ZANU(PF) strategies in general elections, 1980-2000: Discourse and coercion

African Affairs

Volumn 104, Issue 414, 2005, Pages 1-34

  Kriger, Norma ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ELECTION; POLITICAL VIOLENCE;

AFRICA; EASTERN HEMISPHERE; SOUTHERN AFRICA; SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA; WORLD; ZIMBABWE;

EID: 14844312871     PISSN: 00019909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/afraf/adi016     Document Type: Review

References (268)

1. William H. Shaw, 'Towards the one-party state in Zimbabwe: a study in African political thought',Journal of Modern African Studies 24 3 (1986), p. 376 citing Prime Minister Mugabe as quoted in The Herald, 18 January 1982.
2. See footnotes 11-13, 60-66, 110-113, 149-156, 180-186.
3. For an overview of the 1980 election, see Liisa Laakso, Voting Without Choosing: State making and elections in Zimbabwe. Acta Politica No. 11 (Department of Political Science, University of Helsinki, 1999), pp. 36-45, 47-52.
4. The Report of the Commonwealth Observer Group on Elections Leading to Independent Zimbabwe: Southern Rhodesia elections, February 1980 (Commonwealth Secretariat, London February 1980), p. 31;
5. Report by the Group of Independent British Observers Appointed by the United Kingdom Government: The Rhodesian election 1980, in Report of the Election Commissioner Sir John Boynton, MC: Southern Rhodesia independence elections 1980, Cmd. 7935 (HMSO, London, 1980), p. 12.
6. Report of Commonwealth Observer Group, pp. 31-33, 35.
7. Ibid. p. 11 The ceasefire agreement provided for each guerrilla army to send its forces that were inside the country at the time of the cease-fire into 16 assembly places - four were located in the center of the country, the rest were in the rural areas. The guerrillas were to gather in these assembly places with their arms and under their commanders.
8. For contention over the assembly process during the ceasefire negotiations, see Norma Kriger, Guerrilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe: Symbolic and violent politics, 1980-1987 (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2003), pp. 43-45.
9. For the orchestrated cross-border infiltration of ZANLA guerrillas in violation of the cease-fire and the failure of large numbers of ZANLA guerrillas to assemble, see Susan Elizabeth Rice, 'Commonwealth initiative in Zimbabwe, 1979-1980: Implication for International Peacekeeping', Ph.D. thesis (Oxford University, 1990), pp. 61, 83, 161-2, 200-1;
10. Report of British Ministry of Defence on the Commonwealth Monitoring Force (n.d.), pp. 25-6, 68;
11. Josephine Nhongo-Simbanegavi, 'Zimbabwe women in the liberation struggle: ZANLA and its legacy, 1972-1985', Ph.D. Thesis (Oxford University, 1997), p. 262.
12. Report by Group of Independent British Observers, p. 13
13. Ibid., p. 11.
14. Norma Kriger, Guerrilla Veterans in Post-War Zimbabwe, pp. 75-7.
15. Lionel Cliffe, Joshua Mpofu, and Barry Munslow, 'Nationalist politics in Zimbabwe: The 1980 elections and beyond', Review of African Political Economy 18 (1980), pp. 44-67;
16. Tony Rich, 'Legacies of the past? The results of the 1980 election in Midlands Province, Zimbabwe', Africa 52, 3 (1982), pp. 42-55;
17. Martyn Gregory, 'Zimbabwe 1980: Politicisation through armed struggle and electoral mobilisation', Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 19, 1 (1981), pp. 62-94;
18. Masipula Sithole, 'The general elections 1979-1985' in Ibbo Mandaza (ed.), Zimbabwe: The political economy of transition 1980-1986 (Codesria, Dakar, 1986), pp. 84-5.
19. Martyn Gregory, 'Zimbabwe 1980', p. 70
20. Cliffe et al., 'Nationalist politics', p. 58
21. Tony Rich,'Legacies of the past?', p. 47.
22. Reparation for Torture: A survey of law and practice in 30 selected countries (Zimbabwe country report) (REDRESS, London May 2003), p. 8, footnote 37; p. 14, footnotes 76 and 77. URL: http://www.redress.org/ publications/Audit/Zimbabwe.pdf.
23. Christine Sylvester, 'Zimbabwe's 1985 elections: A search for national mythology', Journal of Modern African Studies 24, 1 (1986), pp. 229, 241;
24. Liisa Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, pp. 103, 105, 107-8.
25. Millard W. Arnold, Larry Garber and Brian Wrobel, Zimbabwe: Report on the 1985 general elections. Based on a mission of the Election Observer Project of the International Human Rights Law Group (International Human Rights Law Group, Washington, DC, February 1986), p. iv;
26. Larry Garber, 'Zimbabwe's 1985 elections', in Zimbabwe: Report on the 1985 general elections, pp. 2-3.
27. Breaking the Silence. Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980 to 1988 (Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace in Zimbabwe and Legal Resources Foundation, Harare 1997), pp. 39, 47-8.
28. Anthony Lemon, 'The Zimbabwe general election of 1985', Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics 26, 1 (1988), p. 7.
29. Larry Garber, 'Zimbabwe's 1985 elections', p. 48 estimated voter turnout to be in the 90 percent range. For early signs of an anti-ruling party urban vote, see Liisa Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 116;
30. Sithole, 'The general elections 1979-1985', pp. 75-97;
31. Lemon, The Zimbabwe general election of 1985', p. 16.
32. Lemon, 'The Zimbabwe general election of 1985', p. 17.
33. Zimbabwe: Wages of war. A report on human rights (Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, New York, 1986), pp. 115-20. Mugabe also dismissed the last two ZAPU Cabinet ministers (Cephas Msipa and John Nkomo) in retaliation for what he said was ZAPU's involvement in the killing of a ZANU(PF) Senator in Beitbridge in November 1984. Four ZAPU Central Committee members (Sydney Malunga, Angelina Masuku, Molly Ndlovu, Norman Zikhali) were subsequently detained; all but one (Masuku) remained in detention without charge during the election.
34. Zimbabwe: Wages of war, p. 121 describes the pre-election violence in 1985.
35. David Caute, 'Mugabe brooks no opposition', The Nation, 31 August 1985, p. 141.
36. Millard W. Arnold, Larry Garber and Brian Wrobel, 'Law group summary of findings and conclusion', in Zimbabwe: Report an the 1985 General Elections, p. viii.
37. Brian Wrobel, 'Intimidation, political freedom and the common roll', in Zimbabwe: Report on the 1985 General Elections, p. 32, footnote 16; pp. 36-7, footnote 48.
38. Ibid., pp. 36-7, footnote 48.
39. Ibid., p. 32, footnote 16.
40. Ibid., p. 14.
41. On ex-combatant leadership, see Masipula Sithole, 'Zimbabwe's eroding authoritarianism', Journal of Democracy 8, 1 (1997), p. 132.
42. Brian Wrobel, 'Intimidation', pp. 18-9.
43. Zimbabwe: Wages of war, p. 123, citing International Herald Tribune, 9 March 1985.
44. Ibid., p. 124;
45. see also Wrobel, 'Intimidation', p. 16 who says the warnings of the provincial party chair had been ignored.
46. Wrobel, 'Intimidation', p. 17.
47. Ibid., p. 38, footnote 52,
48. citing The Herald (Harare), 15 April 1985, p. 16.
49. Zimbabwe: Wages of War, pp. 123-4.
50. Ibid., pp. 125-6.
51. Ibid., pp. 124-5.
52. Ibid., p. 133;
53. Wrobel, 'Intimidation', pp. 22-3
54. Katri Pohjolainen Yap, 'Voices from the Matabeleland conflict: Perceptions on violence, ethnicity, and the disruption of national integration' (Unpublished paper, St Antony's College, Oxford University, 1996), p. 12, citing Washington Post, 7 July 1985.
55. Wrobel, 'Intimidation', p. 38, footnote 50, citing Sunday News (Bulawayo), 30 June 1985.
56. Breaking the Silence, pp. 62-3.
57. Caute, 'Mugabe brooks no opposition', p. 145.
58. Wrobel, 'Intimidation', p. 24.
59. Caute, 'Mugabe brooks no opposition', p. 145 indicates that rampaging occurred simultaneously in the Midlands.
60. Zimbabwe: Wages of war, pp. 127-8.
61. Ibid., pp.126-32;
62. Breaking the Silence, p. xvi.
63. Zimbabwe: Wages of war, pp. 129-31.
64. Ibid., p. 131.
65. Ibid., p. 129.
66. Ibid., p. 132.
67. Breaking the Silence, p. 73 gives the date of the amnesty as June 1990 but the amnesty was proclaimed by Government Notice 424A of 27 July 1990. I thank Michael Hartnack for this information.
68. For an example of how ZANU(PF) complained that ZAPU, too, had rejected its offer of reconciliation, see E. P. Makambe, Marginalising the Human Rights Campaign: The dissident factor and the politics of violence in Zimbabwe 1980-1987 (Institute of Southern African Studies, National University of Lesotho, Roma 1992), pp. 21-2.
69. Jonathan N. Moyo, Voting for Democracy (University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare 1992), p. 20.
70. Ibid., p. 21.
71. Garber, 'Zimbabwe's 1985 election', p. 48, footnote 97, quoting Mugabe's speech on 3 July that was reported in The Herald, 4 July 1985.
72. 'Robert Mugabe: Robert the brute', The Independent (London), 22 February 2004.
73. Lemon, 'The Zimbabwe general election of 1985', p. 18. CAZ won 55 percent of the white vote compared with IZG's 40 percent, yet CAZ won 15 compared with IZG's 4 seats.
74. Ibid., p. 18.
75. Christine Sylvester, 'Zimbabwe's 1985 elections', pp. 243, 246.
76. Ibid., p. 242.
77. Ibid., p. 255.
78. Sithole, 'The general elections 1979-1985', p. 95.
79. D. S. Tevera, 'Voting patterns in Zimbabwe's elections of 1980 and 1985', Geography: Journal of the Geographical Association 74 (1989), pp. 162-5.
80. Lemon, 'The Zimbabwe general election of 1985', pp. 15, 19.
81. Ibid., p. 19.
82. Arnold, Garber, Wrobel, Zimbabwe: Report on the 1985 general elections; Zimbabwe: Wages of war.
83. Welshman Ncube and Shepherd Nzombe,'Continuity and change in the constitutional development of Zimbabwe' (Unpublished paper presented at the workshop on Culture and Development in Southern Africa, Centre for Research in the Humanities, University of Copenhagen, Denmark 27-28 April 1988), pp. 1-13;
84. John Mw. Makumbe and Daniel Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen: The politics of Zimbabwe's 1995 general elections (University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, 2000), pp. 33-7.
85. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 37.
86. Richard Carver, Zimbabwe: A Break with the past? Human rights and political unity (Africa Watch, New York 1989), pp. 60-83;
87. Welshman Ncube, 'Constitutionalism, democracy and political practice in Zimbabwe', in Ibbo Mandaza and Lloyd M. Sachikonye (eds), The One Party State and Democracy: The Zimbabwe debate (Southern Africa Political Economy Series (SAPES) Trust, Harare, 199 1), pp. 167-170. 71.
88. Moyo, Voting for Democracy, pp. 29-42.
89. Carver, Zimbabwe: A break with the past? pp. 58-9.
90. Moyo, Voting for Democracy, p. 37.
91. For the election results, see Lloyd Sachikonye, 'The 1990 Zimbabwe elections: A postmortem', Review of African Political Economy 48 (1990), pp. 97, 99;
92. Liisa Laakso, 'Opposition politics in independent Zimbabwe', African Studies Quarterly 7, 2&3 (online), URL: http:// web.africa.ufl.edu/asq/v7/v7i2a6.htm, p. 7;
93. Andrew Meldrum, 'The one-party debate', Africa Report (July-August 1990), p. 56.
94. Christine Sylvester, 'Unities and disunities in Zimbabwe's 1990 election', Journal of Modern Aftican Studies 28, 3 (1990), p. 388 citing ZANU PF election manifesto 1990, p. 1.
95. Ibid., p. 388 citing ZANU PF election manifesto 1990, p. 116.
96. Ibid.,, p. 397 says ZUM candidates financed their own campaigns and the party was desperately low on finances
97. Ibid., p. 396, citing Zimbabwe Television (ZTV), 20 March 1990.
98. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 207 reports that Didymus Mutasa, the Senior Minister of Political Affairs, told her in a 1991 interview: 'The little parties like the Magochey [sic] party [Democratic Party] and ZUM are not parties that are actually growing from within our people. They are parties which have been propped up by outside interests.'
99. 'The promises ... and the threats', Parade (Harare, Zimbabwe), May 1990, pp. 13, 17.
100. Ibid., p. 17.
101. Sylvester, 'Unities and Disunities', p. 396.
102. Ibid., p. 388 citing ZANU PF election manifesto 1990, p. 1.
103. 'The promises ... and the threats', p. 17.
104. Sachikonye, 'The 1990 Zimbabwe elections', p. 98 refers to ZANU(PF) threatening war as a party tactic.
105. Sachikonye, 'The 1990 Zimbabwe elections', pp. 95-6.
106. Ibid., p. 98.
107. Andrew Saxon, 'Elections and "madness" go hand-in-hand', Parade, May 1990, p. 43.
108. Ibid., p. 21.
109. 'Africa Watch outlines abuses of state power', Parade, May 1990, p. 10.
110. Third Report to the Electoral Supervisory Commission: 22 March 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4. Documentation on the 1990 general elections by the Catholic Commission for justice and Peace in Zimbabwe, p. 207;
111. Report to the Electoral Supervisory Commission: 30 May 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, p. 212.
112. The ruling party's candidate was Mr. Marime; ZUM's candidate was Mr. Svosve. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 117, relate how Mr. Marime, who was defeated in the 1995 primaries, alleged widespread vote-buying by the victor.
113. Third Report to the Electoral Supervisory Commissio, p. 207.
114. Ibid., p. 208.
115. Report to the Electoral Supervisory Commission: 30 May 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, pp. 212-3.
116. Second Report to the Electoral Supervisory Commission: 13 March 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, p. 206. The ZUM candidate was Mr. Mujaranji; the Chinhoyi mayor was Mayford Mawere.
117. Report on Election Campaign Violence in Gweru, 23-24 March 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, p. 208;
118. 'Africa Watch outlines abuses of state power', Parade, May 1990, p. 7.
119. Ibid., pp. 208-11.
120. Sylvester, 'Unities and disunities', p. 396.
121. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 4;
122. U.S. Department of State, 1994 Zimbabwe Human Rights Practices, 1994 (February 1995). URL: http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/ERC/democracy/ 1994_hrp_report/94hrp_report.africa/Zimbabwe.html.
123. Amnesty International, Zimbabwe. The toll of impunity (Amnesty International, London, 25 June 2002), p. 5. URL: http://web.a=esty.org/ library/print/ENGAFR460342002. The latter report refers to the Supreme Court turning down the appeal in 1993 rather than 1994. This apparent inconsistency might be reconciled. The Supreme Court handed down its judgement on the opening day of the new Supreme Court year in 1994 but the judgement might have been produced or perhaps file-numbered in the previous year. Thanks to Michael Hartnack for this clarification.
124. David Muzhuzha, 'Voters fear violence', Southern Africa Political & Economic Monthly 8, 6 (March 1995), p. 10.
125. Masipula Sithole, 'Democracy in Zimbabwe', Africa Demos 3, 1 (1993), p. 17;
126. Sachikonye, 'The 1990 Zimbabwe elections', p. 96.
127. Reports of Post-Election Violence and Reprisals Made Since 5 April 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, p. 221.
128. Report to the Bishops' Conference on Post-Election Victimization 5 April 1990 in Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 4, pp. 214-6.
129. Reports of Post-Election Violence and Reprisals Made Since 5 April 1990, p. 219;
130. Moyo, Voting for Democracy, Appendix 1. 1990 General Election Results, p. 176.
131. Reports of Post-Election Violence and Reprisals Made Since 5 April 1990, pp. 219-20.
132. Ibid., p. 220.
133. Ibid., p. 219.
134. Moyo, Voting for Democracy, p. 82 citing The Herald 16 July 1990.
135. Reparation for Torture, p. 16, footnote 84.
136. Reports of Post-Election Violence and Reprisals Made Since 5 April 1990, p. 221.
137. Sachikonye, 'The 1990 Zimbabwe elections', p. 96.
138. Patrick Quantin, 'The 1990 general elections in Zimbabwe: Step towards a one-party state?' in Simon Baynham (ed.), Zimbabwe in Transition (Almquist and Wiksell International, Stockholm 1992), pp. 25, 30.
139. Moyo, Voting for Democracy.
140. For a critique of Moyo's claim of a shift in voters' opinions, see Richard Saunders, 'Life in space - The new politics in Zimbabwe', Southern African Review of Books (Cape Town, January-February 1993).
141. Ibbo Mandaza and Lloyd M. Sachikonye, 'Introducdon: The Zimbabwe debate on the one-party state and democracy' in Ibbo Mandaza and Lloyd Sachikonye (eds.), The One Party State and Democracy: The Zimbabwe debate (Southern Africa Political Economy Series [SAPES] Trust, Harare, 1991), p. 15.
142. Only ZANU(PF) met the provision in the Political Parties (Finance) Act of 1992 that a political party has to have a minimum of 15 parliamentary seats to qualify for state funds. Staffan Darnolf, Democratic Electioneering in Southern Africa (Goteborg Studies in Politics, Goteborg, 1997), pp. 179-80, substantiates the opposition parties' complaints about lack of media access.
143. 'Zimbabwe: Beyond the elections', Southern Africa Political & Economic Monthly 8, 6 (March 1995), p. 9;
144. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 167.
145. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 11 note that ZANU(Ndonga) registered as ZANU.
146. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 141-5 criticize the often inconsistent and ill-thought-out campaign platforms and acknowledge (p. 18) the insignificance of policy issues in the election.
147. 'Zimbabwe: Beyond the elections', p. 7;
148. see also Iden Wetherell, 'Racism debate self-serving', Financial Gazette (Harare), 15 December 1994, p. 4, who suggests that it was inconceivable that the party did not approve of the anti-white writings in the state media.
149. On voter turnout, see John Mw. Makumbe and Daniel Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 240-2.
150. Ibid., pp. 4-5.
151. Tor Skalnes, The Politics of Economic Reform in Zimbabwe: Continuity and change in development (St. Martin's Press, New York, 1995), p. 86.
152. 'Masvingo factions dissolved', The People's Voice (Harare), 27 March-2 April 1994, pp. 1-2.
153. 'Zanu(PF) to fight election on its record, says manifesto', The Herald, 18 March 1995.
154. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 303.
155. Malachia Madimutsa, 'The opposition operating under camouflages', The People's Voice, 2-8 April 1995, p. 11.
156. 'ZANU PF's victory is the people's victory', The People's Voice, 23-29 April 1995, p. 3.
157. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 153, 161.
158. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 171;
159. David Muzhuzha, 'Voters fear violence', Southern Africa Political & Economic Monthly 8, 6 (March 199 5), p. 10;
160. 'Tekere urges opposition parties to form army', The Herald, 25 June 1994, p. 1, p .3;
161. 'Calls for violence are dangerous: President', The Herald, 25 June 1994, p. 1. Human rights organizations and Mugabe denounced the opposition leaders' calls for violence, and Sithole and Dumbutshena rejected Tekere's idea of a united army.
162. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 153.
163. Ibid., p. 305.
164. Ibid., p. 168.
165. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 172, citing The Herald, 6 April 1995.
166. 'Democracy or demagoguery?', Financial Gazette, 13 April 1995, p. 4.
167. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 305.
168. 'Opposition disrupting harmony in rural areas', The Herald, 15 April 1994, p. 4. Mabhena went on to say of FORUM, 'They tell people that everything done by the Government is not the work of ZANU(PF) and that people should never talk of the ruling party.'
169. 'Kangai playing God', Financial Gazette 19 January 1995, p. 4. On this occasion, ZANU(PF) national chair and Local Government Minister, Joseph Msika, intervened to say that civil servants were free to join the party of their choice, as did Didymus Mutasa, the ruling party's national secretary for administration and Senior Minister for National Affairs, Employment Creation and Co-operatives.
170. See 'Civil servants free to back any party', The Herald, 23 January 1995, p. 1.
171. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, p. 172.
172. 'Kangai warns people of Chipinge ... Vote ZANU(PF) or there will be no development', The Herald, 25 March 1995, p. 5.
173. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 170-1 note that The Herald told Kangai to keep his mouth shut because of 'the repercussions' of such statements 'that do not portray the ruling party as a democratic institution', rather than because his remarks were anti-democratic.
174. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, pp. 172-3.
175. For the quotes, see Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 149.
176. The preceding information in the paragraph is from ibid., pp. 147-8.
177. Ibid., p. 161.
178. Ibid., p. 150.
179. Ibid., p. 151.
180. Ibid., pp. 162, 226.
181. Daniel Compagnon, 'Electoral manipulation in a neo-authoritarian regime: The case of Zimbabwe', Journal of African Policy Studies 5, 2&3 (1999), pp. 52-3.
182. Reparation for Torture, p. 16, footnote 84 refers to Clemency Order No. 1 of 1995.
183. Christine Sylvester, 'Whither opposition in Zimbabwe?', Journal of Modern African Studies, 33, 3 (1995), pp. 420, 423.
184. Christine Sylvester, 'Whither opposition in Zimbabwe', p. 418. She contradicts her claim of a level playing field when she acknowledges numerous ruling party legal and constitutional advantages (p. 420).
185. Ibid., pp. 411, 421.
186. Laakso, Voting Without Choosing, pp. 157, 184-5;
187. see also L. Laakso, 'Relationship between the state and civil society in the Zimbabwean elections 1995', Journal of Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 34, 3 (1996), pp. 218-34.
188. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 20-1, 244;
189. also Compagnon, 'Electoral manipulation in a neo-authoritarian regime', p. 37.
190. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 20, 318;
191. Compagnon, 'Electoral manipulation in a neo-authoritarian regime', pp. 52, 56.
192. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, pp. 213, 310-11;
193. see also Compagnon, 'Electoral manipulation in a neo-authoritarian regime', p. 57 who believed that institutionalized procedures to elect African rulers might eventually take root as in Botswana unless predatory ruling cliques sponsored sectional violence as a survival tactic.
194. Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen, p. 319.
195. Report of the EU Election Observation Mission on the Parliamentary Elections which took place in Zimbabwe on the 24th and 25th June 2000 (Brussels 4 July 2000) (online). URL: http://europa.eu.int/comm/ external_relations/human_rights/report-zimbabwe/ ch.5, p. 3;
196. Zimbabwe: At the crossroads. ICG Africa Report No. 22 (International Crisis Group, Harare/Brussels, 10 July 2000), p. 4 refers to a 'huge turnout' of 60 percent of eligible voters.
197. Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001. A report on the campaign of political repression conducted by the Zimbabwean Government under the guise of carrying out land reform (Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Harare, August 2001), p. 39, citing Daily News, 17 March 2000. URL: www.hrforumzixn.com.
198. Ibid., p. 40, citing Daily News, 22 May 2000.
199. Ibid., p. 40, citing Newsweek, 11 December 2001. Zimbabwean plaintiffs cited Minister Mahachi's statement in a complaint in a lawsuit against Mugabe in the United States.
200. Organised Violence and Torture in the June 2000 General Election in Zimbabwe. A Report Prepared by the Mashonaland Programme of the AAMNI Trust (AMANI Trust, Harare, 28 February 2002), pp. 14-15. URL: www.oneworld.org/amani. For MDC candidate Remus Makuwaza's court testimony on Moven Mahachi's statements, see How to Rig an Election: Evidence of a systematic campaign to prevent a free and fair poll (Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Harare, November 2001), pp. 5-6.
201. Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001, p. 42, citing Daily News, 16 March 2000. For other statements by veterans' leaders, see ibid., p. 43.
202. Ibid, p. 43.
203. Who Was Responsible? Alleged perpetrators and their crimes during the 2000 Parliamentary Election period. A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, Harare, July 2001), p. 20.
204. Organised Violence and Torture in the June 2000 General Election in Zimbabwe, p. 6, citing Daily News, 31 March 2000.
205. Ibid., p. 16, citing the testimony of a witness in an MDC election petition.
206. For example Who Was Responsible?, p. 3;
207. Report of the EU Election Observation Mission on the Parliamentary Elections; Zimbabwe. Terror Tactics in the run-up to parliamentary elections (Amnesty International, June 2000). URL: http:// www.amnestyusa.org/countries/zimbabwe/document.do?id; Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001.
208. Organised Violence and Torture in the June 2000 General Election in Zimbabwe, p. 9.
209. Ibid., 10;
210. Ibid., p. 10; see also Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001, p. 2.
211. Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001, pp. 6, 15-16.
212. Who Was Responsible?, pp. 34-46, lists 17 ZANU(PF) candidates as having been identified as perpetrators of violence in victims' statements to the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum or to the courts in MDC election petitions challenging particular constituency results. The report, which excludes Bulawayo and Matabeleland North and South provinces, provides many instances of the candidates orchestrating election violence.
213. International NGO Observer Report: 'A Matabeleland perspective' on the Zimbabwe parliamentary elections 24-25 June 2000 (Network of Independent Monitors (Kwazulu Natal), South Africa, Oxfam Canada, in conjunction with Amani Trust, Matabeleland, July 2000), p. 20 on off-limit constituencies; Who Was Responsible?, p. 1 refers to the estimate of political violence.
214. Who Was Responsible?, p. 3.
215. International NGO Observer Report, p. 19;
216. Who Was Responsible?, p. 2.
217. Who Was Responsible?, pp. 11-12 for examples of ZANU (PF) officials securing the release of their supporters when the police did make arrests.
218. Report of the EU Election Observation Mission on the Parliamentary Elections, chapter 6, p. 1.
219. Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001, p. 9;
220. for organized post-election violence in Midlands and Matabeleland, International NGO Observer Report, see pp. 25-6.
221. Politically Motivated Violence in Zimbabwe 2000-2001, pp. 33-4, p. 40.
222. Who Was responsible?, pp. 1-2.
223. Commissioner Chris Patten, Directorate General External Relations, press release: 'Commission congratulates the EU observation team on their final report' (Brussels, 4 July 2000). URL: http://europa.eu.int/comm/ external_relations/news/07_00/ip_00_706.htm.
224. Peter Alexander, 'Zimbabwean workers, the MDC and the 2000 Election', Review of African Political Economy 85 (2000), p. 399.
225. Zimbabwe: At the Crossroads, p. ii.
226. Ibid., p. 5.
227. Zimbabwe. Three months after the elections Africa Briefing (International Crisis Group, Harare/Brussels, 26 September 2000), p. 7.
228. Masipula Sithole, 'Fighting authoritarianism in Zimbabwe' Journal of Democracy 12, 1 (2001), pp. 167-8.
229. International NGO Observer Report, p. 24.
230. On violence in by-elections, see 'Test for Zanu PF's sincerity on reforms', Zimbabwe Independent (Harare), 20 August 2004.
231. 'Electoral reforms are a smokescreen', Zimbabwe Independent, 16 July 2004.
232. 'Soldiers take leave to assist Zanu PF's election campaign', Zim Online (South Africa), 17 August 2004. URL: http:// www.zimonline.co.za.
233. On the 1995 primaries, see Makumbe and Compagnon, Behind the Smokescreen pp. 110-39.
234. Mugabe declared is intention to obtain a controlling interest in the mines and manufacturing, raising questions about whether e would seize or pay for shares.
235. See 'Mugabe eyes manufacturing sector;, Business Day (South Africa), 16 September 2004;
236. 'Minings freeze after Mugabe statement', Zimbabwe Standard (Harare), 19 September 2004;
237. 'Mawere saga threatens', Sunday Mirror (Harare), 12 September 2004.
238. Alexander, Peter, 'Zimbabwean workers, the MDC and the 2000 Election', Review of African Political Economy 85 (2000), pp. 385-406.
239. Baynham, Simon (ed.), Zimbabwe in Transition (Almquist and Wiksell International, Stockholm, 1992).
240. Cliffe, Lionel, Joshua Mpofu and Barry Munslow, 'Nationalist politics in Zimbabwe: The 1980 elections and beyond', Review of African Political Economy 18 (1980), pp. 44-67.
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242. Darnolf, Staffan, Democratic Electioneering in Southern Africa (Goteborg Studies in Politics, Goteborg, 1997).
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