The illnesses of King Alfred the Great

Anglo-Saxon England

Volumn 30, Issue , 2001, Pages 39-90

  Pratt, David ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 14544301154     PISSN: 14740532     EISSN: 14740532     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0263675101000035     Document Type: Article

References (452)

1. This paper was written in the first instance for the purposes of a colloquium held to commemorate the 1100th anniversary of Alfred's death on 26 October 1999 at the Institute of Historical Research, organized by the Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, King's College London, in association with the Museum of London. In completing its revision, I would like to thank Simon Keynes for supplying me with numerous useful bibliographical leads; Katharine Scarfe Beckett, Rosalind Love, Andy Orchard and Oliver Padel, who provided advice on particular points of detail; Mayke de Jong, Paul Kershaw and Jonathan Shepard, who generously allowed me to take account of their forthcoming publications; and James Campbell, Paul Kershaw, Simon Keynes, Janet Nelson and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe, for helpful comments and discussion. In references to Anglo-Saxon charters, S, P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography, R. Hist. Soc. Guides and Handbooks 8 London, 1 colloquium held to commemorate the 1100th anniversary of Alfred's death on 26 October 1999 at the Institute of Historical Research, organized by the Centre for Late Antique and Medieval Studies, King's College London, in association with the Museum of London. In completing its revision, I would like to thank Simon Keynes for supplying me with numerous useful bibliographical leads; Katharine Scarfe Beckett, Rosalind Love, Andy Orchard and Oliver Padel, who provided advice on particular points of detail; Mayke de Jong, Paul Kershaw and Jonathan Shepard, who generously allowed me to take account of their forthcoming publications; and James Campbell, Paul Kershaw, Simon Keynes, Janet Nelson and Katherine O'Brien O'Keeffe, for helpful comments and discussion. In references to Anglo-Saxon charters, S = P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an Annotated List and Bibliography, R. Hist. Soc. Guides and Handbooks 8 (London, 1968), followed by the number of the document
2. BCS = W. de G. Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum, 3 vols. (London, 1885-93)
3. For Alfredian sources, translations are borrowed, where possible, from S. Keynes and M. Lapidge, Alfred the Great Asser's Life of King Alfred and other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983). Keynes and M. Lapidge, Alfred the Great Asser's Life of King Alfred and other Contemporary Sources (Harmondsworth, 1983)
4. In addition to the work cited below by Scharer, Nelson and Kershaw, Alfred's illnesses have received further recent treatment from R. Abels, Alfred the Great War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo-Saxon England Harlow, 1998, pp. 96-102; Alfred's illnesses have received further recent treatment from R. Abels, Alfred the Great War, Kingship and Culture in Anglo-Saxon England (Harlow, 1998), pp. 96-102
5. M. Wood, In Search of England Journeys into the English Past (London, 1999), pp. 137-42
6. and S. Hamilton, 'Review Article: Early Medieval Rulers and their Modern Biographers', EME 9 (2000), 247-60, at 252-5
7. Cf. now also M. Kempshall, 'No Bishop, No King: the Ministerial Ideology Gestae Aelfredi Mayr-Harting considered here. of Kingship and Asser's Res Gestae Aelfredi', Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies presented to Henry Mayr-Harting, ed. R. Gameson and H. Leyser (Oxford, 2001), pp. 106-27, published too late to be considered here
8. C. Plummer, The Life and Times of Alfred the Great(Oxford, 1902), pp. 24-8 (cf. addenda, p. 214)
9. Asser's Life of King Alfred, together with the Annals of St Neots, erroneously ascribed to Asser erroneously ascribed to Asser, ed. W. H. Stevenson, new imp. (Oxford, 1959), pp. 294-6 (first published in 1904)
10. Compare the sensitive handling of Alfred's illnesses by B. A. Lees, Alfred the Great the Truth Teller: Maker of England 848-899 (New York, 1915), pp. 103-4, 115-16 and 422-4
11. A. P. Smyth, King Alfred the Great (Oxford, 1995), pp. 199-216, esp. 215
12. Among the many unfavourable reviews of this biography, criticism of Smyth's attitude towards Alfred's illnesses is central in that by J. L. Nelson, 'Review Article: Waiting for Alfred', EME 7 (1998), 115-24
13. S. J. Ridyard, The Royal Saints of Anglo-Saxon England: a Study of West Anglian Cults Saxon and East Anglian Cults (Cambridge, 1981), esp. pp. 74-81
14. A. Scharer, 'The Writing of History at King Alfred's Court', EME 5 (1996), 177-206, at 187-91
15. Gesta Karoli Magni Imperatoris II.10 (Notker der Stammler: Taten Karls des Grossen, ed. H. F. Haefele, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum, nova series 12 (Berlin, 1959), 66)
16. Bischof Warferths von Worcester Übersetzung der Dialoge Gregors des Grossen Grossen, ed. H. Hecht, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1900-7) I, 3
17. Cf. Gregory, Dialogi I.Prol.1 (Grégoire le Grand Dialogues, ed. A. Antin, 3 vols., Sources chrétiennes 251, 260 and 265 (Paris,). de Vogüé with P. Antin, 3 vols., Sources chrétiennes 251, 260 and 265 (Paris, 1978-80) II, 10-11)
18. Bischof Warferths von Worcester Übersetzung, ed. Hecht I, 6
19. Cf. Gregory, Dialogi I.Prol.6 (ed. de Vogué II, 14-15)
20. S. Airlie, 'The Anxiety of Sanctity: St Gerald of Aurillac and his Maker', JEH 43 (1992), 372-95, at 376
21. cf. also K. Leyser, 'Early Medieval Canon Law and the Beginnings of für J. Fleckenstein Knighthood', Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter: Festschrift für J. Fleckenstein, ed. L. Fenske, W. Rösener and T. Zotz (Sigmaringen, 1984), pp. 549-66
22. repr. in his Communications and Power in Medieval Europe: the Carolingian and Ottoman Centuries, ed. T. Reuter (London, 1998), pp. 51-71
23. Einhard, Vita Karoli, c. 1
24. (Einhardi Vita Karoli Magni, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 25 (Hanover, 1911), 2-4)
25. On 'usefulness', see P. Kershaw, 'Illness, Power and Prayer in Asser's Life of King Alfred', EME 10 (forthcoming, 2001)
26. E. Peters, The Shadow King: 'Rex Inutilis' in Medieval Law and Literature, 751-1327 (New Haven, CT, 1970), esp. pp. 53-4 and 69
27. and J. L. Nelson, 'Bad Kingship in the Earlier Middle Ages', Haskins Soc. Jnl 8 (1996), 1-26, at 4-9
28. Thegan, Gesta Hludovici Imperatoris, c. 5
29. (Thegan: Die Taten Kaiser Ludnigs / Astronomus: Das Leben Kaiser Ludwigs, ed. E. Tremp, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 64 (Hanover, 1995), 180). ed. E. Tremp, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 64 (Hanover, 1995), 180)
30. Annals of Saint-Bertin s.a. 861, cf. 863
31. (Les Annales de Saint Bertin, ed. F. Grat, J. Vieillard and S. Clémencet (Paris, 1964), pp. 87 and 96
32. J. L. Nelson, The Annals of St-Bertin (Manchester, 1991), pp. 96 and 104)
33. See esp. K. O'Brien O'Keeffe, 'Heroic Values and Christian Ethics', The Cambridge Companion to Old English Literature, ed. M. Godden and M. Lapidge (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 107-25
34. and on the context for such poetry, P. Wormald, 'Bede, "Beowulf" and the Conversion of the Anglo-Saxon Aristocracy', Bede and Anglo-Saxon England, ed. R. T. Farrell, BAR Brit. ser. 46 (Oxford, 1978), 32-95
35. On succession practices, see D. N. Dumville, 'The Æfheling: a Study in Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History', ASE 8 (1979), 1-33, esp. 28-31, for some unusual exceptions
36. J.L. Nelson, 'Monks, Secular Men and Masculinity, c. 900', Masculinity in Medieval Europe, ed. D. M. Hadley (Harlow, 1999), pp. 121-42
37. Odo of Cluny, Vita Geraldi, I.4-5 (PL 133, cols. 644-5)
38. On this genre, see esp. J. M. H. Smith, 'Gender and Ideology in the Early Middle Ages', Gender and Christian Religion, ed. R. N. Swanson, Stud. in Church Hist. 34 (Woodbridge, 1998), 51-73
39. and M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church (Oxford, 1983), pp. 283-6 and 403-11
40. Nelson, 'Monks', pp. 127-8
41. For surveys of the latter, see P. Salmon, Analecta Liturgica: Extraits Bibliothèque Vaticane, Studi e testi des manuscrits liturgiques de la Bibliothèque Vaticane, Studi e testi 273 (Vatican City, 1974), 121-94
42. idem, 'Livrets de prières de l'époque carolingienne', RB 86 (1976), 218-34
43. and idem, 'Livrets de prières de l'époque carolin-gienne: nouvelle liste de manuscrits', RB 90 (1980), 147-9. nouvelle liste de manuscrits', RB 90 (1980), 147-9
44. Discussed in this context by M. de Jong, 'Power and Humility in the Pious Carolingian Society: the Public Penance of Louis the Pious', EME 1 (1992), 29-52, esp. 39-41
45. and by S. Airlie, 'Private Bodies and the Body Politic in the Divorce Case of Lothar II', Past and Present 161 (November 1998), 3-38, esp. 6-8
46. See also O. Guillot, 'Une ordinatio méconnue: le Capirulaire de Charlemagne's Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious, ed. P. Godman and R. Collins (Oxford, 1990), pp. 455-86, 823-825', Charlemagne's Heir: New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious, ed. P. Godman and R. Collins (Oxford, 1990), pp. 455-86
47. and, more generally, H. H. Anton, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit, Bonner Historische Forschungen 32 (Bonn, 1968). in der Karolingerzeit, Bonner Historische Forschungen 32 (Bonn, 1968)
48. See esp. Sedulius Scottus, Liber de rectoribus christianis, ce. 2 and 5
49. (Sedulius Scottus, ed. S. Hellmann, Quellen und Untersuchungen zur lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 1(1) (Munich, 1906), 25-7 and 34-7). lateinischen Philologie des Mittelalters 1(1) (Munich, 1906), 25-7 and 34-7)
50. Airlie, 'Private Bodies', p. 6
51. De Jong, 'Power and Humility', p. 29
52. Smith, 'Gender and Ideology', p. 69
53. J. L. Nelson, 'Kingship, Law and Liturgy in the Political Thought of Hincmar of Rheims', in her Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986), pp. 133-71, at 164-5. Hincmar of Rheims', in her Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London, 1986), pp. 133-71, at 164-5
54. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, lat. 1152 (court school of Charles the Bald, 842 × 869; given to Metz in 869); R. Deshman, 'The Exalted Servant: the Ruler Theology of the Prayerbook of Charles the Bald', Viator 11 (1980), 385-417, at 404-7, with figs. 17-18. of Charles the Bald, 842 × 869; given to Metz in 869); see R. Deshman, 'The Exalted Servant: the Ruler Theology of the Prayerbook of Charles the Bald', Viator 11 (1980), 385-417, at 404-7, with figs. 17-18
55. For the psalter of Charles the Bald, see above, n. 28; for his below, p. 46, n. 41. The psalter of Lothar I is London, British Library, Add. 37768 (court school of Lothar I, shordy after 842); W. Koehler and F. Mütherich, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, IV: Die Hofschule Lothars. Einzelhandschriften aus Lotharingien (Berlin, 1971), 35-46, with pls. 1-7. prayerbook, see below, p. 46, n. 41. The psalter of Lothar I is London, British Library, Add. 37768 (court school of Lothar I, shordy after 842); see W. Koehler and F. Mütherich, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, IV: Die Hofschule Lothars. Einzelhandschriften aus Lotharingien (Berlin, 1971), 35-46, with pls. 1-7
56. The psalter of Louis the German is Berlin, Staatsbibliothek Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Theol. Lat. fol. 58 (?Saint-Amand, c. 825 × c. 866, with subsequent augmentations); E. J. Goldberg, 'More Devoted to the Equipment of Battle than the Splendor of Banquets: Frontier Kingship, Martial Ritual, and Early Knighthood at the Court of Louis the German', Viator 30 (1999), 41-78, at 67-71, with fig. 5. Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Theol. Lat. fol. 58 (?Saint-Amand, c. 825 × c. 866, with subsequent augmentations); see E. J. Goldberg, '"More Devoted to the Equipment of Battle than the Splendor of Banquets": Frontier Kingship, Martial Ritual, and Early Knighthood at the Court of Louis the German', Viator 30 (1999), 41-78, at 67-71, with fig. 5
57. See the corrective remarks of J. L. Nelson, 'The Lord's Anointed and the People's Choice: Carolingian Royal Ritual', in her The Frankish World, 750-900 (London, 1996), pp. 99-131, at 124-7. People's Choice: Carolingian Royal Ritual', in her The Frankish World, 750-900 (London, 1996), pp. 99-131, at 124-7
58. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, lat. 1 (Tours, 845; given to Metz in 869); P. E. Dutton and H. L. Kessler, The Poetry and Paintings of the First Bible of Charles the Bald (Ann Arbor, MI, 1997), esp. pp. 89-101. to Metz in 869); P. E. Dutton and H. L. Kessler, The Poetry and Paintings of the First Bible of Charles the Bald (Ann Arbor, MI, 1997), esp. pp. 89-101
59. Goldberg, 'Frontier Kingship, Martial Ritual', esp. pp. 61-71
60. Astronomer, Gesta Hludovici Imperatoris, cc. 19, 32 and 44 (ed. Tremp, pp. 334-6, 392 and 458); pp. 334-6, 392 and 458)
61. Thegan, Gesta Hludovici Imperatoris, c. 43 (ed. Tremp, p. 230)
62. See T. F. X. Noble, 'Louis the Pious and his Piety Re-Reconsidered', Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 58 (1980), 297-316, at 308-10
63. Nelson, 'Monks', pp. 133-5
64. T. H. Bestul, 'Continental Sources of Anglo-Saxon Devotional Writing', Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture, ed. P. E. Szarmach (Kalamazoo, MI, 1986), pp. 103-26, at 112 and 116-18; Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture, ed. P. E. Szarmach (Kalamazoo, MI, 1986), pp. 103-26, at 112 and 116-18
65. Scharer, 'Writing of History', pp. 187-91
66. Kershaw, 'Illness, Power and Prayer'
67. Vita Alfredi, cc. 74 and 76 (ed. Stevenson, pp. 55-6 and 59)
68. For the surviving manuscript evidence for the celebration of the divine Office in Anglo-Saxon England, Office in Anglo-Saxon England, see A. Corrêa, 'Daily Office Books: Collectars and Breviaries'
69. and P. Pulsiano, 'Psalters', both in The Liturgical Books of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. R. W. Pfaff, OEN Subsidia 23 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1995), 45-60 and 61-85. England, ed. R. W. Pfaff, OEN Subsidia 23 (Kalamazoo, MI, 1995), 45-60 and 61-85
70. Jonas of Orléans, De institutione laicali I.12 (PL 106, cols. 145-7); 145-7)
71. Dhuoda, Liber manualis II.3
72. and XI.1
73. (Dhuoda, Handbook forher Warrior Son: Liber Manualis, ed. M. Thiébaux, Cambridge Med. Classics 8 (Cambridge, 1998), 80-1 and 232-3). Thiébaux, Cambridge Med. Classics 8 (Cambridge, 1998), 80-1 and 232-3)
74. R. McKitterick, The Carolingians and Written Word (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 217-18, 244-57 and 264-9
75. P. Riché, Les Écoles et l'enseignement dans l'Occident fin du Ve siècle au milieu du XIe siècle chrétien de la fin du Ve siècle au milieu du XIe siècle (Paris, 1979), pp. 297-305
76. C. V. Leroquais, Les Psautiers manuscrits latins des bibliothèques France publiques de France, 3 vols. (Mâcon, 1940-1) I, v-vii
77. The manuscript itself is housed in the Schatzkammer der Residenz, Munich, with original ivory plaques now in the Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in Zurich (court school of Charles the Bald, 842 × 869); W. Koehler and F. Mütherich, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, V: Die Hofschule Karls des Kahlen (Berlin, 1982), 75-87, with pis. 1-3, with original ivory plaques now in the Schweizerisches Landesmuseum in Zurich (court school of Charles the Bald, 842 × 869); see W. Koehler and F. Mütherich, Die karolingischen Miniaturen, V: Die Hofschule Karls des Kahlen (Berlin, 1982), 75-87, with pis. 1-3
78. and Deshman, 'Exalted Servant'
79. Originally composed by Alcuin for Charlemagne (?801 × 804): Clavis des auteurs latins du Moyen Age: territoire français 735-987, II: Alcuin, ed. M-H. Jullien and F. Perelman, CCCM (Turnhout, 1999), 344. des auteurs latins du Moyen Age: territoire français 735-987, II: Alcuin, ed. M-H. Jullien and F. Perelman, CCCM (Turnhout, 1999), 344
80. Corresponding to the first seven groupings in Alcuin's De psalmorum usu liber. ibid. pp. 145-8. liber. ibid. pp. 145-8
81. Cf. Scharer, Writing of History', pp. 190 and 200 charer, Writing of History', pp. 190 and 200.
82. Smyth, Alfred the Great, p. 232, raises this possibility in a very different context
83. cf. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 268 (n. 208)
84. None of the preserved fragments of the text known at Worcester in the twelfth century as the dicta Ælfredi regis contain any devotional material; D. Whitelock, 'William of Malmesbury on the Works of King Alfred', Medieval Literature and Civilization: Studies in Memory of G. N. Garmonsway, ed. D. A. Pearsall and R. A. Waldron (London, 1969), pp. 78-93, at 90-1, twelfth century as the dicta Ælfredi regis contain any devotional material; see D. Whitelock, 'William of Malmesbury on the Works of King Alfred', Medieval Literature and Civilization: Studies in Memory of G. N. Garmonsway, ed. D. A. Pearsall and R. A. Waldron (London, 1969), pp. 78-93, at 90-1
85. repr. in her From Bede to Alfred Studies in Early Anglo-Saxon Literature and History (London, 1980), no. VII. and History (London, 1980), no. VII
86. As noted by Stevenson (Asser's Life of King Alfred, p. 326)
87. in); Cambridge, University Library, Ll. 1.10 ('Book of Cerne'; Mercia, ?c. 818 × 830). See Scharer, 'Writing of History', p. 190
88. B. Raw, 'Alfredian Piety: the Book of Nunnaminster', Alfred the Wise: Studies in Honour of Janet Bately, ed. J. Roberts and J. L. Nelson, with M. R. Godden (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 145-53; Studies in Honour of Janet Bately, ed. J. Roberts and J. L. Nelson, with M. R. Godden (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 145-53
89. M. P. Brown, The Book of Cerne: Prayer, Patronage and Power in Ninth-Century England (London, 1996), pp. 157-61, 168 and 178-81
90. idem in The Making of England: Anglo-Saxon Art and Culture AD 600-900, ed. L. Webster and J. Backhouse (London, 1991), pp. 210-11 (nos. 164-5)
91. For general discussion, see Bestul, 'Continental Sources', pp. 105-12
92. J. Morrish, 'Dated and Datable Manuscripts Copied in England during the A Preliminary List Ninth Century: a Preliminary List', MS 50 (1988), 512-38, at 518-21
93. P. Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature in Western England 600-800, CSASE 3 (Cambridge, 1990), 273-327
94. Brown, Book of Cerne, pp. 103-15 and 129-61
95. Brown, Book of Cerne, pp. 131-6 and 181-4; cf.p. 114, where the possibility of lay patronage is briefly considered. possibility of lay patronage is briefly considered
96. Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature, pp. 281-2
97. cf. Brown in The Making of England, ed. Webster and Backhouse, pp. 208-10 (nos. 162-3), (nos. 162-3)
98. and idem, Book of Cerne, p. 152
99. S. Keynes, 'The West Saxon Charters of King Æthehvulf and his Sons', EHR 109 (1994), 1109-49, at 1131-7 and 1146-7. Sons', EHR 109 (1994), 1109-49, at 1131-7 and 1146-7
100. Asser, Vita Alfredi, cc. 37-8 (ed. Stevenson, pp. 28-30)
101. Written in the diocese of Rheims for the personal use of Count Achadeus; Christi College, Cambridge in England by s. xi at the latest. The suspicion that the importation of this psalter might have been associated with Grimbald remains unproven; 2 vols, Cambridge, II, 27-32; in England by s. xi at the latest. The suspicion that the importation of this psalter might have been associated with Grimbald remains unproven; see M. R. James, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1912) II, 27-32
102. M. Lapidge, Anglo-Saxon Litanies of the Saints, HBS 106 (London, 1991), 64-5 and 110-14
103. D. N. Dumville, English Caroline Script and Monastic History: Studies in A.D. 950-1030 Benedictinism, A.D. 950-1030 (Woodbridge, 1993), p. 131
104. P. P. O'Neill, 'On the Date, Provenance and Relationship of the and Saturn Dialogues', ASE 26 (1997), 139-68, at 162. "Solomon and Saturn" Dialogues', ASE 26 (1997), 139-68, at 162
105. in at the latest. The association with Æthelstan himself depends solely upon a sixteenth-century note; see S. Keynes, 'King Athelstan's Books', Learning and Literature in Anglo-Saxon England Studies presented to Peter Clemoes, ed. M. Lapidge and H. Gneuss (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 143-201, at 193-6
106. idem, 'Anglo-Saxon Entries in the "Liber Vitae" of Brescia', Alfred the Wise, ed. Roberts and Nelson, pp. 99-119, at 117-19
107. R. Deshman, 'The Galba Psalter: Pictures, Texts and Contexts in an Early Prayerbook Medieval Prayerbook', ASE 26 (1997), 109-38
108. As argued by O'Neill, '"Solomon and Saturn" Dialogues', pp. 160-4
109. For a suggestive exploration of the many contrasts between Frankish and English ecclesiastical conditions in the ninth century, J. L. Nelson, A King Across the Sea: Alfred in Continental Perspective, TRHS 5th ser. 36 1986, 45-68, at 61-7 English ecclesiastical conditions in the ninth century, see J. L. Nelson, '"A King Across the Sea": Alfred in Continental Perspective', TRHS 5th ser. 36 (1986), 45-68, at 61-7
110. repr. in her Rulers and Ruling Families in Early Medieval Europe: Alfred, Charles the Bald and Others (Aldershot, 1999), no. I. Charles the Bald and Others (Aldershot, 1999), no. I
111. Represented principally by the laws of Wihtred, king of Kent (695), and by the capitulare of the papal legates of 786. by the capitulare of the papal legates of 786
112. Nelson, '"A King Across the Sea"', p. 66
113. Wormald, 'Bede, "Beowulf" and the Conversion', esp. pp. 49-58
114. S. Foot, What was an Early Anglo-Saxon Monastery?', Monastic Studies: the Continuity of Tradition, ed. J. Loades (Bangor, 1990), pp. 48-57
115. A. Thacker, 'Monks, Preaching and Pastoral Care in Early Anglo-Saxon England'
116. and J. Blair, 'Anglo-Saxon Minsters: a Topographical Review', both in Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. J. Blair and R. Sharpe (Leicester, 1992), pp. 137-70 and 226-66; Pastoral Care before the Parish, ed. J. Blair and R. Sharpe (Leicester, 1992), pp. 137-70 and 226-66
117. C. R. E. Cubitt, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c. 650-c. 850 (Leicester, 1995), esp. pp. 99-124
118. M. Clunies Ross, 'Concubinage in Anglo-Saxon England', Past and Present 108 (August 1985), 3-34, at 29-32
119. Thacker, 'Monks, Preaching', pp. 164-6
120. C. R. E. Cubitt, 'Pastoral Care and Conciliar Canons: the Provisions of the 747 Council of Clofesho', Pastoral Care, ed. Blair and Sharpe, pp. 193-211. the 747 Council of Clofesho', Pastoral Care, ed. Blair and Sharpe, pp. 193-211
121. D. A. Bullough, 'The Continental Background of the Reform', Tenth-Century Studies, ed. D. Parsons (London, 1975), pp. 20-36
122. repr. in his Carolingian Renewal: Sources and Heritage (Manchester, 1991), pp. 272-96; 1991), pp. 272-96
123. N. Banton, 'Monastic Reform and the Unification of Tenth-Century England', Religion and National Identity, ed. S. Mews (Oxford, 1982), pp. 71-85
124. Laws of Wihtred, chs. 3-6 (Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, ed. F. Liebermann, 3 vols. (Halle, 1903-16) I, 12); Liebermann, 3 vols. (Halle, 1903-16) I, 12)
125. capitulare of the papal legates, cc. 15-16 (Alcuini sive Albini epistolae, no. 3, ed. E. Duemmler, MGH Epist. 2 (Berlin, 1895), 25). epistolae, no. 3, ed. E. Duemmler, MGH Epist. 2 (Berlin, 1895), 25)
126. Clunies Ross,'Concubinage', pp. 7-29, esp. 18-23
127. See esp. the letters of Pope John VIII to Burgred, king of the Mercians × 874), and to Æthelred, archbishop of Canterbury (877 × 878), and the letter of Fulk, archbishop of Rheims, to King Alfred (c. 890): Councils and Synods and other Documents relating to the English Church, I: A.D. 871-1204, ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett and C. N. L. Brooke, 2 pts (Oxford, 1981) I, 1-2,5 and 13 (nos. 1, 3 and 5); (873 × 874), and to Æthelred, archbishop of Canterbury (877 × 878), and the letter of Fulk, archbishop of Rheims, to King Alfred (c. 890): Councils and Synods and other Documents relating to the English Church, I: A.D. 871-1204, ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett and C. N. L. Brooke, 2 pts (Oxford, 1981) I, 1-2,5 and 13 (nos. 1, 3 and 5)
128. English HistoricalDocuments c. 500-1042, ed. D. Whitelock, Eng. Hist. Documents 1, 2nd ed. (London, 1979), 880, 882 and 887 (nos. 220, 222 and 224). below, p. 54, n. 83. Documents 1, 2nd ed. (London, 1979), 880, 882 and 887 (nos. 220, 222 and 224). See also below, p. 54, n. 83
129. Thacker, 'Monks, Preaching', pp. 157-64
130. A.J. Frantzen, The Literature of Penance in Anglo-Saxon England (New Brunswick, NJ, 1983), pp. 61-93 (on the eighth century) and 122-8 (on the three references to penance in Alfred's laws). Brunswick, NJ, 1983), pp. 61-93 (on the eighth century) and 122-8 (on the three references to penance in Alfred's laws)
131. Thacker, 'Monks, Preaching', pp. 160-70
132. On practices of commemoration, see The Liber Vitae of the New Minster and Hyde Abbey Winchester, ed. S. Keynes, EEMF 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 49-65; Hyde Abbey Winchester, ed. S. Keynes, EEMF 26 (Copenhagen, 1996), 49-65
133. idem, '"Liber Vitae" of Brescia'
134. Annals of Saint-Bertin s.a. 839
135. (Annales de Saint Bertin, ed. Grat et al., pp. 29-30
136. J. L. Nelson, Annals of St-Bertin, pp. 42-3)
137. For the possibility that these envoys might have been sent by King Ecgberht, prevented by death from fulfilling a planned journey to Rome, rather than King Æthelwulf, Ecgberht, prevented by death from fulfilling a planned journey to Rome, rather than King Æthelwulf, see Keynes, '"Liber Vitae" of Brescia', p. 113
138. Nelson, 'Monks', pp. 135-8
139. S 330, dated 861 (BCS 855; The Charters of St Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury, and Minster-in-Tbanet, ed. S. E. Kelly, AS Charters 4 (Oxford, 1995), no. 22); Canterbury, and Minster-in-Tbanet, ed. S. E. Kelly, AS Charters 4 (Oxford, 1995), no. 22)
140. S 331, dated 862 (BCS 506; Charters of Rochester, ed. A. Campbell, AS Charters 1 (London, 1973), no. 25); Charters 1 (London, 1973), no. 25)
141. S 335, dated 862 (BCS 505; The Charters of Abingdon Abbey, ed. S. E. Kelly, AS Charters 7 (Oxford, 2000), no. 15); Kelly, AS Charters 7 (Oxford, 2000), no. 15)
142. S 336, issued at Dorchester and dated 863 (BCS 508), where 'Ælfred dux', the second ealdorman in the witness-list, might be identified as the future king, rather than the ealdorman of Surrey of the same name; S 333, also issued at Dorchester, dated 863, with a subsequent endorsement at Sherborne, dated 864 (BCS 510; Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. A.J. Robertson, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1956), no. 11; dux', the second ealdorman in the witness-list, might be identified as the future king, rather than the ealdorman of Surrey of the same name; S 333, also issued at Dorchester, dated 863, with a subsequent endorsement at Sherborne, dated 864 (BCS 510; Anglo-Saxon Charters, ed. A.J. Robertson, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1956), no. 11
143. The Charters of Sherborne, ed. M. A. O'Donovan, AS Charters 3 (Oxford, 1988), no. 6); also S 1199 (BCS 515), a grant of land perhaps in Canterbury, which has no place of issue and can be dated no more closely than 858 × 866; and S327, dated '790', perhaps in error for 860 (BCS 502), a grant of land at Rochester, which also has no place of issue. 1988), no. 6); also S 1199 (BCS 515), a grant of land perhaps in Canterbury, which has no place of issue and can be dated no more closely than 858 × 866; and S327, dated '790', perhaps in error for 860 (BCS 502), a grant of land at Rochester, which also has no place of issue
144. S 327, S 331, S 1199, S 335 and S 333 (both grant and endorsement). This practice is demonstrated most clearly in the analysis of laymen attesting West Saxon charters of the ninth century presented by S. Keynes, An Atlas of Attestations in Anglo-Saxon Charters, c. 670-1066, rev. ed. (Cambridge, 1998), table XXI. practice is demonstrated most clearly in the analysis of laymen attesting West Saxon charters of the ninth century presented by S. Keynes, An Atlas of Attestations in Anglo-Saxon Charters, c. 670-1066, rev. ed. (Cambridge, 1998), table XXI
145. These observations proceed initially from the examination of the charter evidence undertaken by Keynes, West Saxon Charters, pp. 1128-31; evidence undertaken by Keynes, West Saxon Charters', pp. 1128-31
146. cf. also idem, 'The Control of Kent in the Ninth Century', EME 2 (1993), 111-31, at 120-31. 111-31, at 120-31
147. This reinforces the impression of orderly renegotiation that is otherwise conveyed by Alfred's will; Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 314-16 nn. 3, 4, 7 and 10 conveyed by Alfred's will; see Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 314-16 (nn. 3, 4, 7 and 10)
148. cf. also Dumville, 'The Ætheling', pp. 21-5
149. Alfred's younger son, Æthelweard, was certainly educated to a higher level than Edward the Elder (Vita Alfredi, c. 75, ed. Stevenson, p. 58), higher level than Edward the Elder (Vita Alfredi, c. 75, ed. Stevenson, p. 58)
150. but there is no necessary implication that he may therefore originally have been destined for the church Nelson, A King Across the Sea, p. 57 have been destined for the church (cf. Nelson, '"A King Across the Sea"', p. 57)
151. Edward himself may simply have been too old to benefit directly from the newly founded court schola. In the event, Æthelweard clearly remained active as an ætheling in Edward's reign, and left two sons to succeed him after his death (c. 920); Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 256 (n. 147), newly founded court schola. In the event, Æthelweard clearly remained active as an ætheling in Edward's reign, and left two sons to succeed him after his death (c. 920); see Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 256 (n. 147)
152. and Keynes, Atlas, table XXXIa
153. C. Stancliffe, 'The Kings Who Opted Out', Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society, ed. P. Wormald, with D. Bullough and R. Collins (Oxford, 1983), pp. 154-76, at 154-6 and 158. and Anglo-Saxon Society, ed. P. Wormald, with D. Bullough and R. Collins (Oxford, 1983), pp. 154-76, at 154-6 and 158
154. See D. P. Kirby, The Earliest English Kings (London, 1991), pp. 147-9, 151 and 153-4
155. Cf. the case of Eadberht Præn, leader of Kentish resistance against Mercian domination in the 790s (ibid. pp. 176-9), whom Pope Leo III deemed to be ineligible for kingship on the basis that he had once been ordained as a priest, perhaps forcibly. This ruling gave the Mercian king Cenwulf carte blanche to have Eadberht captured, blinded and mutilated in 798; according to later tradition Eadberht survived and was imprisoned by Cenwulf for about thirteen years in the new royal monastery at Winchcombe. Mercian domination in the 790s (ibid. pp. 176-9), whom Pope Leo III deemed to be ineligible for kingship on the basis that he had once been ordained as a priest, perhaps forcibly. This ruling gave the Mercian king Cenwulf carte blanche to have Eadberht captured, blinded and mutilated in 798; according to later tradition Eadberht survived and was imprisoned by Cenwulf for about thirteen years in the new royal monastery at Winchcombe
156. Now sensitively surveyed by M. de Jong, 'Monastic Prisoners or Opting Frankish Kingdoms Leiden, forthcoming Out? Political Coercion and Honour in the Frankish Kingdoms', Topographies of Power in the Early Middle Ages, ed. M. de Jong, F. Theuws and C. van Rhijn (Leiden, forthcoming)
157. J. L. Nelson, 'Reconstructing a Royal Family: Reflections on Alfred, from Hayes Sawyer Asser, chapter 2', People and Places in Northern Europe, 500-1600: Essays in honour of Peter Hayes Sawyer, ed. I. Wood and N. Lund (Woodbridge, 1991), pp. 47-66, at 59-61
158. repr. in her Rulers and Ruling Families, no. III
159. S 1286 (BCS 611)
160. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 322 (n. 79)
161. Select English Historical Documents of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, ed. F. E. Harmer (Cambridge, 1914), pp. 15-19 and 49-53 (no. 11); S 378 (BCS 624). F. E. Harmer (Cambridge, 1914), pp. 15-19 and 49-53 (no. 11); S 378 (BCS 624)
162. See below, pp. 75-81
163. Letter of Boniface to Æthelbald, king of the Mercians (c. 747): Die Briefe der heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus, ed. M. Tangl, MGH Epist. select. 1 (Berlin, 1916), 147-51 (no. 73); Briefe der heiligen Bonifatius und Lullus, ed. M. Tangl, MGH Epist. select. 1 (Berlin, 1916), 147-51 (no. 73)
164. English Historical Documents, ed. Whitelock, pp. 816-22 (no. 177)
165. Letters of Alcuin to Æthelred, king of the Northumbrians (793), and to an unnamed Mercian patricius (797): Alcuini sive Albini epistolae, ed. Duemmler, pp. 43 and 179 (nos. 16 and 122); to an unnamed Mercian patricius (797): Alcuini sive Albini epistolae, ed. Duemmler, pp. 43 and 179 (nos. 16 and 122)
166. English Historical Documents, ed. Whitelock, pp. 843 and 855 (nos. 193 and 202). capitulare of the papal legates, c. 16, 12(ed. Duemmler, pp. 23-5). and 202). Cf. capitulare of the papal legates, c. 16, cf. 12(ed. Duemmler, pp. 23-5)
167. See J. E. Story, 'Carolingian Northumbria and the Legatine Mission of Conversion and Christianity in the North Sea World, ed. B. E. Crawford, St John's House Papers 8 (St Andrews, 1998), 93-107. 786', Conversion and Christianity in the North Sea World, ed. B. E. Crawford, St John's House Papers 8 (St Andrews, 1998), 93-107
168. D. G. Scragg, 'Wifcyppe and the Morality of the Cynewulf and Cyneheard Episode in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', Alfred the Wise, ed. Roberts and Nelson, pp. 179-85. Episode in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle', Alfred the Wise, ed. Roberts and Nelson, pp. 179-85
169. Nelson, 'Reconstructing a Royal Family', p. 54
170. Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, pp. 222-5
171. cf. Abels, Alfred the Great, p. 71
172. Abels, Alfred the Great, pp. 90-1
173. P. Stafford, 'The King's Wife in Wessex 800-1066', Past and Present 91 (May 1981), 3-27, at 13. (May 1981), 3-27, at 13
174. On the status of Edward the Elder's first partner, Ecgwynn, and the significance of his subsequent marriage to Ælfflæd, contracted by 901, Nelson, 'A King Across the Sea', pp. 56-7, significance of his subsequent marriage to Ælfflæd, contracted by 901, see also Nelson, '"A King Across the Sea"', pp. 56-7
175. and idem, 'Reconstructing a Royal Family', p. 64
176. J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxford, 1971), pp. 72-123
177. King Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. H. Sweet, 2 vols., EETS os 45 and 50 (London, 1871), 2-8; Sweet, 2 vols., EETS os 45 and 50 (London, 1871), 2-8
178. For an assessment of contemporary Latinity which lends substance to Alfred's rhetoric, M. Lapidge, 'Latin Learning in Ninth-Century England', in his Anglo-Latin Literature 600-899 (London, 1996), pp. 409-54. Alfred's rhetoric, see M. Lapidge, 'Latin Learning in Ninth-Century England', in his Anglo-Latin Literature 600-899 (London, 1996), pp. 409-54
179. J. M. Bately, 'Old English Prose before and during the Reign of Alfred', undermining the case for an established 'school' of Mercian vernacular writing earlier in the ninth century ASE 17 (1988), 93-138, throws the originality of Alfred's efforts into greater relief, by undermining the case for an established 'school' of Mercian vernacular writing earlier in the ninth century
180. Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, ch. VII, p. 46, line 20, p. 48, line 16, and p. 50, line 6; ch. VIII, p. 54, line 3; ch. XI, p. 64, line 2; ch. XIII, p. 74, line 20. VII, p. 46, line 20, p. 48, line 16, and p. 50, line 6; ch. VIII, p. 54, line 3; ch. XI, p. 64, line 2; ch. XIII, p. 74, line 20
181. Cf. Gregory, Regula pastoralis I.7
182. I.8
183. I.11
184. and II.2
185. (Grégoire le Grand: Règle pastorale, ed. F. Rommel, with B. Judic and C. Morel, 2 vols., Sources chrétiennes 381-2 (Paris, 1992) I, 150-2, lines 1, 17 and 30; I, 156, line 28; I, 164, line 2; I, 176, line 3). Judic and C. Morel, 2 vols., Sources chrétiennes 381-2 (Paris, 1992) I, 150-2, lines 1, 17 and 30; I, 156, line 28; I, 164, line 2; I, 176, line 3)
186. This view is approached by Nelson, 'Monks', p. 136
187. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 255-6 (n. 143)
188. W. Bonser, The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England, Publ. of the Wellcome Hist. Lib. ns 3 (London, 1963), 109-13, briefly compares Alfred's case with what little is known about the medical histories of several other Anglo-Saxon individuals; Wellcome Hist. Lib. ns 3 (London, 1963), 109-13, briefly compares Alfred's case with what little is known about the medical histories of several other Anglo-Saxon individuals
189. C. Brewer, The Death of Kings (London, 2000), supplies later examples Victoria from Edward the Confessor to Queen Victoria
190. M. Schutt, 'The Literary Form of Asser's Vita Alfredi', EHR 62 (1957), 209-20, at 214-15. 209-20, at 214-15
191. J. Campbell, 'Asser's Life of Alfred', The Inheritance of Historiography 350-900, ed. C. Holdsworth and T. P. Wiseman, Exeter Stud. in Hist. 12 (Exeter, 1986), 115-35, 350-900, ed. C. Holdsworth and T. P. Wiseman, Exeter Stud. in Hist. 12 (Exeter, 1986), 115-35
192. repr. in (and cited from) his The Anglo-Saxon State (London, 2000), pp. 129-55, at 154-5, 129-55, at 154-5
193. further reasserts the coherence of ch. 74 in specific response to the doubts raised by D. P. Kirby, 'Asser and his Life of King Alfred', Studia Celtica 6 (1971), 12-35, at 13-15. doubts raised by D. P. Kirby, 'Asser and his Life of King Alfred', Studia Celtica 6 (1971), 12-35, at 13-15
194. It is interesting to note that John of Worcester (s.a. 871) seems to have understood Asser's regressive chronology in precisely this manner, reordering his sentences accordingly: The Chronicle of John of Worcester, II: the Annals from 450-1066, ed. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk, trans. J. Bray and P. McGurk (Oxford, 1995), 294-5. understood Asser's regressive chronology in precisely this manner, reordering his sentences accordingly: The Chronicle of John of Worcester, II: the Annals from 450-1066, ed. R. R. Darlington and P. McGurk, trans. J. Bray and P. McGurk (Oxford, 1995), 294-5
195. For thought-provoking discussion of these chapters and of Asser's fondness for the technique of regression, Dublin, esp 380 fondness for the technique of regression, see D. R. Howlett, British Books in Biblical Style (Dublin, 1997), pp. 374-81, esp. 380
196. R. E. Latham and D. R. Howlett, Dictionary of Medieval Latin from British Sources (London, 1975- ), s.v. Sources (London, 1975- ), s.v
197. Work a fomentation; take the red ryden, put it in a trough, then heat stones very hot, lay them within the trough, and let him sit on a stool over the fomentation, that it may steam him well; when the fig worms fall on the fomentation, he will soon be well': Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, ed. O. Cockayne, 3 vols., RS 35 (London, 1864-6) II, 340-1. stones very hot, lay them within the trough, and let him sit on a stool over the fomentation, that it may steam him well; when the fig worms fall on the fomentation, he will soon be well': Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England, ed. O. Cockayne, 3 vols., RS 35 (London, 1864-6) II, 340-1
198. 'If the fig should become firmly established on a man's rump: take burdock roots - the large ones - three or four, and smoke them on hot embers; then pull out one from the hearth, and pound, and make like a little cake; and apply to the rump as hot as you can bear. When the cake cools, make more, and apply, and be in repose a day or two': J. H. G. Grattan and C. Singer, Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine Illustrated Specially from the Semi-Pagan Text 'Lacnunga' (Oxford, 1952), ch. LXXVIII, pp. 150-1; chs. XIX and LXXXIII, pp. 102-5 and 156-7. burdock roots - the large ones - three or four, and smoke them on hot embers; then pull out one from the hearth, and pound, and make like a little cake; and apply to the rump as hot as you can bear. When the cake cools, make more, and apply, and be in repose a day or two': J. H. G. Grattan and C. Singer, Anglo-Saxon Magic and Medicine Illustrated Specially from the Semi-Pagan Text 'Lacnunga' (Oxford, 1952), ch. LXXVIII, pp. 150-1; see also chs. XIX and LXXXIII, pp. 102-5 and 156-7
199. Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 384
200. Bonser, Medical Background, pp. 411-12
201. L. Cameron, 'Bald's Leechbook: its Sources and their Use in its Compilation', ASE 12 (1983), 153-82, at 173; Compilation', ASE 12 (1983), 153-82, at 173
202. idem, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, CSASE 7 (Cambridge, 1993), 96
203. See below, pp. 67-72
204. Leechbook of Bald, bk I, ch. xxxix (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 10-11 and 102-3)
205. Lanhydrock, Bodmin, Collection of Lord Clifford B. 12.16, fol. 144 (unknown provenance, s. x/xi); ptd as item III(d) by A. Napier, 'Altenglische Mitteilungen', ASNSL 84 (1890), 323-7, at 325-6. (unknown provenance, s. x/xi); ptd as item III(d) by A. Napier, 'Altenglische Mitteilungen', ASNSL 84 (1890), 323-7, at 325-6
206. See Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, pp. 66-7, 77-9 and 83-92
207. cf. idem, 'Bald's Leechbook', pp. 154-6
208. 'Round and hardish and reddish growths, which also bring pain, are called figs. This arises most often on the head, but also on other parts of the body': Oribasius, Synopsis VII.39 figs. This arises most often on the head, but also on other parts of the body': Oribasius, Synopsis VII.39
209. (Œuvres d'Oribase, ed. U. C. Bussemaker, C. Daremberg and A. Molinier, 6 vols. (Paris, 1856-76) VI, 183). Molinier, 6 vols. (Paris, 1856-76) VI, 183)
210. For sycodes ('fig-like inflammations') arising specifically in the beard, VIII.47 (ibid VI, 249), see VIII.47 (ibid VI, 249)
211. and Oribasius, Euporistes IV.53
212. (ibid. VI, 571)
213. For a particularly clear account of such sycosis, in a text probably unknown in Anglo-Saxon England, Celsus, De mediana VI.ii.3 unknown in Anglo-Saxon England, see Celsus, De mediana VI.ii.3
214. (W. G. Spencer, Celsus: De Medicina, Loeb Classical Library, 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA, 1935-8) II, 180-1). (Cambridge, MA, 1935-8) II, 180-1)
215. J. Roberts and C. Kay, with L. Grundy, A Thesaurus of Old English, 2 vols., King's College London Med. Stud. 11 (London, 1995) I, 126; vols., King's College London Med. Stud. 11 (London, 1995) I, 126
216. A diP. Healey and R. L. Venezky, A Microfiche Concordance to Old English (Toronto, 1980), s.v. (Toronto, 1980), s.v
217. 'Wip peoradle on eagum pe mon gefigo hæt on læden hatte cimosis cimosis': Leechbook of Bald, bk I, ch. n.23 (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 38-9)
218. The term peor(adl) occurs in other contexts associated with other parts of the body. Its precise meaning has been much discussed, and remains uncertain: Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 413; of the body. Its precise meaning has been much discussed, and remains uncertain: see Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 413
219. C. Lambert, 'The Old English Medical Vocabulary', Proc. of the R. Soc. of Medicine 33 (1939-40), 137-45, at 140; Medicine 33 (1939-40), 137-45, at 140
220. Grattan and Singer, Anglo-Saxon Magic, p. 119, n. 2
221. See H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, with H. J. Jones and R. McKenzie, A Greek-English Lexicon, rev. ed., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1925) II, 1990. Greek-English Lexicon, rev. ed., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1925) II, 1990
222. J. Bosworth, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, ed. T. N. Toller (Oxford, 1898), p. 285
223. cf. T. N. Toller, Supplement (Oxford, 1921), pp. 326 and 765
224. Cf. also A. Campbell, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Supplement Enlarged and Corrigenda (Oxford, 1972), p. 32. Addenda and Corrigenda (Oxford, 1972), p. 32
225. See Lees, Alfred the Great, pp. 115-16 and 423
226. Odo of Cluny, Vita Geraldi, I.9-10 (PL 133, cols. 647-9)
227. See D. R. Pratt, 'Fuller Brooch', The Blackwell Encyclopaedia of Anglo-Saxon England, ed. M. Lapidge, J. Blair, S. Keynes and D. Scragg (Oxford, 1999), pp. 196-8
228. and idem, 'Persuasion and Invention at the Court of King Alfred the Great', Court Culture in the Early Middle Ages, ed. C. Cubitt (Turnhout, forthcoming). Great', Court Culture in the Early Middle Ages, ed. C. Cubitt (Turnhout, forthcoming)
229. Pliny prefers baemorrhois for the disease, ficus and marisca for the tree and its fruit; P. Rosumek and D. Najock, Concordantia in C. Plinii Secundi Naturalem Historiam, 7 vols. (Hildesheim, 1996), s.v. and its fruit; see P. Rosumek and D. Najock, Concordantia in C. Plinii Secundi Naturalem Historiam, 7 vols. (Hildesheim, 1996), s.v
230. Both Oribasius and Marcellus regularly describe piles as haemorrhoidae: Oribasius, Synopsis IX.44 and Oribasius, Synopsis IX.44 and
231. IX.69
232. (Œuvres d'Oribase, ed. Bussemaker et al. VI, 306-8 and 348)
233. Oribasius, Euporistes IV.81-3
234. (ibid. VI, 609-10)
235. Marcellus, De medicamentis liber, c. 31
236. (Marcelli De Medicamentis Liber, ed. M. Niedermann, rev. E. Liechtenhan, 2 vols., Corpus Medicorum Latinorum 5 (Berlin, 1968) II, 540-50, but see 544, line 17 for an isolated reference to ficus)
237. Cf. also Isidore, Etymologiae IV.vii.39
238. (Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Etymologiarum sive Originum Libri XX, ed. W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1911)). W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1911))
239. J. N. Adams, The Latin Sexual Vocabulary (London, 1982), p. 113
240. It would seem that in this context, the sores in question may have been anogenital warts, which are viral and sexually transmissible; this is the conclusion at least of J. D. Oriel, 'Anal and Genital Warts in the Ancient World', Pathology Newsletter 3 (September 1973). anogenital warts, which are viral and sexually transmissible; this is the conclusion at least of J. D. Oriel, 'Anal and Genital Warts in the Ancient World', Pathology Newsletter 3 (September 1973)
241. When I say "ficus", Laetilianus, you laugh as if at a barbarism that one say ficos. We will say ficus for the kind we know grow on trees; we will say ficos for your kind, Laetilianus': Martial, Epigrammata 1.65 and require that one say "ficos". We will say "ficus" for the kind we know grow on trees; we will say "ficos" for your kind, Laetilianus': Martial, Epigrammata 1.65
242. (D. R. Shackleton Bailey, Martial Epigrams, 3 vols. (Cambridge, MA, 1993) I, 88-9)
243. To buy boys, Labienus sold his garden villa. Now Labienus owns nothing but a fig plantation': Martial, Epigrammata XII.33 but a fig plantation': Martial, Epigrammata XII.33
244. (ibid. III, 118-19)
245. J. D. A. Ogilvy, Books Known to the English, 597-1066 (Cambridge, MA, 1967), p. 199, might be taken as a starting-point
246. There is no significant manuscript evidence, nor does Martial seem to have been known by Anglo-Saxon authors who were otherwise widely read. Aldhelm's poetry betrays no obvious signs of his influence (see A. Orchard, The Poetic Art of Aldhelm, CSASE 8 (Cambridge, 1994), 220-1), have been known by Anglo-Saxon authors who were otherwise widely read. Aldhelm's poetry betrays no obvious signs of his influence (see A. Orchard, The Poetic Art of Aldhelm, CSASE 8 (Cambridge, 1994), 220-1)
247. nor do the works of Bede (see esp. Bedae Venerabilis Opera. Pars VI. Opera Didascalica, ed. C. W. Jones, 3 vols., CCSL 123A-C (Turnhout, 1975-8) III, 781), nor is Martial included by Alcuin in his list of authors who could be read at the school of York, though this list should not be regarded as comprehensive. Opera Didascalica, ed. C. W. Jones, 3 vols., CCSL 123A-C (Turnhout, 1975-8) III, 781), nor is Martial included by Alcuin in his list of authors who could be read at the school of York, though this list should not be regarded as comprehensive
248. Some indirect knowledge of Martial might have been gained from Priscian's Institutiones grammaticae, however, a text which enjoyed some limited circulation in the Insular world, and it should be noted that one of Priscian's five quotations from Martial is Epigrammata I.65, quoted above, p. 61, n. 116: Institutiones grammaticae VI.76 Institutiones grammaticae, however, a text which enjoyed some limited circulation in the Insular world, and it should be noted that one of Priscian's five quotations from Martial is Epigrammata I.65, quoted above, p. 61, n. 116: Institutiones grammaticae VI.76
249. (Grammatici Latini, ed. H. Keil, 8 vols. (Leipzig, 1857-80) II, 261)
250. Cf. M.J. Enright, 'Disease, Royal Unction, and Propaganda: an Journeys to Rome, 853 and 855 AD' was already apparent at the age of four, in the hope that he might be cured through papal ministration Interpretation of Alfred's Journeys to Rome, 853 and 855 AD', Continuity 3 (1982), 1-16, who argues that the young Alfred was taken to Rome because his ill-health was already apparent (at the age of four), in the hope that he might be cured through papal ministration
251. Cf. Asser's Life of King Alfred, ed. Stevenson, p. 296 tevenson, p
252. I am extremely grateful to Oliver Padel for advice on this matter. Asser himself may conceivably have been responsible for the identification of the church of St Gueriir as the subsequent resting-place of St Neot (modern St Neot, Cornwall) in Vita Alfredi, c. 74 (ed. Stevenson, p. 55, lines 20-1), often regarded as a later interpolation; himself may conceivably have been responsible for the identification of the church of St Gueriir as the subsequent resting-place of St Neot (modern St Neot, Cornwall) in Vita Alfredi, c. 74 (ed. Stevenson, p. 55, lines 20-1), often regarded as a later interpolation
253. see Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 254-5 (n. 142)
254. One can quite imagine how the memory of St Gueriir could have been totally lost over time; now N. Orme, The Saints of Cornwall Oxford, 2000, pp. 133-4 totally lost over time; see now N. Orme, The Saints of Cornwall (Oxford, 2000), pp. 133-4
255. 'Indigna suorum parentum et nutritorum incuria usque ad duodecimum annum, aut eo amplius, illiteratus permansit aetatis annum, aut eo amplius, illiteratus permansit': Vita Alfredi, c. 22
256. (ed. Stevenson, p. 20
257. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 75)
258. See Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 239 (n. 46)
259. and S. Kelly, 'Early Anglo-Saxon Society and the Written Word', The Uses of Literag in Early Medieval Europe, ed. R. McKitterick (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 36-62, at 59-60
260. H. Grundmann, 'Litteratus - illiteratur: der Wandel einer Bildungsnorm Mittelalter vom Altertum zum Mittelalter', Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 40 (1958), 1-66
261. cited by R. McKitterick, 'Introduction', Uses of Literacy, ed. McKitterick, pp. 1-10, at 3
262. Grundmann, 'Litteratus - illiteratus', p. 36
263. Cf. Vita Alfredi, c. 106 (ed. Stevenson, p. 94, line 42)
264. Cameton, Anglo-Saxon Medicine, pp. 37-8, 130-58 and 180-1
265. Medieval connections of this sort between illness and sin are placed in broader chronological context by D. W. Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds Baltimore, MD, 1996, pp. 187-91 broader chronological context by D. W. Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds (Baltimore, MD, 1996), pp. 187-91
266. Morrish, 'Dated and Datable Manuscripts', p. 519
267. On the development of this theme, see the corrective remarks of Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature, pp. 298 and 306, Sims-Williams, Religion and Literature, pp. 298 and 306
268. and idem, 'Thoughts on Ephrem the Syrian in Anglo-Saxon England', Learning and Literature, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss, pp. 205-26, at 215-16. Learning and Literature, ed. Lapidge and Gneuss, pp. 205-26, at 215-16
269. Royal 2. A. XX, 18r (ptd in The Prayer Book of Aedeluald the Bishop, commonly called the Book of Cerne, ed. A. B. Kuypers (Cambridge, 1902), p. 208). commonly called the Book of Cerne, ed. A. B. Kuypers (Cambridge, 1902), p. 208)
270. This prayer, beginning 'Sanctam ergo unitatem trinitatis', also occurs in the Book of Cerne itself Cambridge Ll. 1.10, 40v-41 v; ibid. pp. 80-2 the Book of Cerne itself (Cambridge Ll. 1.10, 40v-41 v; ibid. pp. 80-2)
271. Royal 2. A. XX, 35v (ptd in Prayer Book of Ædeluald, ed. Kuypers, p. 216). p. 216)
272. This prayer, beginning 'O medicinae divinae mirabilis dispensator', also occurs in another version in the Book of Nunnaminster (Harley 2965, fol. 30; ptd in An Ancient Manuscript of the Eighth or Ninth Century, formerly belonging to St. Mary's Abbey, or Nunnaminster, ed. W. de G. Birch London, 1889, p. 77 occurs in another version in the Book of Nunnaminster (Harley 2965, fol. 30; ptd in An Ancient Manuscript of the Eighth or Ninth Century, formerly belonging to St. Mary's Abbey, or Nunnaminster, ed. W. de G. Birch (London, 1889), p. 77)
273. Lorica of Laidcenn (The Hisperica Famina, ed. M. W. Herren, 2 vols. (Toronto, 1974-82) II, 76-89); (Toronto, 1974-82) II, 76-89)
274. Leiden Lorica (ibid. II, 90-3)
275. Fully translated and discussed by Kershaw, 'Illness, Power and Prayer'
276. Odo of Cluny, Vita Geraldi, 1.9 (PL 133, col. 649)
277. King Alfred's Version of St Augustine's Soliloquies, ed. T. A. Carnicelli (Cambridge, MA, 1969), p. 75, line 19, to p. 76, line 8. (Cambridge, MA, 1969), p. 75, line 19, to p. 76, line 8
278. Cf. Augustine, Soliloquiorum libri duo I.xiii.22
279. (Sancti Aurelii Augustini Opera: Sect. I Pars IV, ed. W. Hörmann, CSEL 89 (Vienna, 1986), 34, lines 1-8). CSEL 89 (Vienna, 1986), 34, lines 1-8)
280. G. Watson, Saint Augustine: Soliloquies and Immortality of the Soul largely followed below (Warminster, 1990), supplies a useful translation of the Latin text which is largely followed below
281. A. J. Frantzen, Before the Closet Same-Sex Love from 'Beowulf' to 'Angels in America' (Chicago, IL, 1998), pp. 99-104
282. Hincmari Archiepiscopi Remensis Epistolarum Pars Prior, ed. E. Perels, MGH Epist. 6.1 (Berlin, 1939), 89 (no. 136), MGH Epist. 6.1 (Berlin, 1939), 89 (no. 136)
283. Annals of Saint-Vaast s.a. 882
284. (Annales Vedastini, ed. B. von Stimson, MGH SS rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 12 (Hanover, 1909), 52). scholarum separatim editi 12 (Hanover, 1909), 52)
285. Leechbook of Bald, bk II, ch. lxiv
286. (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 288-91)
287. 'Nam etiam de Hierosolyma ab Elia patriarcha epistolas et dona illi directas vidimus et legimus directas vidimus et legimus': Vita Alfredi, c. 91
288. (ed. Stevenson, p. 77
289. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 101)
290. Stevenson's emendation of the transmitted 'Abel patriarcha' would be convincing even without the evidence of Bald's Leechbook. In a characteristic manoeuvre, Smyth attempts to develop this emendation into a smokescreen, without offering any plausible alternative reading, yet his inability to account for this corroborated detail is barely concealed (Alfred the Great, p. 208). convincing even without the evidence of Bald's Leechbook. In a characteristic manoeuvre, Smyth attempts to develop this emendation into a smokescreen, without offering any plausible alternative reading, yet his inability to account for this corroborated detail is barely concealed (Alfred the Great, p. 208)
291. Plummer, Life and Times of Alfred, pp. 33-4 and 132-4
292. A. L. Meaney, 'Alfred, the Patriarch and the White Stone', AUMLA. Jnl of the Australasian Universities Lang. and Lit. Assoc. 49 (1978), 65-79, at 67. the Australasian Universities Lang. and Lit. Assoc. 49 (1978), 65-79, at 67
293. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica V.15-17
294. (Venerabilis Bedae Opera Historica, ed. C. Plummer, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1896) I, 316-19); 1896) I, 316-19)
295. Adomnan, De locis sanctis
296. (Itineraria et alia geographica, ed. P. Geyer, O. Cuntz, A. Francheschini, R. Weber, L. Bieler, J. Fraipont and F. Glorie, CCSL 175 (Turnhout, 1965), 175-234). Francheschini, R. Weber, L. Bieler, J. Fraipont and F. Glorie, CCSL 175 (Turnhout, 1965), 175-234)
297. Hygeburg, Hodoeporicon
298. (Vita Willebaldi, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH SS 15 (Hanover, 1887), 86-106) 86-106);
299. The Anglo-Saxon Missionaries in Germany, ed. C. H. Talbot (London, 1954), pp. 153-77
300. J. Harris, 'Wars and Rumours of Wars: England and the Byzantine World in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries', Mediterranean Hist. Rev. 14.2 (December 1999), 29-46, at 37-40. the Eighth and Ninth Centuries', Mediterranean Hist. Rev. 14.2 (December 1999), 29-46, at 37-40
301. In this article, which came to my attention after this paragraph was first written, Harris independently reaches similar conclusions on the immediate context for Alfred's contact with Elias, which he interprets as a conscious attempt to reopen contacts with wider Christendom, in reaction to the isolating experience of the Viking invasions. J. Shepard, 'The Ruler as Instructor, Pastor and Wise: Leo VI of Byzantium and Symeon of Bulgaria', Alfred the Great Proceedings of the Eleventh-Centenary Conferences, ed. T. Reuter (Aldershot, forthcoming), raises the intriguing possibility that Alfred's posturing as a wise ruler may in part have been encouraged by some knowledge of similar efforts then being pursued by his counterparts in the east. first written, Harris independently reaches similar conclusions on the immediate context for Alfred's contact with Elias, which he interprets as a conscious attempt to reopen contacts with wider Christendom, in reaction to the isolating experience of the Viking invasions. J. Shepard, 'The Ruler as Instructor, Pastor and Wise: Leo VI of Byzantium and Symeon of Bulgaria', Alfred the Great Proceedings of the Eleventh-Centenary Conferences, ed. T. Reuter (Aldershot, forthcoming), raises the intriguing possibility that Alfred's posturing as a wise ruler may in part have been encouraged by some knowledge of similar efforts then being pursued by his counterparts in the east
302. M. McCormick, 'Byzantium and the West, 700-900', The New Cambridge Medieval History, II: c. 700-c. 900, ed. R. McKitterick (Cambridge, 1995), 349-80, at 376; Medieval History, II: c. 700-c. 900, ed. R. McKitterick (Cambridge, 1995), 349-80, at 376
303. M. Borgolte, Der Gesandtenaustausch der Karolinger mit den Abbasiden und Patriarchen von Jerusalem, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung mit den Patriarchen von Jerusalem, Münchener Beiträge zur Mediävistik und Renaissance-Forschung 25 (Munich, 1976), 45-107
304. J. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster, 1977), esp. pp. 10-11
305. Bernard, Itinerarium
306. (Itinera Hierosolymitana I, ed. T. Tobler and A. Molinier, Publications de la société de l'orient latin, série géographique 1 (Geneva, 1879), 309-20); de la société de l'orient latin, série géographique 1 (Geneva, 1879), 309-20)
307. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, pp. 140-5
308. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle 891 AF, 892 BCD (= 891): Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1892-9) I, 82 (text); Chronicles Parallel, ed. C. Plummer (Oxford, 1892-9) I, 82 (text)
309. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: a Revised Translation, ed. D. Whitelock, with D. C. Douglas and S. I. Tucker (London, 1961), p. 53 (translation). D. C. Douglas and S. I. Tucker (London, 1961), p. 53 (translation)
310. Æthelweard, Chronicon IV.3
311. The Chronicle of Æthelweard, ed. A. Campbell (London, 1962), p. 48)
312. ASC 883 BDE, 884 C (= 883): Two Chronicles, ed. Plummer I, 78-9 (text)
313. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. Whitelock et al., p. 50 (translation)
314. S. Keynes, 'King Alfred and the Mercians', Kings, Currency and Alliances: the Ninth Century History and Coinage of Southern England in the Ninth Century, ed. M. Blackburn and D. N. Dumville (Woodbridge, 1998), pp. 1-45, at 22-3
315. S 1276 (BCS 562); Sigehelm is also the beneficiary of S 350 (BCS 576), dated 898, and his death at the battle of the Holme is recorded in ASC 903 A, 904 CD (= 902). He is almost certainly the same as the king's thegn who attests S 1203 (BCS 539), dated 875. dated 898, and his death at the battle of the Holme is recorded in ASC 903 A, 904 CD (= 902). He is almost certainly the same as the king's thegn who attests S 1203 (BCS 539), dated 875
316. Asser, Vita Alfredi, c. 77 (ed. Stevenson, p. 62, cf. 290)
317. on Æthelstan's career, see Keynes, 'West Saxon Charters', pp. and 1141. 1136-7 and 1141
318. An Ealdorman Æthelstan attests S 1275, datable to the period 871 × 877; two king's thegns of this name attest S 352, dated '979' for 878, and S 345, dated 882. × 877; two king's thegns of this name attest S 352, dated '979' for 878, and S 345, dated 882
319. This letter itself has not survived, but its contents may be deduced from John's letter to ×thelred, archbishop of Canterbury (877 × 878, Councils and Synods, ed. Whitelock et al. I, 3-6 (no. 3); John's letter to ×thelred, archbishop of Canterbury (877 × 878): Councils and Synods, ed. Whitelock et al. I, 3-6 (no. 3)
320. English Historical Documents, ed. Whitelock, pp. 881-3 (no. 222)
321. ASC 883 BDE, 884 C (= 883)
322. ASC 885 ABDE, 886 C (= 885)
323. Asser, Vita Alfredi, c. 71 (ed. Stevenson, pp. 53-4)
324. G. Kotzor, Das altenglische Martyrologium, 2 vols. (Munich, 1981) II, 186-8 and 264-6
325. See the doubts of Stevenson (Asser's Life of King Alfred, pp. 288-90)
326. As Stevenson also demonstrates, William of Malmesbury erroneously conflated Sigehelm with a later bishop of Sherborne who held office in the 920s, so his claim that Sigehelm returned from India with gems and perfumes seems equally fanciful: William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum II.cxxii.2 conflated Sigehelm with a later bishop of Sherborne who held office in the 920s, so his claim that Sigehelm returned from India with gems and perfumes seems equally fanciful: William of Malmesbury, Gesta regum II.cxxii.2
327. (William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum Anglorum / The History of the English Kings I, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 1999), 190-1); Kings I, ed. R. A. B. Mynors, R. M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (Oxford, 1999), 190-1)
328. William of Malmesbury, Gesta pontificum II.80
329. (Willelmi Malmesbiriensis Monachi De Gestis Pontificum Anglorum Libri Quinque, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, RS 52 (London, 1870), 177). Quinque, ed. N. E. S. A. Hamilton, RS 52 (London, 1870), 177)
330. In The Old English Orosius, ed. J. Bately, EETS ss 6 (Oxford, 1980), bk ch. i, p. 9, lines 29-31, the translator departs from his Latin source in identifying the Red Sea as the southern border of India; I, ch. i, p. 9, lines 29-31, the translator departs from his Latin source in identifying the Red Sea as the southern border of India
331. cf. Orosius, Historiae aduersum paganos I.ii. 15 (Pauli Orosii adversum Paganos Libri VII, ed. C. F. W. Zangemeister, CSEL 5 (Vienna, 1882), 12-13). Historiarum adversum Paganos Libri VII, ed. C. F. W. Zangemeister, CSEL 5 (Vienna, 1882), 12-13)
332. Ptd by L. d'Achéry, Spicilegium sive Collectio Veterum Aliquot Bibliothecis delituerant Scriptorum qui in Galliae Bibliothecis delituerant, 3 vols., new ed. (Paris, 1723) III, 363-4
333. Stevenson (Asser's Life of King Alfred, pp. 328-9)
334. also draws attention to a later open letter, known to have been received by Pope Benedict IV (900-3), in which Elias asks for help in raising a ransom demanded by the Turks for some monks who had been captured along with Malacenus, bishop of Amasea (in Cappadocia): ptd by J. Mabillon, Vetera Analecta, new ed. (Paris, 1723), p. 428; Benedict's encyclical on this subject (PL 131, cols. 43-4). by Pope Benedict IV (900-3), in which Elias asks for help in raising a ransom demanded by the Turks for some monks who had been captured along with Malacenus, bishop of Amasea (in Cappadocia): ptd by J. Mabillon, Vetera Analecta, new ed. (Paris, 1723), p. 428; cf. Benedict's encyclical on this subject (PL 131, cols. 43-4)
335. For wider discussion of these problems, as old as Christianity itself, and 127-221 see Amundsen, Medicine, Society, and Faith, pp. 1-29 and 127-221
336. Odo of Cluny, Vita Geraldi I.10 (PL 133, col. 649)
337. See Bald's Leechbook. British Museum Royal Manuscript 12. D. xvii, ed. C. Wright, EEMF 5 (Copenhagen, 1955), esp. 13-14 and 17-18. E. Wright, EEMF 5 (Copenhagen, 1955), esp. 13-14 and 17-18
338. See Cameron, Anglo-Saxon Mediane, pp. 159-68
339. Leechbook of Bald, bk II, ch. lii (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 269-73)
340. cf. also chs. ix, xxiv, xxvii and xxix (ibid. pp. 188-9, 216-17, 222-4 226-7). and 226-7)
341. 'Very agreeable to the stomach, and extremely sweet to bring up': King Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius: De Consolatione Philosophiae, ed. W. J. Sedgefield (Oxford, 1899), XXII.1, p. 51, lines 4-5. Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius: De Consolatione Philosophiae, ed. W. J. Sedgefield (Oxford, 1899), XXII.1, p. 51, lines 4-5
342. The 'remédia' in the Latin original are said to become sweeter only when received further inside: Boethius, Consolatio philosophiae III, pr. 1.3 only when received further inside: Boethius, Consolatio philosophiae III, pr. 1.3
343. (Anicii Manlii Severini Boethii Philosophiae Consolatio, ed. L. Bieler, CCSL 94, 2nd ed. (Turnhout, 1984), p. 37). CCSL 94, 2nd ed. (Turnhout, 1984), p. 37)
344. C. F. Keary and H. A. Grueber, Catalogue of English Coins in the British Museum. Anglo-Saxon Series, 2 vols. (London, 1887-93) II, xl-xli, 37, 55 and pl. V (nos. 14 and 15) (type xxii); Museum. Anglo-Saxon Series, 2 vols. (London, 1887-93) II, xl-xli, 37, 55 and pl. V (nos. 14 and 15) (type xxii)
345. J. J. North, English Hammered Coinage I, 3rd ed. (London, 1994), 126 (no. 648)
346. 'Blessed is he who perceives the needy and the poor man, and then supports him, if it is within his power; if it is not within his power, then his hardships will still not please him; the Lord will preserve him on the day when such evil befalls him': Liber Psalmorum: the West Saxon Psalms, being the Prose Portion, or the 'First Fifty', of the So-Called Paris Psalter, ed. J. W. Bright and R. L. Ramsay (Boston, MA, 1907), XL.1, p. 95. supports him, if it is within his power; if it is not within his power, then his hardships will still not please him; the Lord will preserve him on the day when such evil befalls him': Liber Psalmorum: the West Saxon Psalms, being the Prose Portion, or the 'First Fifty', of the So-Called Paris Psalter, ed. J. W. Bright and R. L. Ramsay (Boston, MA, 1907), XL.1, p. 95
347. Quotations from this text have been corrected, where appropriate, to accord with the edition of P. P. O'Neill, 'The Old-English Prose Psalms of the Paris Psalter' (unpubl. PhD dissertation, Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1980), pp. 102-327. accord with the edition of P. P. O'Neill, 'The Old-English Prose Psalms of the Paris Psalter' (unpubl. PhD dissertation, Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1980), pp. 102-327
348. Cf. Ps. XL.1: 'Beatus qui intellegit super egenum et pauperem: in die liberabit eum Dominus' ('Blessed is he who understands concerning the needy and the poor: the Lord will deliver him on the evil day'). Alfred's translation is based upon the Roman text, which will be cited here from Le Psautier romain et les autres anciens psautiers latins, ed. R. Weber, Collectanea Biblica Latina 10 (Vatican, 1953). mala liberabit eum Dominus' ('Blessed is he who understands concerning the needy and the poor: the Lord will deliver him on the evil day'). Alfred's translation is based upon the Roman text, which will be cited here from Le Psautier romain et les autres anciens psautiers latins, ed. R. Weber, Collectanea Biblica Latina 10 (Vatican, 1953)
349. On occasion, however, Alfred follows the Gallican text, which will be from Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem cited where appropriate from Biblia Sacra Iuxta Vulgatam Versionem, ed. R. Weber, 4th ed. (Stuttgart, 1994)
350. This addition may have been inspired by the exegesis of Theodore of Mopsuestia; O'Neill, Old-English Prose Psalms, p. 277 Mopsuestia; see O'Neill, 'Old-English Prose Psalms', p. 277
351. See below, p. 76
352. Meaney, 'Alfred, the Patriarch', esp. pp. 67-70
353. 'Scammony [dried juice from a Syrian root] for constipation of the bowels; and ammoniacum [a type of tree gum] for pain in the spleen and stitch; and oil of spike [?] against diarrhoea; and tragacanth [another form of gum from Persia] for foul phlegm in a man; and aloes for infirmities; and galbanum [another Persian gum] for oppression in the chest; and application of balsam [a resin from the Red Sea region] for all infirmities; and petroleum to drink unmixed for internal tenderness, and to apply externally; and theriac is a good drink for intestinal tenderness [literally 'treacle' - a compound remedy of some kind], and the white stone [rock crystal] for all unfamiliar afflictions': Leechbook of Bald, bk II, ch. lxiv (chapter-heading) (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 174-5); bowels; and ammoniacum [a type of tree gum] for pain in the spleen and stitch; and oil of spike [?] against diarrhoea; and tragacanth [another form of gum from Persia] for foul phlegm in a man; and aloes for infirmities; and galbanum [another Persian gum] for oppression in the chest; and application of balsam [a resin from the Red Sea region] for all infirmities; and petroleum to drink unmixed for internal tenderness, and to apply externally; and theriac is a good drink for intestinal tenderness [literally 'treacle' - a compound remedy of some kind], and the white stone [rock crystal] for all unfamiliar afflictions': Leechbook of Bald, bk II, ch. lxiv (chapter-heading) (Leechdoms, ed. Cockayne II, 174-5)
354. further details are given in ch. lxiv itself (ibid. pp. 288-91)
355. The translation and identifications here follow Meaney, 'Alfred, the Patriarch', pp. 65 and 67-70. Patriarch', pp. 65 and 67-70
356. G. Craig, 'Alfred the Great: a Diagnosis', Jnl the R. Soc. of Medicine 84 (1991), 303-5
357. cf. also a letter in response by F. I. Jackson, in vol. 85 (1992), 58. of the National Association for Colitis and Crohn's Disease is www.nacc.org.uk. The website of the National Association for Colitis and Crohn's Disease is www.nacc.org.uk
358. Craig's findings are only tentatively considered by Abels, Alfred the Great, pp. 99-100, Great, pp. 99-100
359. C. N. L. Brooke, 'Historical Writing in England between 850 and 1150', SettSpol 17 (1970), 223-47, at 233, once promised to explore elsewhere the possibility that Alfred might have been suffering from Henoch's Purpura, a blood disease whose symptoms include severe abdominal pain, vomiting and diarrhoea. Professor Brooke tells me that this diagnosis proved to be unlikely on further inspection; and indeed, this disease is not entirely internal, for one other symptom is a rash of purple spots on the skin. SettSpol 17 (1970), 223-47, at 233, once promised to explore elsewhere the possibility that Alfred might have been suffering from Henoch's Purpura, a blood disease whose symptoms include severe abdominal pain, vomiting and diarrhoea. Professor Brooke tells me that this diagnosis proved to be unlikely on further inspection; and indeed, this disease is not entirely internal, for one other symptom is a rash of purple spots on the skin
360. Annals of Fulda (continuation in manuscripts of group 3) s.a. 883, 887, 896, 897 and 899 896, 897 and 899
361. (Annales Fuldenses, ed. F. Kurze, MGH SS rerum Germanicorum in usum scholarum separatim editi 6 (Hanover, 1890), 109, 115, 129 and 132-3; scholarum separatim editi 6 (Hanover, 1890), 109, 115, 129 and 132-3
362. T. Reuter, The Annals of Fulda (Manchester, 1992), pp. 107, 113, 134 and 139)
363. F. T. Wainwright, Scandinavian England, ed. H. P. R. Finberg (Chichester, 1975), pp. 79-83, 141-2 and 308-9. 1975), pp. 79-83, 141-2 and 308-9
364. Vita Sancti Dunstani, c. 20
365. (Memorials of Saint Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. W. Stubbs, RS 63 (London, 1874), 31). 63 (London, 1874), 31)
366. See S. Keynes, "England, 900-1016', The New Cambridge Medieval c. 900-c. 1024, ed. T. Reuter (Cambridge, 1999), 456-84, at 474-6; History, III: c. 900-c. 1024, ed. T. Reuter (Cambridge, 1999), 456-84, at 474-6
367. idem, 'The "Dunstan B" Charters', ASE 23 (1994), 165-93, at 185-6
368. and C. Hart, 'Athelstan "Half King" and his Family', in his The (London, 1992), pp. 569-604, at 579-83. Danelaw (London, 1992), pp. 569-604, at 579-83
369. Nelson, 'Monks', p. 136
370. Keynes, 'King Alfred and the Mercians', pp. 41-4
371. Cf. Campbell, 'Asser's Life of King Alfred', who argues for an English audience (pp. 141-2), suggesting that 'the prime intended audience was the king himself (pp. 149-50); audience (pp. 141-2), suggesting that 'the prime intended audience was the king himself (pp. 149-50)
372. and Scharer, 'The Writing of History', who suspects a court audience, with the Life serving either as a handbook for priests newly summoned to the royal household (pp. 186 and 189), or as a speculum principis for Alfred's sons (pp. 204-5). with the Life serving either as a handbook for priests newly summoned to the royal household (pp. 186 and 189), or as a speculum principis for Alfred's sons (pp. 204-5)
373. 'You command me to abandon the sadness, lest I be weaker in mind or in body because of it, yet I perceive no strength either in mind or body, but am very nearly despondent': Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, p. 80, lines 16-19. body because of it, yet I perceive no strength either in mind or body, but am very nearly despondent': Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, p. 80, lines 16-19
374. Cf. Augustine, Soliloquiorum libri duo I.xiv.26 (ed. Hörmann, p. 39, lines 16-17: 'aut valetudinem corporis considerare me iubes, cum ego ipse tabe confectus sim?' ('and do you order me to take care for the health of my body when I am consumed by bodily decline?'). lines 16-17: 'aut valetudinem corporis considerare me iubes, cum ego ipse tabe confectus sim?' ('and do you order me to take care for the health of my body when I am consumed by bodily decline?')
375. 'Shall he who sleeps rise again no more?': Ps. XL.9
376. 'He has no pain, he rests; he is easily able to arise, yet he sleeps, and feigns infirmity': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XL.9, p. 96. feigns infirmity': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XL.9, p. 96
377. 'Si aliquando Dei misericordia unius diei aut noctis vel etiam unius horae intervallo illa infirmitas seposita fuerat, timor tamen ac tremor illius execrabilis doloris unquam eum non deserit, sed quasi inutilem eum, ut ei videtur, in divinis et humanis rebus propemodum effecit' ('if at any time through God's mercy that illness abated for the space of a day or night or even of an hour, his fear and horror of that accursed pain would never desert him, but rendered him virtually useless - as it seemed to him -for divine and human affairs'): Vita Alfredi, c. 74 horae intervallo illa infirmitas seposita fuerat, timor tamen ac tremor illius execrabilis doloris unquam eum non deserit, sed quasi inutilem eum, ut ei videtur, in divinis et humanis rebus propemodum effecit' ('if at any time through God's mercy that illness abated for the space of a day or night or even of an hour, his fear and horror of that accursed pain would never desert him, but rendered him virtually useless - as it seemed to him -for divine and human affairs'): Vita Alfredi, c. 74
378. (ed. Stevenson, p. 57
379. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, p. 90)
380. I am extremely grateful to James Campbell for this observation
381. 'A vigesimo aetatis anno usque ad quadragesimum quintum annum, quem nunc agit, gravissima incogniti doloris infestatione incessanter fatigatur, ita ut ne unius quidem horae securitatem habeat, qua aut illam infirmitatem non sustineat aut sub illius formidine lugubriter prope constitutus non desperet. Praeterea assiduis exterarum gentium infestationibus, quas sedulo terra marique sine ullius quieti temporis intervallo sustinebat, non sine materia inquietabatur, from his twentieth year until his forty-fifth (which is now in course) he has been plagued continually with the savage attacks of some unknown disease, such that he does not have even a single hour of peace in which he does not either suffer from the disease itself or else, gloomily dreading it, is not driven almost to despair. Moreover, he was perturbed, not without cause, by the relentless attacks of foreign peoples, which he continually sustained from land and sea without any interval of peace, Vita Alfredi, c. 91 agit, gravissima incogniti doloris infestatione incessanter fatigatur, ita ut ne unius quidem horae securitatem habeat, qua aut illam infirmitatem non sustineat aut sub illius formidine lugubriter prope constitutus non desperet. Praeterea assiduis exterarum gentium infestationibus, quas sedulo terra marique sine ullius quieti temporis intervallo sustinebat, non sine materia inquietabatur' ('from his twentieth year until his forty-fifth (which is now in course) he has been plagued continually with the savage attacks of some unknown disease, such that he does not have even a single hour of peace in which he does not either suffer from the disease itself or else, gloomily dreading it, is not driven almost to despair. Moreover, he was perturbed - not without cause - by the relentless attacks of foreign peoples, which he continually sustained from land and sea without any interval of peace'): Vita Alfredi, c. 91
382. (ed. Stevenson, p. 76
383. 'If lust ever comes to me, I fear it as a snake: just as it pleases me the longer, so it pleases me less, and ever the more do I desire to the light, the less it pleases me in this way': Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, p. 73, lines 5-8. the longer, so it pleases me less, and ever the more do I desire to see the light, the less it pleases me in this way': Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, p. 73, lines 5-8
384. Cf. Augustine, Soliloquiorum libri duo I.x.17 (ed. Hörmann, p. 27, 21, to p. 28, line 2): 'etiam cum horrore atque aspernatione talia recordor . . . Et hoc mihi bonum in dies crescit. Nam quanto augetur spes videndae illius cui vehementer aestuo pulchritudinis, tanto ad illam totus amor voluntasque convertirur' ('even when I remember such things I do so with horror and disgust . . . And this good attitude increases in me day by day: for the more the hope increases of seeing that beauty which I burn for so strongly, the more all my love and pleasure turn towards it'). line 21, to p. 28, line 2): 'etiam cum horrore atque aspernatione talia recordor . . . Et hoc mihi bonum in dies crescit. Nam quanto augetur spes videndae illius cui vehementer aestuo pulchritudinis, tanto ad illam totus amor voluntasque convertirur' ('even when I remember such things I do so with horror and disgust . . . And this good attitude increases in me day by day: for the more the hope increases of seeing that beauty which I burn for so strongly, the more all my love and pleasure turn towards it')
385. Soliloquies, ed. Carnicelli, p. 72, line 21, to p. 73, line 2. Cf. Soliloquiorum libri duo I.x.17 (ed. Hörmann, p. 26, line 21, to p. 27, line 16). Augustine, Soliloquiorum libri duo I.x.17 (ed. Hörmann, p. 26, line 21, to p. 27, line 16)
386. 'Now she lives for you alone, because she loves nothing else but you . . . Because of your absence all that she has seems nothing to her, for she is despondent in her love for you and very nearly dead with tears and sadness': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, X, p. 22, lines 16-22. . Because of your absence all that she has seems nothing to her, for she is despondent in her love for you and very nearly dead with tears and sadness': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, X, p. 22, lines 16-22
387. Cf. Boethius, Consolatio philosophiae II, pr. 4.6 (ed. Bieler, p. 23): 'uiuit, inquam, tibique tantum uitae huius exosa spiritum seruat, quoque uno felicitatem minui tuam uel ipsa concesserim, tui desiderio lacrimis ac dolore tabescit' ('she lives, I say, and preserves her life only for you, hating this life, and I must concede that in this alone is your happiness diminished, that she wastes away in tears and pain with longing for you'). 'uiuit, inquam, tibique tantum uitae huius exosa spiritum seruat, quoque uno felicitatem minui tuam uel ipsa concesserim, tui desiderio lacrimis ac dolore tabescit' ('she lives, I say, and preserves her life only for you, hating this life, and I must concede that in this alone is your happiness diminished, that she wastes away in tears and pain with longing for you')
388. Cf. Lees, Alfred the Great, pp. 423-4: 'His imagination was quick and probably, richer and fuller than his emotional capacity. He speaks much of friendship, but little of earthly love. He touches high passion only when he faces the mysteries of the spiritual world vivid, but his intellectual powers were, probably, richer and fuller than his emotional capacity. He speaks much of friendship, but little of earthly love. He touches high passion only when he faces the mysteries of the spiritual world.'
389. See also R. Thomas, 'The Binding Force of Friendship in King Alfred's and Soliloquies', Ball State Univ. Forum 29.1 (1988), 5-20. Consolation and Soliloquies', Ball State Univ. Forum 29.1 (1988), 5-20
390. 'Behold, the evil desire for fornication afflicts the mind of very nearly every living man. Just as the bee has to perish when it stings anything angrily, so each soul has to die after fornication, unless the man returns to goodness': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, XXXI.2, p. 71, lines 4-8. every living man. Just as the bee has to perish when it stings anything angrily, so each soul has to die after fornication, unless the man returns to goodness': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, XXXI.2, p. 71, lines 4-8
391. Cf. Philosophiae consolatio III, met. 7 (ed. Bieler, p. 47): 'Habet hoc uoluptas omnis: / stimulis agit fruentes / apiumque par uolantum / ubi grata mella fudit / fugit et nimis tenaci / ferit icta corda morsu' ('Every pleasure has this [characteristic]: it urges those enjoying it with goads and, like flying bees, when it has poured forth pleasing honey, it flees [or dies] and with a too lasting sting, strikes smitten [or stung] hearts'). uoluptas omnis: / stimulis agit fruentes / apiumque par uolantum / ubi grata mella fudit / fugit et nimis tenaci / ferit icta corda morsu' ('Every pleasure has this [characteristic]: it urges those enjoying it with goads and, like flying bees, when it has poured forth pleasing honey, it flees [or dies] and with a too lasting sting, strikes smitten [or stung] hearts')
392. S. Irvine, 'Ulysses and Circe in King Alfred's Boethius: a Classical Myth honour of E. G. Stanley Transformed', Studies in English Language and Literature. 'Doubt Wisely': Papers in honour of E. G. Stanley, ed. M. J. Toswell and E. M. Tyler (London, 1996), pp. 387-401, esp. 391-4
393. Cf. also K. R. Grinda (trans. P. Battles), 'The Myth of Circe in King Alfred's Boethius', Old English Prose: Basic Readings, ed P. E. Szarmach, with D. A. Oosterhouse, Basic Readings in AS England 5 (New York, 2000), 237-65. Alfred's Boethius', Old English Prose: Basic Readings, ed P. E. Szarmach, with D. A. Oosterhouse, Basic Readings in AS England 5 (New York, 2000), 237-65
394. 'Sona swa hio geseah pone fordrifenan cyning oe we ær ymb ona swa hio geseah pone fordrifenan cyning oe we ær ymb spræcon, pæs nama wæs Aulixes, pa ongan hio hine lufian, and hiora ægper ooerne swioe ungemedice, swa pætte he for hire lufan forlet his rice eall and his cynren, and wunode mid hire oo oone first pæt his oegnas him ne mihton leng mid gewunian, ac for hiora eardes lufan and for pære wræce tihodon hine forlætenne. crossed D signa ongunnon lease men wyrcan spell, and sædon pæt hio sceolde mid hire drycræft pa men forbredan, and weorpan hi an wildedeora lic, As soon as she saw the shipwrecked king, about whom we spoke before, whose name was Ulysses, she loved him, and each loved the other very immoderately, so that he entirely abandoned his realm and his family for the love of her, and dwelt with her until the time when his thegns could not remain with him any longer, but intended to abandon him for the love of their native land and out of vengeance. Th spræcon, pæs nama wæs Aulixes, pa ongan hio hine lufian, and hiora ægper ooerne swioe ungemedice, swa pætte he for hire lufan forlet his rice eall and his cynren, and wunode mid hire oo oone first pæt his oegnas him ne mihton leng mid gewunian, ac for hiora eardes lufan and for pære wræce tihodon hine forlætenne. crossed D signa ongunnon lease men wyrcan spell, and sædon pæt hio sceolde mid hire drycræft pa men forbredan, and weorpan hi an wildedeora lic' ('As soon as she saw the shipwrecked king, about whom we spoke before, whose name was Ulysses, she loved him, and each loved the other very immoderately, so that he entirely abandoned his realm and his family for the love of her, and dwelt with her until the time when his thegns could not remain with him any longer, but intended to abandon him for the love of their native land and out of vengeance. Then false men made up the story, and said that she supposedly transformed the men with her witchcraft, and cast them into the shape of wild animals'): Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, XXXVIII.1, p. 116, lines 6-15
395. Cf. Philosophiae consolatio IV, met. 3 (ed. Bieler, pp. 72-3)
396. 'He is most like the fat pigs that always want to lie in foul sloughs, and are never willing to wash themselves in pure water; but if, however rarely, they are made to bathe, they rush back to the sloughs and wallow there': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, XXXVII.4, p. 115, lines 6-10. and are never willing to wash themselves in pure water; but if, however rarely, they are made to bathe, they rush back to the sloughs and wallow there': Alfred's Old English Version of Boethius, ed. Sedgefield, XXXVII.4, p. 115, lines 6-10
397. Cf. Philosophiae consolatio IV, pr. 3.20 (ed. Bieler, p. 72): 'Foedis immundisque libidinibus immergitur: sordidae suis uoluptate detinerur' ('One is immersed in foul and unclean lusts: he is seized by the pleasure of the filthy pig'). immundisque libidinibus immergitur: sordidae suis uoluptate detinerur' ('One is immersed in foul and unclean lusts: he is seized by the pleasure of the filthy pig')
398. It may be a measure of Alfred's own personal hygiene that he is reported to have given a particular legal judgement after washing his hands; S. Keynes, The Fonthill Letter', Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture presented to Helmut Gneuss, ed. M. Korhammer, with K. Reichl and H. Sauer (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 53-97, at 73-5. to have given a particular legal judgement after washing his hands; see S. Keynes, The Fonthill Letter', Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture presented to Helmut Gneuss, ed. M. Korhammer, with K. Reichl and H. Sauer (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 53-97, at 73-5
399. Philosophiae consolatio IV, met. 3, 35-9 (ed. Bieler, p. 73): 'Haec uenena potentius / detrahunt hominem sibi / dira quae penitus meant / nec nocentia corpori / mentis uulnere saeuiunt' (These ominous poisons more powerfully draw a man away from himself which go deep inside and, not harming the body, vent their rage through a wound of the mind'). uenena potentius / detrahunt hominem sibi / dira quae penitus meant / nec nocentia corpori / mentis uulnere saeuiunt' (These ominous poisons more powerfully draw a man away from himself which go deep inside and, not harming the body, vent their rage through a wound of the mind')
400. See above, p. 43
401. Bede, Historia ecclesiastica 1.27
402. (Opera Historica, ed. Plummer I, 57)
403. Cf. The Old English Version of Bede's Ecclesiastical History of the People, ed. T. Miller, 2 vols., EETS os 95-6 and 110-11 (London, 1890-8) I, pp. 82-3. English People, ed. T. Miller, 2 vols., EETS os 95-6 and 110-11 (London, 1890-8) I, pp. 82-3
404. On the translator's repositioning of the Libellus responsionum, between bks III and IV, D. Whitelock, 'The Old English Bede', PBA 48 (1962), 57-90, at 70, bks III and IV, see D. Whitelock, 'The Old English Bede', PBA 48 (1962), 57-90, at 70
405. repr. in her From Bede to Alfred, no. VIII
406. Cf. above, p. 61, n. 115
407. As noted by Scharer, 'The Writing of History', p. 188
408. On this theme, see esp. C. Straw, Gregory the Great Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley, CA, 1988), pp. 107-46
409. I am grateful to Paul Kershaw for drawing my attention to the significance of Straw's analysis. Other recent accounts of Gregorian thought include R. A Markus, Gregory the Great and his World (Cambridge, 1997); significance of Straw's analysis. Other recent accounts of Gregorian thought include R. A Markus, Gregory the Great and his World (Cambridge, 1997)
410. B. Judic, 'Introduction', Règle pastorale, ed. Rommel, pp. 15-111
411. and G. R. Evans, The Thought of Gregory the Great (Cambridge, 1986)
412. Regula pastoralis II.6 (ed. Rommel I, 202-18)
413. and II.2 (ed. Rommel I,168, lines 63-4; I,170, line 82; and I,180, lines 48-9). 48-9)
414. Ibid I.4
415. II.5
416. and II.7
417. (ed. Rommel I,140-4
418. I,196-202
419. and I,218-30)
420. and II.3
421. (ed. Rommel I,136-40 and 180-6)
422. 'Ille igitur, ille modis omnibus debet ad exemplum uiuendi pertrahi, qui cunctis carnis passionibus moriens iam spiritaliter uiuit': ibid. I.10 cunctis carnis passionibus moriens iam spiritaliter uiuit': ibid. I.10
423. (ed. Rommel I,160-2, lines 1-4)
424. (ed. Rommel II, 330-2, lines 115-138)
425. Alfred's translation is even more explicit on this point: Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, ch. XXXVI, p. 256, line 19, to 260, line 1. Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, ch. XXXVI, p. 256, line 19, to 260, line 1
426. Sedulius Scottus, Liber de rectoribus christianis, cc. 2 and 5 (ed. Hellmann, pp. 25-7 and 34-7)
427. Airlie, 'Private Bodies'
428. J. L. Nelson, 'Carolingian Royal Funerals', Rituals of Power: From Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, ed. F. Theuws and J. L. Nelson (Leiden, 2000), pp. 131-84, at 136
429. Cf. E. H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: a Study in Mediaeval explored solely for the development of Christocentric and Davidic models of kingship Political Theology (Princeton, NJ, 1957), esp. pp. 45-86, in which the Carolingian period is explored solely for the development of Christocentric and Davidic models of kingship
430. Cf. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies, pp. 87-192, on the impact of centuries Roman and canon law in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
431. Nelson, 'Monks', p. 137
432. See esp. Regula pastoralis III.12 (ed. Rommel II, 326, lines 64-5)
433. See esp. Vita Alfredi, c. 91 (ed. Stevenson, pp. 76-9)
434. Cf. Campbell, 'Asser's Life of Alfred', p. 142, who cites this chapter in judging that it 'seems concerned to drive home a lesson about the need to co-operate in Alfred's programme of fortification support of his case for an English audience, judging that it 'seems concerned to drive home a lesson about the need to co-operate in Alfred's programme of fortification'
435. 'Qui[d de] maxima, excepto illo dolore, perturbatione et controversia suorum, qui nullum aut parvum voluntarie pro communi regni necessitate vellent subire laborem?' ('And what of the mighty disorder and confusion of his own people - to say nothing of his own malady - who would undertake of their own accord little or no work for the common needs of the kingdom?'): ibid ed. Stevenson, p. 77; suorum, qui nullum aut parvum voluntarie pro communi regni necessitate vellent subire laborem?' ('And what of the mighty disorder and confusion of his own people - to say nothing of his own malady - who would undertake of their own accord little or no work for the common needs of the kingdom?'): ibid (ed. Stevenson, p. 77
436. See P. P. O'Neill, 'The Old English Introductions to the Prose Psalms of Paris Psalter: Sources, Structure, and Composition', Eight Anglo-Saxon Studies, ed. J. S. Wittig, Stud, in OE Philol. 78 (no. 5: Texts and Studies) (Chapel Hill, NC, 1981), 20-38. the Paris Psalter: Sources, Structure, and Composition', Eight Anglo-Saxon Studies, ed. J. S. Wittig, Stud, in OE Philol. 78 (no. 5: Texts and Studies) (Chapel Hill, NC, 1981), 20-38
437. 'Dauid sang pisne seofon and twentigopan sealm: on pæm sealme he cleopiende to Drihtne; wilnode pæt he hine arette and gefrioode wip eallum earfooum, ægoer ge modes ge lichaman, and wio ealle his fynd gescylde, ge wio gesewene ge wio ungesewene. And eac Ezechias on pam ylcan sealme hine gebaæd pæt hine God alysde, ægooer ge æt his mettrumnesse ge æt his feondum, swa he pa dyde. And pæs ylcan wilnao ælc para pe hine singo, oppe for hine sylfne oooe for operne. And swa ylce dyde Crist, pa pa he pysne sealm sang, David sang this twenty-seventh psalm: in this psalm he called out to the Lord, and petitioned that he might cheer him and preserve him against all hardships, both of mind and body; and that he might protect him against all his enemies, both visible and invisible. And likewise Hezekiah in the same psalm prayed that God might deliver him, both from his infirmity and from his enemies, just as he then did. And each of was cleopiende to Drihtne; wilnode pæt he hine arette and gefrioode wip eallum earfooum, ægoer ge modes ge lichaman, and wio ealle his fynd gescylde, ge wio gesewene ge wio ungesewene. And eac Ezechias on pam ylcan sealme hine gebaæd pæt hine God alysde, ægooer ge æt his mettrumnesse ge æt his feondum, swa he pa dyde. And pæs ylcan wilnao ælc para pe hine singo, oppe for hine sylfne oooe for operne. And swa ylce dyde Crist, pa pa he pysne sealm sang' ('David sang this twenty-seventh psalm: in this psalm he called out to the Lord, and petitioned that he might cheer him and preserve him against all hardships, both of mind and body; and that he might protect him against all his enemies, both visible and invisible. And likewise Hezekiah in the same psalm prayed that God might deliver him, both from his infirmity and from his enemies, just as he then did. And each of those who sing it desires the same thing, either for himself or for another; and likewise did
438. 'Geoenc hwelc witu us pa becomon for oisse worulde, pa pa we hit nohwæoer ne selfe ne lufedon ne eac oorum monnum ne lifdon' ('Remember what punishments befell us in this world when we ourselves did not cherish [wisdom] nor transmit it to other men'): Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, p. 4. nohwæoer ne selfe ne lufedon ne eac oorum monnum ne lifdon' ('Remember what punishments befell us in this world when we ourselves did not cherish [wisdom] nor transmit it to other men'): Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, p. 4
439. Vita Alfredi, c. 74 (ed. Stevenson, p. 54, lines 6-7)
440. 'O God, my God, look upon me: why have you forsaken me?': Ps. XXI.2
441. 'I call out to you day and night, and confess my sins, and lament my adversity, and you do not hear it: but you do not perceive it as an unrighteousness to me, for I do not reproach you at all that you do not hear me, but I blame it on my own sins': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XXI.2, p. 43. Ps. XXI.3: 'Deus meus clamabo per diem nec exaudies: et nocte et non ad insipientiam mihi' ('O my God, I shall cry by day, and you will not hear: and by night, and it shall not be reputed as folly in me'). adversity, and you do not hear it: but you do not perceive it as an unrighteousness to me, for I do not reproach you at all that you do not hear me, but I blame it on my own sins': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XXI.2, p. 43. Cf. Ps. XXI.3: 'Deus meus clamabo per diem nec exaudies: et nocte et non ad insipientiam mihi' ('O my God, I shall cry by day, and you will not hear: and by night, and it shall not be reputed as folly in me')
442. The adversity that he had earlier merited with his sins': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, p. 86. Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, p. 86
443. There is no health in my flesh, because of the presence of your anger; nor any peace nor any rest in my bones in the face of my sins . . . My wounds have rotted and decayed because of my foolishness': ibid. XXXVII.3 and 5, pp. 86-7. Ps. XXXVII.4 and 6: 'Nec est sanitas in carne mea a uultu irae et non est pax ossibus meis a facie peccatorum meorum . . . conputruerunt et deteriorauerunt cicatrices meae a facie insipientiae meae' (There is no health in my flesh, because of your anger, and there is no peace for my bones, because of my sins . . . My sores are putrified and corrupted, because of my foolishness'). nor any peace nor any rest in my bones in the face of my sins . . . My wounds have rotted and decayed because of my foolishness': ibid. XXXVII.3 and 5, pp. 86-7. Cf. Ps. XXXVII.4 and 6: 'Nec est sanitas in carne mea a uultu irae et non est pax ossibus meis a facie peccatorum meorum . . . conputruerunt et deteriorauerunt cicatrices meae a facie insipientiae meae' (There is no health in my flesh, because of your anger, and there is no peace for my bones, because of my sins . . . My sores are putrified and corrupted, because of my foolishness')
444. 'For all my body is full of fleshly desires; for there is no health in my flesh': ibid. XXXVII.7, p. 87. Ps. XXXVII.8: 'Quoniam anima mea conpleta est [Gallican reads 'lumbi mei impleti sunt'] inlusionibus et non est sanitas in carne mea' ('For my soul is [loins are] filled with illusions, and there is no health in my flesh'). flesh': ibid. XXXVII.7, p. 87. Cf. Ps. XXXVII.8: 'Quoniam anima mea conpleta est [Gallican reads 'lumbi mei impleti sunt'] inlusionibus et non est sanitas in carne mea' ('For my soul is [loins are] filled with illusions, and there is no health in my flesh')
445. 'Jaone fifteooan sealm Dauid sang be his earfooum, ægoer ge modes ge lichaman. And eft swa ilce Ezechias hine sang be his mettrumnesse; wilnode him to Gode sumre frofre' ('David sang this fifteenth psalm about his hardships, both of mind and body; and again likewise Hezekiah sang it about his infirmity, and petitioned to God for a certain consolation'): ibid. p. 27. ge lichaman. And eft swa ilce Ezechias hine sang be his mettrumnesse; wilnode him to Gode sumre frofre' ('David sang this fifteenth psalm about his hardships, both of mind and body; and again likewise Hezekiah sang it about his infirmity, and petitioned to God for a certain consolation'): ibid. p. 27
446. 'I will bless the Lord who has given me understanding: moreover my loins also have corrected me even until night also have corrected me even until night': Ps. XV.7
447. 'I will extol the Lord who has given me understanding; but although he has freed me from outer strifes, nevertheless the inner wrongful desires strive against me, day and night, so that I am never entirely free from care': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XV.7, pp. 28-9. has freed me from outer strifes, nevertheless the inner wrongful desires strive against me, day and night, so that I am never entirely free from care': Liber Psalmorum, ed. Bright and Ramsay, XV.7, pp. 28-9
448. Cf. Beowulf 1-11
449. Alfred's West Saxon Version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, ed. Sweet, p. 2, lines 7-8. esp. T. A. Shippey, 'Wealth and Wisdom in King Alfred's Preface to the Old English Pastoral Care', EHR 94 (1979), 346-55. lines 7-8. See esp. T. A. Shippey, 'Wealth and Wisdom in King Alfred's Preface to the Old English Pastoral Care', EHR 94 (1979), 346-55
450. See esp. N. P. Brooks, 'The Administrative Background to the Burghal Hidage', The Defence of Wessex: the Burghal Hidage and Anglo-Saxon Fortifications, ed. D. Hill and A. R. Rumble (Manchester, 1996), pp. 128-50, at 143-5
451. repr. in his Communities and Warfare, 700-1400 (London, 2000), pp. 114-37, at 134-7. 114-37, at 134-7
452. Keynes and Lapidge, Alfred the Great, pp. 42-3