, "Major Powers and the Security of Southeast Asia," Strategic Analysis: Columbia International Affairs Online 24:2 (May 2000), .