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As Fred Halliday poignantly notes, the traditional 'banishment' of globalisation as a historical tendency of modernity itself 'has given way to promiscuity', thereby obscuring the 'continued adaptation of the global and the particular', which persists today; Halliday, Rethinking International Relations (London: Macmillan, 1994), p. 2.
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Modernity, of course is a complex category and may be in dire need of a more encompassing critique (see Lacher, forthcoming). Here, I will be satisfied if I can problematise the prevailing understanding modern spatiality, which is widely shared by otherwise distinct approaches to modernity. For a more systematic critique, see Hannes Lacher, The International Relations of Modernity: Capitalism, Territoriality and Globalization (London: Routledge, 2003).
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Ernst-Otto Czempiel and James N. Rosenau (eds.), (Lexington, K.Y: Lexington Books, at 197ff. On the limits of sovereignty before the nineteenth century, see Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ch. 1
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Janice E. Thomson and Stephen D. Krasner, 'Global Transactions and the Consolidation of Sovereignty', in Ernst-Otto Czempiel and James N. Rosenau (eds.), Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges: Approaches to World Politics for the 1990s (Lexington, K.Y: Lexington Books, 1989), pp. 195-220, at 197ff. On the limits of sovereignty before the nineteenth century, see Stephen D. Krasner, Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999), ch. 1.
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Cf. Stephen Hobden, 'Theorising the International System: Perspectives from Historical Sociology', Review of International Studies, 25 (1999), pp. 257-71; John M. Hobson, 'The Historical Sociology of the State and the State of Historical Sociology in International Relations', Review of International Political Economy, 5 (1998), pp. 284-320.
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Cf. Stephen Hobden, 'Theorising the International System: Perspectives from Historical Sociology', Review of International Studies, 25 (1999), pp. 257-71; John M. Hobson, 'The Historical Sociology of the State and the State of Historical Sociology in International Relations', Review of International Political Economy, 5 (1998), pp. 284-320.
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Cf. Peter J. Taylor, 'The State as Container: Territoriality in the Modern World-System', Progress in Human Geography, 18 (1994), pp. 151-62; compare John Agnew and Stuart Corbridge, Mastering Space: Hegemony, Territory and International Political Economy (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 92-4.
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Cf. Peter J. Taylor, 'The State as Container: Territoriality in the Modern World-System', Progress in Human Geography, 18 (1994), pp. 151-62; compare John Agnew and Stuart Corbridge, Mastering Space: Hegemony, Territory and International Political Economy (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 92-4.
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Neil Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), p. 61. Compare Anthony Giddens: 'from its inception, the world capitalist economy was never just a vast commodity market. It involved, and involves, the commodification of labour-power in different regional settings'; The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985), p. 278.
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Neil Smith, Uneven Development: Nature, Capital and the Production of Space (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984), p. 61. Compare Anthony Giddens: 'from its inception, the world capitalist economy was never just a vast commodity market. It involved, and involves, the commodification of labour-power in different regional settings'; The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1985), p. 278.
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Justin Rosenberg's concept of a transnational 'empire of civil society' and Kees van der Pijl's notion of an historically expanding 'Lockean heartland' integrated by transnational social forces reflect distinct but arguably complementary aspects of this global social system that transcends the international system of sovereign states. Justin Rosenberg, The Empire of Civil Society: A Critique of the Realist Theory of International Relations (London: Verso, 1994); Kees van der Pijl, Transnational Classes and International Relations (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 64-97.
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Justin Rosenberg's concept of a transnational 'empire of civil society' and Kees van der Pijl's notion of an historically expanding 'Lockean heartland' integrated by transnational social forces reflect distinct but arguably complementary aspects of this global social system that transcends the international system of sovereign states. Justin Rosenberg, The Empire of Civil Society: A Critique of the Realist Theory of International Relations (London: Verso, 1994); Kees van der Pijl, Transnational Classes and International Relations (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 64-97.
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'If the fundamental problems of international politics and international political economy are enduring, so are the theoretical perspectives that we use to understand them'; Stephen D. Krasner, 'International Political Economy: Abiding Discord', Review of International Political Economy, 1 (1994), pp. 13-20; Krasner, 'International Political Economy', p. 13f.
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'If the fundamental problems of international politics and international political economy are enduring, so are the theoretical perspectives that we use to understand them'; Stephen D. Krasner, 'International Political Economy: Abiding Discord', Review of International Political Economy, 1 (1994), pp. 13-20; Krasner, 'International Political Economy', p. 13f.
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Simon Bromley, 'Marxism and Globalisation', in Andrew Gamble, David Marsh and Tony Tant (eds), Marxism and Social Science (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999), pp. 280-301, especially p. 284. Also see Andrew Gamble, 'Marxism after Communism: Beyond Realism and Historicism', Review of International Studies, 25 (1999), pp. 127-144, at p. 134.
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Simon Bromley, 'Marxism and Globalisation', in Andrew Gamble, David Marsh and Tony Tant (eds), Marxism and Social Science (Chicago, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1999), pp. 280-301, especially p. 284. Also see Andrew Gamble, 'Marxism after Communism: Beyond Realism and Historicism', Review of International Studies, 25 (1999), pp. 127-144, at p. 134.
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Cf. Derek Sayer, Capitalism and Modernity: An Excursus on Marx and Weber (London and New York: Routledge, 1991); Stephen P. Turner, 'Explaining Capitalism: Weber on and against Marx', in Robert Antonio and Ronald Glassman (eds.), A Marx-Weber Dialogue (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 1985), pp. 167-88.
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Using this monopoly these states did so rather frequently; it should not be forgotten that the instruments chosen were not just those of social policy. The nation-statist caging of society was intimately bound up with the more intimate 'caging' often experienced by the state's opponents (Antonio Gramsci among them): in prisons and graves.
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The existence of a highly integrated capitalist world market in this period may not be apparent because tradition leads us to look at the indicators of integration among the leading political and economic powers in continental Europe. Trade and capital flows into and from these countries was clearly limited, but it is crucial to note that it was not these countries on which Britain's world economy was built, not least because they were, arguably, not capitalist. Instead, we should look to the colonies and semi-independent areas, in which British capital and emigrants recreated capitalist social relations with strong ties to the core; cf. van der Pijl, Transnational Classes, pp. 66-74.
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Halliday, Rethinking International Relations, ch. 4; Linklater, 'Marxism'; cf. Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence, p. 26; Michael Mann, 'Capitalism and Militarism', in Michael Mann (ed.), States, War and Capitalism: Studies in Political Sociology (Oxford and New York: Blackwell, 1988), pp. 124-45, at p. 140.
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Eric R. Wolf, Europe and the People Without History (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1982), p. 419. In time-honoured fashion, Wolf immediately goes on to suggest: 'We can now see, more clearly than was possible in the nineteenth century, that nations and nation-states may be but historical products, built up over time and perhaps withering away in the face of new, transnational processes'.
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Peter Burnham, 'Open Marxism and Vulgar International Political Economy', Review of International Political Economy, 1 (1994), pp. 221-32. The substantial similarities between Burnham's premises and the starting points of other Marxist scholars of IR/IPE, like Mark Rupert, Justin Rosenberg, and Simon Bromley permit the application of the label 'open Marxism' to their theories. Note, however, that the term has also been used in reference to the rather different work of Robert W. Cox and other neo-Gramscian theorists; cf. André C. Drainville, 'International Political Economy in the Age of Open Marxism', Review of International Political Economy, 1 (1994), pp. 105-32.
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Rosenberg, Empire of Civil Society, p. 129. Cf. Mark Rupert, 'Alienation, Capitalism and the Inter-State System: Towards a Marxian/Gramscian Critique', in Stephen Gill (ed.), Gramsci, Historical Materialism and International Relations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 67-92.
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Note the similarity of these arguments, which suggest that the nation-state will remain the form of organisation of capitalism's political space as long as capitalist modernity exists, to the conclusions of Krasner and Thomson. Neither perceives a fundamental tension between the spaces of accumulation and regulation, though they differ on the interpretation of the sources of this differentiated system.
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Cf. Hannes Lacher: 'Making Sense of the Modern International System: The Promises and Pitfalls of Contempary Marxist Theories of International Relations', in Mark Rupert and Hazel Smith (eds.), Historical Materialism and Globalization (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 154-67.
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Rosenberg, Empire of Civil Society, p. 129. John Ruggie, conversely, takes this exclusive territoriality to be the defining aspect of international modernity, ignoring the crucial differences in the social relations of sovereignty that have existed since the fifteenth century; Ruggie, 'Territoriality and Beyond'. A viable conceptualisation of the international of modernity requires equal attention to both aspects.
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This argument, and its implications, are developed at length in Lacher, The International Relations of Modernity, ch. 6; the present summary, by necessity, raises more questions than it answers - but that is its purpose.
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As this perspective is so dominant, it may suffice to cite John Ruggies's influential exposition of this perspective: Ruggie, 'Territoriality and Beyond'.
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R.B.J. Walker critically notes that much of the understanding of 'the state' prevalent in IR is still shaped by an absolutist image of statehood: 'questions about political identity, and thus about the legitimation of various forms of inclusion and exclusions, are no longer adequately answered in the territorial terms we have inherited from early-modern Europe and reproduced so readily in the name of state and nation': Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 21. It should be noted that Walker's critique of state-centrism does not suffer from most of the defects of the critique of state-centrism surveyed above, as his work, though influenced by the globalist rhetoric, does not assume that the modern state is fully comprehensible through its representations in the modern social sciences.
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