Measuring the national wealth in seventeenth-century England

Economic History Review

Volumn 57, Issue 4, 2004, Pages 607-635

  Slack, Paul ^a  

^a LINACRE COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ECONOMIC HISTORY; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; MEASUREMENT METHOD; WELFARE ECONOMICS;

EASTERN HEMISPHERE; ENGLAND; EURASIA; EUROPE; UNITED KINGDOM; WESTERN EUROPE; WORLD;

CAPUT;

EID: 14744305391     PISSN: 00130117     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-0289.2004.00290.x     Document Type: Review

References (268)

1. BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,865, fo. 6r (undated but probably c 1662-5).
2. For the date of composition of Verbum sapienti, see Hull, C.H., ed., Economic writings, p. 100. Hull's excellent edition of the work (pp. 101-20), and of Petty's other writings, is that used in what follows.
3. Stone, R., British empiricists, pp. 30-1.
4. For an earlier comparison of Petty's and King's accounts, see Studenski, P., Income of nations, pp. 26-40.
5. King, G., 'Burns Journal', reproduced in Earliest classics, p. 240. The same volume includes the final text of King's 'Observations', but since most of the passages which are essential for my purposes are more conveniently printed in Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, I have generally referred to the latter when drawing on the 'Observations' below. Graunt's Observations are printed in Hull, C.H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 315-431.
6. This article grew out of work for my Aylmer Memorial Lecture, published in Slack, P., 'Government and information', which discusses part of the background.
7. Finkelstein, Harmony and the balance
8. Poovey, History of the modern fact, pp. 120-4;
9. Brooks, 'Projecting, political arithmetic'.
10. For the number of bishoprics cited in a comparison of France and England, see Machiavelli's Ritratto di Cose di Francia (in Raimondi E., ed., Opere di Machiavelli, pp. 812, 817) which also grossly overstates the number of parishes in each country (1.7 million in France; 52,000 in England); and for the number of towns, Botero, Travellers breviat, pp. 8, 13, 19, which notes perhaps ironically (p. 13) that in the early sixteenth century in England 'there were reckoned 40,000 parishes, but now [1601] there are only 9,725'.
11. Ormrod, 'Experiment in taxation', p. 61;
12. Babington, ed., Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, II, p. 90;
13. Rot. Parl., II, pp. 303-4. I am greatly indebted to Barbara Harvey for drawing my attention to these references and for her comments on them.
14. Ormrod, 'English Crown and the customs', p. 39;
15. Kirby, 'Issues of the Lancastrian Exchequer', pp. 132-3;
16. Carus-Wilson, and Coleman England's export trade, p. 30;
17. Tawney, and Power eds., Tudor economic documents, I, pp. 178-84. I am grateful to Gerald Harriss for advice on the late medieval Exchequer.
18. Hoskins, Age of plunder, pp. 20-1;
19. Cornwall, Wealth and society, pp. 1-3, 281-6.
20. Hoskins, Age of plunder, p. 125.
21. Gould, Great debasement, p. 54;
22. Challis, Tudor coinage, pp. 244, 246-7.
23. Palliser, Age of Elizabeth, pp. 319-20;
24. Sgroi, 'Piscatorial politics', p. 15, where Cecil uses numbers to 'prove' assertions about the decay of shipping.
25. Malynes, G., Englands view, pp. 135-6.
26. Above, n. 7. For reflections in English of contemporary discussion of numbers in France, see Bodin, Six bookes of A Commonweale, pp. 671-2,
27. v. In 1581 Froumenteau (Secret des finances de France, book 2, p. 377), calculated that there were 3.5 million families or houses in France; but Malynes appears not to have known of this, since he took the figure to be 4.4 million, and his total population was hence probably a little too large, though not so exaggerated as that for England: Morineau, 'France', p. 155.
28. Finkelstein, Harmony and the balance, p. 33;
29. Malynes, G. de, Consuetudo, pp. 66-7. From his accounts of his method (ibid.; Englands view, pp. 104-5) it is not easy to see how Malynes reached either his 1603 or his 1622 conclusions. By 1622, however, he had also reduced his estimate of the acres in France to 82,879,000, though his first estimate had again been closer to actuality: below, n. 91.
30. e.g. Babington, ed., Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden, pp. 10-12;
31. Clark, Science and social welfare, p. 122;
32. Sneyd, ed., A relation, p. 8;
33. Holinshed, Chronicles, p. 2;
34. Wilson, 'State of England', p. 10;
35. Speed, Theatre (which gives the length, breadth, and circumference of each county);
36. Heylyn, P., Cosmographie, book I, p. 257.
37. On the difficulties, see Norden, J., Nordens preparative, pp. 16-17;
38. Andrews, 'How many acres?'.
39. The figure of 50 families per settlement would have given 2.6 million families, which suggests a mistake in Malynes's arithmetic. For other citations of Higden's figure of 52,000 see Clark, Science and social welfare, p. 123;
40. above, n. 7; and probably Malfatti, ed., Two Italian accounts p. 54.
41. Fish, A Supplycacyon for the beggers, sig. A2;
42. Ferguson, Articulate citizen, p. 219 (where Ferguson misreads the final total);
43. Slack, Reformation to improvement, pp. 79, 94.
44. On Graunt's methodology, see Endres, A. M., 'Functions of numerical data', pp. 247-9; and on numeracy generally, Thomas, K. V., 'Numeracy in early modern England'.
45. Lynch, Solomon's child, ch. 6;
46. Stone, British empiricists, ch. 7;
47. Buck, 'Seventeenth-century political arithmetic'.
48. Andrews, 'How many acres?'.
49. Braddick, Nerves of state, pp. 95-106.
50. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 5-10;
51. Petty, Down Survey, p. 13;
52. Barnard, 'Sir William Petty, Irish landowner'.
53. Bonney, ed., Economic systems, pp. 177-80;
54. Chandaman, English public revenue, pp. 165-8.
55. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 91, 95
56. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, pp. 677-9.
57. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 105-8.
58. King's workings of his estimates have, of course, been manipulated with much greater sophistication than is attempted in table 1, where I have been concerned only with showing King's equivalents to Petty's figures and presenting them in the same terms. The only major difference of method between them is that while Petty attributes an annual income (£4.5 million) to movable assets from 'shipping' to 'wares', King does not. The annual return from his capital items from 'livestock' to 'stock...in shipping...' is included in his 'produce of trade, arts and labour' which is therefore not equivalent to Petty's 'labour'.
59. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 371-2.
60. It was used by some members of the Commons in 1670, though others were sceptical: Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 677.
61. For its limitations, see Holmes, 'Gregory King and the social structure', p. 61.
62. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 372, 38. Neither author seems to have been aware of Malynes.
63. Ibid., p. 385, where Graunt estimates the number of houses in London at 48,000, compared with Petty's 56,000.
64. Davis, English shipping industry, pp. 27, 401.
65. On the difficulty of measuring tonnage, see Pepys, Diary, V, pp. 357-8.
66. Chartres, 'Marketing of agricultural produce', pp. 443-5, broadly supports King's lower figure for 1695, after a period of probable growth.
67. See below, p. 621.
68. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 107-8.
69. Ibid., p. 189. As an average for English labourers 7d. a day seems a little low, even for agricultural labourers (compare with Thirsk, J., ed., Agrarian history, V. II, p. 877).
70. Stone, British empiricists, p. 31.
71. For the similar surveys he thought necessary in Ireland, see Lansdowne, Marquis of, ed., Petty Papers, I pp. 77-86.
72. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 235, 267.
73. Ibid., 452, 459-60, 470. Petty took his figure for houses in London from Morgan's map, on which
74. see Slack, 'Perceptions of the metropolis', p. 171.
75. Lansdowne, Marquis of, ed., Petty Papers, I, p. 181.
76. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 558-9. Similar figures are in 'Magnalia regni', also of 1687, where the value of the people (here 7.1 million) has gone up to £639 million from the £417 million of 1665:
77. Lansdowne, Marquis of, ed., Petty Papers, I, pp. 264-5.
78. BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,899, fos. 163-4. Houghton, J., who had received the results from Halley (Browning, A., ed., English historical documents, pp. 517-19), published them in his broadsheet Account of the Acres. For the use of the weighing method before Halley, see Richeson, A. W., English land measuring, p. 123.
79. BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,890, fos. 22-23v.
80. See below, pp. 630-2.
81. Ravenhill, W., 'John Adams', p. 425. A connection with Adams is suggested also by the total of houses-1,100,069-which is close to the '1,120,000 or thereabouts' that Gregory King said Adams had 'totted up', distinguishing also (as the table does) the houses in towns: Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 790;
82. Glass, D. V., 'Two papers on Gregory King', pp. 186-7.
83. The totals for England and for England and Wales together should in fact be 6,654,670 and 7,025,930 respectively. The use of multipliers by the author enables the arithmetic to be checked and corrected.
84. Hull, ed., Economic writings, p. 460.
85. BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,889, fos. 77-8. Another paper, Add. MS 72,865, fo. 165, apparently from the 1680s but undated, suggesting 'under' 1.2 million families in England and Wales and 'between 6 and 7' people per family, was probably influenced by the table.
86. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 534, 537, 541.
87. It was not a document of the 1660s, as suggested in the British Library Catalogue of additions: Petty Papers, p. 95. The totals of hearths ('chimneys') for a selection of counties are generally higher than those recorded in published hearth taxes from that decade.
88. Hull, ed., Economic writings, p. 454.
89. I can see no consistent relationship between Moore's figures, which Davenant printed (Thirsk and Cooper, eds., Economic documents p. 803), and any of those in the table.
90. Pett, Happy future state, p. 116;
91. Ogilby, Britannia, pp. xii-xvi.
92. On the Compton Census, see BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,889, fos. 77-8;
93. King, 'Burns Journal', p. 11.
94. Chamberlayne, Angliae notitia (1669), p. 2;
95. Thirsk, and Cooper eds., Economic documents, p. 677. Before turning to Halley's 39 million, King had used Chamberlayne's figure:
96. eds, p. 677.
97. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 331, 384-6.
98. See also Rusnock, Quantifying health and population, p. 33.
99. E.g. Hull, ed., Economic writings, p. 459. Graunt's text (ibid., p. 393), unlike his summary (p. 332), shows that the burial ratio was actually 1 in 32.
100. Pett, Happy future state, p. 118, uses 1 in 30. In redoing the sum later (Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 535-6), Petty also calculated a ratio of 1 in 37 for burials in nine unnamed 'country parishes'. For King's problems with the same method, see Glass, D. V., 'Two papers on Gregory King', pp. 196-7.
101. Houghton, Account of the Acres
102. Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, p. 803. King used Davenant's figure, drawn from the 'hearth books' of 1690.
103. BL, Petty Papers, Add. MS 72,865, fo. 165;
104. Davenant, Works, I, p. 19;
105. Chamberlayne, Angliae notitia (1700), p. 46.
106. On the use of multipliers, see Rusnock, Quantifying health and population, pp. 193-4,
107. and on King, Holmes, 'Gregory King and the social structure', pp. 46-7;
108. Glass, 'Two papers on Gregory King', pp. 190-202. By 1699 Davenant had been persuaded by King's calculation: Works, II, p. 177.
109. Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, pp. 679, 791-2.
110. King, 'Burns Journal', p. 208, where King's tonnage (without the royal navy) is close to Davis's estimate: English shipping industry pp. 27, 401.
111. Compare with Davenant, Works, I, p. 363. In table 1 King's valuation of shipping is included in his second group of movable 'stock'.
112. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, pp. 767 n. 5, 779, 783;
113. King, G., 'Burns Journal', pp. 168, 200, 201, 243. King seems not to have known of the broadsheet by Seller, J., A Moderate Computation which calculated the number of beeves, sheep, calves, etc. consumed weekly as well as total consumer expenditure in London, but on the 'modest supposition that there may be but a million people' there.
114. Pepys, Diary, VI, p. 23;
115. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 679.
116. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 789 (and compare King, G., 'Burns Journal', p. 166);
117. Mayhew, 'Population, money supply, and the velocity of circulation', p. 247. In table 1 King's figure for coinage is included in his first group of movable 'stock'. In 'Of the Naval Trade', c. 697, he revised his total for the money supply upwards to £17 million:
118. Barnett, ed., Two tracts, p. 62.
119. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 679.
120. For efforts to tax stock in the 1690s, see Alexander, 'Economic structure of the City of London', pp. 48-9.
121. King, G., appears to have followed Petty (above, p. 615) in assuming that total 'stock', including livestock, should be 'about double ... the yearly income and expense':
122. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 790.
123. King, G., 'Burns Journal', p. 225 shows him adjusting the value of his two categories of stock slightly, but keeping their combined value constant.
124. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, pp. 308-9.
125. Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, p. 795. 'De Souligné' was possibly a nom de plume, though he claims to have been a grandson of du Plessis Mornay and an emigré. His text ( Desolation of France, pp. 2-52) combines the methods of Petty's Political arithmetick with the findings of Boisguilbert, on whom see
126. see Roberts, Boisguilbert, pp. 41, 191-2;
127. Pierre de Boisguilbert ou La Naissance de l'économie politique, II, pp. 582, 657.
128. Davenant, Works, I, p. 62.
129. Thirsk, and Cooper, Economic documents, pp. 767-8.
130. King, 'Burns Journal', p. 65. Cf. pp. 247, 261, where a similar expenditure figure of approx. £30 million is also being used.
131. Thirsk, and Cooper, Economic documents, pp. 768, 794-5;
132. King, 'Burns Journal', p. 210;
133. Stone, British empiricists, pp. 78-81. King's final figure of £7 11s. 4d. expenditure per head was given as £7 11s. 3d. in his social table.
134. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, pp. 794-6.
135. King, 'Burns Journal', pp. 225, 245;
136. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 789.
137. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, pp. 779, 795.
138. Stone, British empiricists, p. 93 points out that in his work on 'Naval Trade' King gave investment at £2.4 million in 1688 (Barnett, G. E., ed., Two tracts, p. 64). As Stone says, the difference between that and £1.8 million can be accounted for by poor relief, which his social table shows required £622,000 (and which Davenant, following Moore, put at £665,362:
139. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 803).
140. Compare with Holmes, 'Gregory King and the social structure', p. 61.
141. Glass, 'Two papers on Gregory King';
142. Holmes, 'Gregory King and the social structure'.
143. Glass, 'Two papers on Gregory King', pp. 162-3;
144. King, 'Burns Journal', p. 49;
145. Davenant, Works, I, pp. 128-30.
146. Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, p. 795.
147. Holmes, G. S., 'Gregory King and the social structure', esp. pp. 56, 61.
148. It is impossible to tell, and of little consequence for my argument, which figure was foremost. King had read Verbum sapienti (Thirsk, J. and Cooper, A., eds., Economic documents, pp. 794 and 796, whose reference to 12 years purchase for houses is taken from that source). He also knew Political arithmetick, however, and was aware that it had been written long before its date of publication, he thought in 1676 (King, G., 'Burns Journal', pp. 181-7).
149. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, p. 779;
150. Stone, British empiricists, p. 91.
151. Thirsk, and Cooper, eds., Economic documents, pp. 796, 779;
152. Hull, ed., Economic writings, p. 108.
153. See, for example, the 'conjectures' for national income advanced by O'Brien, and Hunt, 'Rise of a fiscal state', pp. 174-5: they suggest £36 or £46 million for 1666 and £43 or £45 million for 1689, and use sources influenced by King, G.: see ibid., p. 172 and Cole, W. A., 'Factors in demand'. Petty's £40 million remains a powerful benchmark.
154. Muldrew, Economy of obligation, pp. 90-1.
155. Lindert, and Williamson, 'Revising England's social tables', gives a total income for 1688 of £54.4 million, 25 per cent higher than King's estimate; above, p. 617;
156. Wrigley 'Quest for the industrial revolution', pp. 148-51, 163.
157. Hull, ed., Economic writings, pp. 252-3 (where Albigony in p. 253, n. 2, should read Aglionby).
158. Ibid., pp. 467 541-3 for Petty's later views on Holland.
159. Ibid., p. 291n. (though Petty seems likely to have obtained his figure for the number of French parishes (27,000), perhaps indirectly, from Bodin or Dallington, cited above, n. 15); Chamberlayne, E., Angliae notitia (1700), p. 2 (which may originate from Malynes's second estimate in Consuetudo, p. 67).
160. King's conclusions are in 'Natural and Political Observations', pp. 63-9. The present areas of France and the Netherlands are about 136.4 and 8.6 million acres respectively, but changing national boundaries in the first case and land reclamation in the second make historical calculations difficult. Morineau, M., 'France', p. 155 suggests 128 million acres for France in 1780 and 119 million in 1580.
161. King, G., 'Burns Journal', pp. 1 and facing page, 227 (compare Puckle, J., Advantages of the fishery, p. 8);
162. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, p. 291.
163. De Vries and van der Woude, First modern economy, p. 50, suggests 1.85 to 1.95 million for the Republic in 1700. Vauban's total of just over 19 million for France in the 1690s has been persuasive (Morineau, M., 'France', p. 156), but he had put the figure at 14 or 15 million in 1687: Hecht, J., 'Imagination et prospective', p. 361. King's estimate of the number of families in France (3.2 million) was close to Froumenteau's 3.5 million in 1581 (above, n. 15), although King may not have known that.
164. King, G., 'Burns Journal', pp. 227, 229, 262. In the final result, King's estimates for France's expenditure and income per head were generally higher than in his Journal. He had originally had £5 10s. income and £4 10s. expenditure, for example (ibid., p. 262). Souligné's tract, however, had an expenditure figure as low as £2 12s. per head (Desolation of France, pp. 51-2).
165. De Vries, J. and van der Woude, A., First modern economy, pp. 702, 710. In converting de Vries's figures I have taken 100 guilders to equal £9 (see ibid., p. 88).
166. Boisguilbert's Détail de la France (1695) opened similar issues to a French audience. Whether King knew of Boisguilbert's work is uncertain, but the latter may have read Petty, W., and Davenant, C.: Roberts, H. V., Boisguilbert, pp. 154, 192.
167. Le Roy Ladurie, 'Chief defects of Gregory King'. See pp. 182-8 on King's method of starting with an assumed total, and p. 190 on his 'excessively low absolute figures'.
168. King, G., 'Burns Journal', p. 171, quoted in Glass, D. V., 'Two papers on Gregory King', p. 163.
169. King's measures of government revenues in France seem, from admittedly fragmentary evidence, to have been of roughly the right order of magnitude: King, G., 'Natural and political observations', pp. 63-6;
170. Bonney R., ed., Rise of the fiscal state, pp. 145, 147;
171. idem, ed., Economic systems, p. 323;
172. Mathias, P. and O'Brien P. K., 'Taxation in Britain and France', p. 604. I have taken the pound sterling to be worth 13 livres tournois. Until 1716 the evidence for the United Provinces is still more fragmentary: de Vries, J. and van der Woude, A., First modern economy pp. 97, 110.
173. Quoted in Rusnock A., Quantifying health and population, p. 1. On the importance of tables for Bacon and Graunt, A., see ibid., pp. 5-6, 16-24.
174. Davenant, C., Works, I, p. 251.
175. Hull, C. H., ed., Economic writings, p. 9.
176. The tag was borrowed by Pett, P., Happy future state, p. 250.
177. Shapiro, B. J., Culture of fact, pp. 77-8.
178. King, G., 'Burns Journal', flyleaf and also p. 240. The sentence is no. 106 in La Rochefoucauld's Réflexions ou sentences et maximes morales.
179. Alexander, J., 'The economic structure of the City of London at the end of the seventeenth century', Urban Hist. Yearbook 1989, pp. 47-62.
180. Andrews, J. H., 'How many acres? A cartometric exercise of 1642', Irish Geog., 34 (2001), pp. 1-10.
181. Babington, C., ed., Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis 2 vols. (Rolls Ser., 1865-9).
182. Barnard, T. C., 'Sir William Petty, Irish landowner', in H. Lloyd-Jones, V. Pearl, and B. Worden, eds., History and imagination: essays in honour of H. R. Trevor-Roper (1981), pp. 201-17.
183. Barnett, G. E., ed., Two tracts by Gregory King (Baltimore, 1936).
184. Bodin, J., The six bookes of A Commonweale (1606), ed. K. D. McRae (Cambridge, Mass., 1962).
185. [Boisguilbert], Pierre de Boisguilbert ou La Naissance de l'économie politique, 2 vols. (Institut National d'Etudes Démographiques, Paris, 1966).
186. Bonney, R., ed., Economic systems and state finance (Oxford, 1995).
187. Bonney, R., ed., The rise of the fiscal state in Europe c.1200-1815 (Oxford, 1999).
188. Botero, G., The travellers breviat (1601).
189. Braddick, M. J., The nerves of state: taxation and the financing of the English state, 1558-1714 (Manchester, 1996).
190. British Library, Catalogue of additions to the manuscripts: the Petty Papers (2000).
191. Brooks, C., 'Projecting, political arithmetic and the act of 1695', Eng. Hist. Rev., XCVII (1982), pp. 31-53.
192. Browning, A., ed., English historical documents 1660-1714 (1953).
193. Buck, P., 'Seventeenth-century political arithmetic: civil strife and vital statistics', Isis, 68 (1977), pp. 67-84.
194. Carus-Wilson, E. M. and Coleman, O., England's export trade 1275-1547 (Oxford, 1963).
195. Challis, C. E., The Tudor coinage (Manchester, 1978).
196. Chamberlayne, E., Angliae notitia (1669 and 1700 edns.).
197. Chandaman, C. D., The English public revenue 1660-88 (Oxford, 1975).
198. Chartres, J. A., 'The marketing of agricultural produce', in Thirsk, ed., Agrarian History, V: 1640-1750, II, pp. 406-502.
199. Clark, G., Science and social welfare in the age of Newton (2nd edn., Oxford, 1949).
200. Cole, W. A., 'Factors in demand', in R. Floud and D. McCloskey, eds., The economic history of Britain since 1700, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1981), I, pp. 36-65.
201. Cornwall, J. C. K., Wealth and society in early sixteenth century England (1988).
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203. Davenant, C., The political and commercial works, ed. C. Whitworth, 5 vols. (1771).
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205. The earliest classics: John Graunt and Gregory King, with an intro. by P. Laslett (1973).
206. Endres, A. M., 'The functions of numerical data in the writings of Graunt, Petty and Davenant', Hist. Pol. Econ., 17 (1985), pp. 245-64.
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209. Fish, S., A Supplycacyon for the beggers (?Antwerp, 1529).
210. Froumenteau, N., Le Secret des Finances de France (?Paris, 1581).
211. Glass, D. V., 'Two papers on Gregory King', in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley, eds., Population in history (1965), pp. 159-220.
212. Gould, J. D., The great debasement: currency and the economy in mid-Tudor England (Oxford, 1970).
213. Hecht, J., 'Imagination et prospective: les origines de la prévision démographique', in M. Rassen and J. Stagl, eds., Statistik und Staatsbeschreibung in der Neuzeit (Paderborn, 1980), pp. 325-66.
214. Heylyn, P., Cosmographie in four bookes (1652).
215. Holinshed, R., The first and second volumes of Chronicles (1587).
216. Holmes, G. S., 'Gregory King and the social structure of pre-industrial England', Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc., 5th ser., 27 (1977), pp. 41-68.
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221. King, G., 'Natural and political observations and conclusions upon the state and condition of England 1696', in Earliest classics.
222. Kirby, J. L., 'The issues of the Lancastrian Exchequer and Lord Cromwell's estimates of 1433', Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., 24 (1951), pp. 121-51.
223. Ladurie, E. Le Roy, 'The chief defects of Gregory King', in idem, The territory of the historian (Hassocks, 1979), pp. 173-91, originally published as 'Les comptes fantastiques de Gregory King', Annales: E.S.C., 23 (1968), pp. 1086-1102.
224. Lansdowne, Marquis of, ed., The Petty Papers, 2 vols. (1927).
225. Lindert, P. H. and Williamson, J. G., 'Revising England's social tables 1688-1812', Exp. Econ. Hist., 19 (1982), pp. 385-408.
226. Lynch, W. T., Solomon's child: method in the early Royal Society of London (Stanford, Calif., 2001).
227. Malfatti, C. V., ed., Two Italian accounts of Tudor England (Barcelona, 1953).
228. Malynes, G. de, Englands view, in the unmasking of two paradoxes (1603).
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