Humboldtian plant geography after Humboldt: The link to ecology

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 29, Issue 3, 1996, Pages 289-310

  Nicolson, Malcolm ^a  

^a HATII   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 0348107913     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0007087400034476     Document Type: Article

References (144)

1. E. Nordenskiöld, The History of Biology, New York, 1928, 560-1.
2. The flora of a given region consists of the plant species which grow there. Students of floristics may make generalizations about the character of a region's flora as a whole, but the level of analysis on which their scientific practice is based is essentially that of the individual species or genera. Vegetation is a collective phenomenon produced by many species together. The characteristics of vegetation are produced not only by the presence or absence of particular species, but also by their different growth forms and relative abundances. For a precise elucidation of the distinction between the study of flora and vegetation, see F. E. Egler, 'Vegetation as an object of study', Philosophy of Science (1942), 9, 245-60.
3. M. Nicolson, 'Alexander von Humboldt, Humboldtian science, and the origins of the study of vegetation', History of Science (1987), 25, 169-94; see also note 5 below.
4. M. Nicolson, 'Alexander von Humboldt, Humboldtian science, and the origins of the study of vegetation', History of Science (1987), 25, 169-94; see also note 5 below.
5. A. von Humboldt, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent 1799-1804 (tr. H. M. Williams), 6 vols., London, 1821-25, i, p. iii.
6. See M. Nicolson, 'Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation', in Romanticism and the Sciences (ed. N. Jardine and A. Cunningham), Cambridge, 1990, 169-88; also M. Nicolson, 'Historical introduction', in Alexander von Humboldt, Personal Narrative of Travels (tr. J. Wilson), London, 1995; and M. J. Bowen, Empiricism and Geographical Thought: from Francis Bacon to Alexander von Humboldt, Cambridge, 1981.
7. See M. Nicolson, 'Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation', in Romanticism and the Sciences (ed. N. Jardine and A. Cunningham), Cambridge, 1990, 169-88; also M. Nicolson, 'Historical introduction', in Alexander von Humboldt, Personal Narrative of Travels (tr. J. Wilson), London, 1995; and M. J. Bowen, Empiricism and Geographical Thought: from Francis Bacon to Alexander von Humboldt, Cambridge, 1981.
8. See M. Nicolson, 'Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation', in Romanticism and the Sciences (ed. N. Jardine and A. Cunningham), Cambridge, 1990, 169-88; also M. Nicolson, 'Historical introduction', in Alexander von Humboldt, Personal Narrative of Travels (tr. J. Wilson), London, 1995; and M. J. Bowen, Empiricism and Geographical Thought: from Francis Bacon to Alexander von Humboldt, Cambridge, 1981.
9. I have, unfortunately, been unable to investigate the presence or otherwise of Humboldtian traditions in other areas where distinctive schools of plant sociology developed, for example the Netherlands and, notably, Eastern Europe.
10. The term 'self-conscious' to distinguish the science of ecology, so-called, from pre-existing knowledge and investigations of the environmental relations and interactions of plants and animals, is taken from W. C. Allee, A. Emerson, T. Park, O. Park and K. Schmidt, Principles of Animal Ecology, Philadelphia, 1949, 1-59. For other discussions of the place of Humboldt's plant geography within the development of ecology, see P. Acot, Histoire de l'écologie, Paris, 1988, and J. Drouin, Réinventer la nature: L'écologie et son histoire, Paris, 1991.
11. The term 'self-conscious' to distinguish the science of ecology, so-called, from pre-existing knowledge and investigations of the environmental relations and interactions of plants and animals, is taken from W. C. Allee, A. Emerson, T. Park, O. Park and K. Schmidt, Principles of Animal Ecology, Philadelphia, 1949, 1-59. For other discussions of the place of Humboldt's plant geography within the development of ecology, see P. Acot, Histoire de l'écologie, Paris, 1988, and J. Drouin, Réinventer la nature: L'écologie et son histoire, Paris, 1991.
12. The term 'self-conscious' to distinguish the science of ecology, so-called, from pre-existing knowledge and investigations of the environmental relations and interactions of plants and animals, is taken from W. C. Allee, A. Emerson, T. Park, O. Park and K. Schmidt, Principles of Animal Ecology, Philadelphia, 1949, 1-59. For other discussions of the place of Humboldt's plant geography within the development of ecology, see P. Acot, Histoire de l'écologie, Paris, 1988, and J. Drouin, Réinventer la nature: L'écologie et son histoire, Paris, 1991.
13. See J. A. May, Kant's Concept of Geography, Toronto, 1970.
14. A. von Humboldt, Flora Fribergensis specimen, Berlin, 1793, 9-10. The translation is from R. Hartshorne, 'The concept of geography as a science of space, from Kant and Humboldt to Hettner', Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1958), 48, 97-108, on 100.
15. A. von Humboldt, Flora Fribergensis specimen, Berlin, 1793, 9-10. The translation is from R. Hartshorne, 'The concept of geography as a science of space, from Kant and Humboldt to Hettner', Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1958), 48, 97-108, on 100.
16. A. von Humboldt, Essai sur la géographie des plantes, Paris, 1807.
17. For the instrumental nature of Humboldtian science, see S. F. Cannon, 'Humboldtian science', in Science in Culture: The Early Victorian Period, New York, 1978, 73-110.
18. Humboldt, op. cit. (4), i, 158.
19. A. von Humboldt, 'Ideas for a physiognomy of plants', in Views of Nature or Contemplations on the Sublime Phenomena of Creation (tr. E. C. Otto and H. G. Bohn), London, 1850, 220-1.
20. Humboldt, op. cit. (10), 30-1. All translations from this work are my own.
21. Humboldt, op. cit. (13), 217.
22. e Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences, Warsaw, 6 vols., Warsaw, 1965, v, 81-6.
23. e Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences, Warsaw, 6 vols., Warsaw, 1965, v, 81-6.
24. See H. Beck, Gespräche Alexander von Humboldt, Berlin, 1959.
25. A. P. M. Sanders, 'Schouw, Joachim Frederik', DSB, xii, 214-15.
26. J. F. Schouw, 'Einige Bemerkungen über zwei, die Pflanzengeographie betreffende Werke des Herrn von Humboldt', Jahrbücher der Gewächskunde (1818), 1, 6-56.
27. J. F. Schouw, Tableau du climat et de la végétation de l'Italie, Copenhagen, 1839, p. viii. I have been unable to trace the second and third volumes of this work.
28. Schouw, op. cit. (20).
29. Schouw, op. cit. (20), p. ix.
30. Humboldt, op. cit. (10), 17.
31. This argument is set out in more detail in M. Nicolson, 'The Development of Plant Ecology, 1790-1960', Ph.D. thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1984, 50-1.
32. J. F. Schouw, Grundzüge einer allgemeinen Pflanzengeographie, Berlin, 1823, 165. The nomenclature was apparently first proposed in an earlier (1822) Danish edition of this work, see R. H. Whittaker, 'Classification of natural communities', Botanical Gazette (1962), 28, 1-239, on 9.
33. J. F. Schouw, Grundzüge einer allgemeinen Pflanzengeographie, Berlin, 1823, 165. The nomenclature was apparently first proposed in an earlier (1822) Danish edition of this work, see R. H. Whittaker, 'Classification of natural communities', Botanical Gazette (1962), 28, 1-239, on 9.
34. See Jahn, op. cit. (16).
35. F. J. F. Meyen's text was translated into English as Outlines of the Geography of Plants (tr. M. Johnston), London, 1846.
36. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 3.
37. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 27.
38. See A. H. Robinson and H. M. Wallis, 'Humboldt's map of isothermal lines: a milestone in thematic cartography', Cartographic Journal (1967), 5, 119-23.
39. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 8.
40. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 98.
41. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 98.
42. Meyen, op. cit. (27), 1.
43. The best biographical source for Grisebach in English is W. T. Stearn, 'Grisebach's Flora of the British West Indian Islands: a biographical and bibliographical introduction', Journal of the Arnold Arboretum (1965), 46, 243-85; see also T. A. C. Balfour, 'August Heinrich Rudolph Grisebach', Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh (1882), 14, 13-20.
44. The best biographical source for Grisebach in English is W. T. Stearn, 'Grisebach's Flora of the British West Indian Islands: a biographical and bibliographical introduction', Journal of the Arnold Arboretum (1965), 46, 243-85; see also T. A. C. Balfour, 'August Heinrich Rudolph Grisebach', Transactions of the Botanical Society of Edinburgh (1882), 14, 13-20.
45. For Kunth and his association with Humboldt, see W. T. Stearn, 'Carl Sigismund Kunth', in Humboldt, Bonpland, Kunth and Tropical American Botany (ed. W. T. Stearn), Lehre, 1968.
46. A. H. R. Grisebach, Riese durch Rumeliaen und nach Brussa im Jahre 1839, 2 vols., Göttingen, 1843-46.
47. A. H. R. Grisebach, 'Ueber den Einfluss des Climas auf die Begränzung der natürlichen Floren', Linnaea (1838), 12, 159-200, on 160. The translation is from F.E. Clements, Plant Succession: An Analysis of the Development of Vegetation, Washington, DC, 1916, 116-17.
48. A. H. R. Grisebach, 'Ueber den Einfluss des Climas auf die Begränzung der natürlichen Floren', Linnaea (1838), 12, 159-200, on 160. The translation is from F.E. Clements, Plant Succession: An Analysis of the Development of Vegetation, Washington, DC, 1916, 116-17.
49. A. H. R. Grisebach, 'Report on the contribution to botanical geography during the year 1842', Reports and Papers on Botany, Ray Society (1846), 57-122, on 96.
50. A. H. R. Grisebach, 'Report on the contribution to botanical geography during the year 1843', Reports and Papers on Botany, Ray Society (1846), 125-212, on 132-3.
51. Grisebach, op. cit. (40), 135.
52. A. H. R. Grisebach, Die Vegetation der Erde nach ihrer klimatischen Anordnung, Leipzig, 1872.
53. A. H. R. Grisebach, 'Pflanzengeographie und Botanik', in A. von Humboldt: Eine wissenschaftliche Biographie (ed. K. Bruhns), 3 vols., Leipzig, 1872, iii, 233-68.
54. For biographical details of Kerner von Marilaun, see E. M. Kronfeld, Anton Kerner von Marilaun: Leben und Arbeit, Leipzig, 1908.
55. A. Kerner von Marilaun, Das Pflanzenleben der Donauländer, Innsbruck, 1863. have used H. C. Conard's translation, The Background of Plant Ecology: A Translation from the German of 'The Plant Life of the Danube Basin', Ames, 1951, 5.
56. A. Kerner von Marilaun, Das Pflanzenleben der Donauländer, Innsbruck, 1863. have used H. C. Conard's translation, The Background of Plant Ecology: A Translation from the German of 'The Plant Life of the Danube Basin', Ames, 1951, 5.
57. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), 10.
58. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), p. v.
59. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), 4-5.
60. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), 3.
61. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), 10.
62. Von Marilaun, op. cit. (45), 196-205.
63. There is, however, a short description of the vegetation of the British Isles, more or less along the lines of the Continental model, within the floristic text: H. C. Watson, Remarks on the Geographical Distribution of the British Plants, London, 1835, 34-60.
64. It is instructive that, for example, Janet Browne, in her history of biogeography, concerns herself only with studies of the distribution of species and mentions no Continental biogeographer after Alphonse de Candolle; J. Browne, The Secular Ark: Studies in the History of Biogeography, New Haven, 1983. The insularity of British biogeography after 1840 has been noted by G. Nelson, 'From Candolle to Croizat: comments on the history of biogeography', Journal of the History of Biology (1978), 9, 269-305. Strangely, however, Nelson is unable to specify precisely what British biogeography was isolated from. It may be worth investigating whether it was isolated from a distinct Continental tradition of Humboldtian biogeography. See also J. Browne, 'A science of empire: British biogeography before Darwin', Revue d'Histoire des Sciences (1992), 45, 453-75.
65. It is instructive that, for example, Janet Browne, in her history of biogeography, concerns herself only with studies of the distribution of species and mentions no Continental biogeographer after Alphonse de Candolle; J. Browne, The Secular Ark: Studies in the History of Biogeography, New Haven, 1983. The insularity of British biogeography after 1840 has been noted by G. Nelson, 'From Candolle to Croizat: comments on the history of biogeography', Journal of the History of Biology (1978), 9, 269-305. Strangely, however, Nelson is unable to specify precisely what British biogeography was isolated from. It may be worth investigating whether it was isolated from a distinct Continental tradition of Humboldtian biogeography. See also J. Browne, 'A science of empire: British biogeography before Darwin', Revue d'Histoire des Sciences (1992), 45, 453-75.
66. It is instructive that, for example, Janet Browne, in her history of biogeography, concerns herself only with studies of the distribution of species and mentions no Continental biogeographer after Alphonse de Candolle; J. Browne, The Secular Ark: Studies in the History of Biogeography, New Haven, 1983. The insularity of British biogeography after 1840 has been noted by G. Nelson, 'From Candolle to Croizat: comments on the history of biogeography', Journal of the History of Biology (1978), 9, 269-305. Strangely, however, Nelson is unable to specify precisely what British biogeography was isolated from. It may be worth investigating whether it was isolated from a distinct Continental tradition of Humboldtian biogeography. See also J. Browne, 'A science of empire: British biogeography before Darwin', Revue d'Histoire des Sciences (1992), 45, 453-75.
67. For biographical details of Heer, see Anon., 'Obituary - Dr Oswald Heer', Proceedings of the Linnean Society of London (1883-86), 84.
68. R. B. Hinds, The Regions of Vegetation: Being an Analysis of the Distribution of Vegetable Forms over the Surface of the Globe, London, 1843.
69. O. Heer, Beiträge zur Pflanzengeographie, Zurich, 1835, 1. The last sentence quoted is from a footnote on the same page.
70. For discussions of Linnaeus's 'ecological' writings, see, for example, G. E. Du Rietz, 'Linneaus as a phytogeographer', Vegetatio (1957), 7, 161-8; F. N. Egerton, 'Changing concepts of the balance of nature', Quarterly Review of Biology (1973), 48, 322-50; R. Stauffer, 'Ecology in the long manuscript of Darwin's "Origin of Species" and Linnaeus's "Oeconomy of Nature"', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (1960), 104, 235-41. For an account of Wahlenberg's distinctive programme of researches, see T. Söderqvist, The Ecologists: From Merry Naturalists to Saviours of the Nation, Stockholm, 1986, 20. The Ecologists is a valuable source for the history of Scandinavian natural history and ecology generally.
71. For discussions of Linnaeus's 'ecological' writings, see, for example, G. E. Du Rietz, 'Linneaus as a phytogeographer', Vegetatio (1957), 7, 161-8; F. N. Egerton, 'Changing concepts of the balance of nature', Quarterly Review of Biology (1973), 48, 322-50; R. Stauffer, 'Ecology in the long manuscript of Darwin's "Origin of Species" and Linnaeus's "Oeconomy of Nature"', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (1960), 104, 235-41. For an account of Wahlenberg's distinctive programme of researches, see T. Söderqvist, The Ecologists: From Merry Naturalists to Saviours of the Nation, Stockholm, 1986, 20. The Ecologists is a valuable source for the history of Scandinavian natural history and ecology generally.
72. For discussions of Linnaeus's 'ecological' writings, see, for example, G. E. Du Rietz, 'Linneaus as a phytogeographer', Vegetatio (1957), 7, 161-8; F. N. Egerton, 'Changing concepts of the balance of nature', Quarterly Review of Biology (1973), 48, 322-50; R. Stauffer, 'Ecology in the long manuscript of Darwin's "Origin of Species" and Linnaeus's "Oeconomy of Nature"', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (1960), 104, 235-41. For an account of Wahlenberg's distinctive programme of researches, see T. Söderqvist, The Ecologists: From Merry Naturalists to Saviours of the Nation, Stockholm, 1986, 20. The Ecologists is a valuable source for the history of Scandinavian natural history and ecology generally.
73. For discussions of Linnaeus's 'ecological' writings, see, for example, G. E. Du Rietz, 'Linneaus as a phytogeographer', Vegetatio (1957), 7, 161-8; F. N. Egerton, 'Changing concepts of the balance of nature', Quarterly Review of Biology (1973), 48, 322-50; R. Stauffer, 'Ecology in the long manuscript of Darwin's "Origin of Species" and Linnaeus's "Oeconomy of Nature"', Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society (1960), 104, 235-41. For an account of Wahlenberg's distinctive programme of researches, see T. Söderqvist, The Ecologists: From Merry Naturalists to Saviours of the Nation, Stockholm, 1986, 20. The Ecologists is a valuable source for the history of Scandinavian natural history and ecology generally.
74. J. Thurmann, Essai de phytostatique appliquée à la chaîne du Jura et aux contrées voisines, Berne, 1849, 22, my translation. Thurmann is also briefly discussed by A. G. Duff, 'The Institutionalisation of Ecology in Britain and the United States, 1890-1918', Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1980, 26, and by Drouin, op. cit. (7), 64-5.
75. J. Thurmann, Essai de phytostatique appliquée à la chaîne du Jura et aux contrées voisines, Berne, 1849, 22, my translation. Thurmann is also briefly discussed by A. G. Duff, 'The Institutionalisation of Ecology in Britain and the United States, 1890-1918', Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1980, 26, and by Drouin, op. cit. (7), 64-5.
76. J. Thurmann, Essai de phytostatique appliquée à la chaîne du Jura et aux contrées voisines, Berne, 1849, 22, my translation. Thurmann is also briefly discussed by A. G. Duff, 'The Institutionalisation of Ecology in Britain and the United States, 1890-1918', Ph.D. thesis, University of Manchester, 1980, 26, and by Drouin, op. cit. (7), 64-5.
77. For biographical details of Lecoq, see M. Chassagne, 'Le professeur Henri Lecoq, 1807-71', Bulletin de la Société Botanique de France (1928), 75, 662-70.
78. H. Lecoq, Études sur la géographie botanique de l'Europe, 9 vols., Paris, 1854, i, p. v.
79. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), i, 7.
80. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), i, p. vii. This passage resonates with later debates about the relative merits of floristic criteria in the classification of vegetation; see, for example, M. Nicolson, 'National styles, divergent classifications: a comparative case study from the history of French and American plant ecology', in Knowledge and Society: Studies in Sociology of Science, Past and Present (ed. L. Hargens, R. A. Jones and A. R. Pickering), Greenwich, CT, 1989, 8, 139-86.
81. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), i, p. vii. This passage resonates with later debates about the relative merits of floristic criteria in the classification of vegetation; see, for example, M. Nicolson, 'National styles, divergent classifications: a comparative case study from the history of French and American plant ecology', in Knowledge and Society: Studies in Sociology of Science, Past and Present (ed. L. Hargens, R. A. Jones and A. R. Pickering), Greenwich, CT, 1989, 8, 139-86.
82. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), iv, 58-90.
83. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), i, 134; see also Drouin, op. cit. (7), 71-2.
84. Lecoq, op. cit. (60), i, 134; see also Drouin, op. cit. (7), 71-2.
85. A. de Candolle, Géographie botanique rationnée: Ou exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l'époque actuelle, 2 vols., Paris, 1855, i, p. v.
86. De Candolle, op. cit. (65), i, 419f; see also ii, 1175-6.
87. De Candolle, op. cit. (65), i, 419. Ronald Tobey has argued that de Candolle denied the possibility of the study of vegetation. But, as this passage indicates, de Candolle acknowledged the existence of a distinctive vegetation science, while himself following another tradition of botanical practice. See R. C. Tobey, Saving the Prairies: The Life Cycle of the Founding School of American Plant Ecology, 1895-1955, Berkeley, 1981, 100. For further comment on Tobey's account of the origins of plant ecology, see M. Nicolson, 'No longer a stranger? A decade in the history of ecology', History of Science (1988), 26, 183-200.
88. De Candolle, op. cit. (65), i, 419. Ronald Tobey has argued that de Candolle denied the possibility of the study of vegetation. But, as this passage indicates, de Candolle acknowledged the existence of a distinctive vegetation science, while himself following another tradition of botanical practice. See R. C. Tobey, Saving the Prairies: The Life Cycle of the Founding School of American Plant Ecology, 1895-1955, Berkeley, 1981, 100. For further comment on Tobey's account of the origins of plant ecology, see M. Nicolson, 'No longer a stranger? A decade in the history of ecology', History of Science (1988), 26, 183-200.
89. De Candolle, op. cit. (65), i, 419. Ronald Tobey has argued that de Candolle denied the possibility of the study of vegetation. But, as this passage indicates, de Candolle acknowledged the existence of a distinctive vegetation science, while himself following another tradition of botanical practice. See R. C. Tobey, Saving the Prairies: The Life Cycle of the Founding School of American Plant Ecology, 1895-1955, Berkeley, 1981, 100. For further comment on Tobey's account of the origins of plant ecology, see M. Nicolson, 'No longer a stranger? A decade in the history of ecology', History of Science (1988), 26, 183-200.
90. H. von Post, Försök till en systematisk uppställning av vexställena i mellersta Sverige, Stockholm, 1862. I am greatly indebted to Sigridur Oladottir for making this text accessible to me and for providing me with a translation of the passages quoted from Ragnar Hult. For an account of von Post, see Söderqvist, op. cit. (57), 24-9.
91. H. von Post, Försök till en systematisk uppställning av vexställena i mellersta Sverige, Stockholm, 1862. I am greatly indebted to Sigridur Oladottir for making this text accessible to me and for providing me with a translation of the passages quoted from Ragnar Hult. For an account of von Post, see Söderqvist, op. cit. (57), 24-9.
92. See Whittaker, op. cit. (25), 23.
93. R. Hult, 'Försök till analytisk behandling av växtformationerna', Societas pro Fauna et Flora Fennica Meddelanden (1881), 8, 1-155, on 1. See note 68 above.
94. Hult, op. cit. (70), on 1.
95. Whittaker, op. cit. (25), 23-4.
96. Hult, op. cit. (70), 9.
97. See C. E. Moss, 'The fundamental unit of vegetation', New Phytologist (1910), 9, 18-53; and Whittaker, op. cit. (25).
98. See C. E. Moss, 'The fundamental unit of vegetation', New Phytologist (1910), 9, 18-53; and Whittaker, op. cit. (25).
99. E. Warming, Lehrbuch der ökologischen Pflanzen-geographie: Eine Einführung in die Kenntnis der Pflanzenvereine, Berlin, 1896; O. Drude, Deutschlands Pflanzengeographie: Ein geographisches Charakterbild der Flora von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Alpen-Sowie Karparthenländern, Stuttgart, 1896; A. F. W. Schimper, Pflanzengeographie auf physiologischer Grundlage, Jena, 1898. Warming's text was originally published in Danish as Plantesamfund: Grundtraek af den økologiske plantegeografi, Copenhagen, 1895.
100. E. Warming, Lehrbuch der ökologischen Pflanzen-geographie: Eine Einführung in die Kenntnis der Pflanzenvereine, Berlin, 1896; O. Drude, Deutschlands Pflanzengeographie: Ein geographisches Charakterbild der Flora von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Alpen-Sowie Karparthenländern, Stuttgart, 1896; A. F. W. Schimper, Pflanzengeographie auf physiologischer Grundlage, Jena, 1898. Warming's text was originally published in Danish as Plantesamfund: Grundtraek af den økologiske plantegeografi, Copenhagen, 1895.
101. E. Warming, Lehrbuch der ökologischen Pflanzen-geographie: Eine Einführung in die Kenntnis der Pflanzenvereine, Berlin, 1896; O. Drude, Deutschlands Pflanzengeographie: Ein geographisches Charakterbild der Flora von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Alpen-Sowie Karparthenländern, Stuttgart, 1896; A. F. W. Schimper, Pflanzengeographie auf physiologischer Grundlage, Jena, 1898. Warming's text was originally published in Danish as Plantesamfund: Grundtraek af den økologiske plantegeografi, Copenhagen, 1895.
102. E. Warming, Lehrbuch der ökologischen Pflanzen-geographie: Eine Einführung in die Kenntnis der Pflanzenvereine, Berlin, 1896; O. Drude, Deutschlands Pflanzengeographie: Ein geographisches Charakterbild der Flora von Deutschland und den angrenzenden Alpen-Sowie Karparthenländern, Stuttgart, 1896; A. F. W. Schimper, Pflanzengeographie auf physiologischer Grundlage, Jena, 1898. Warming's text was originally published in Danish as Plantesamfund: Grundtraek af den økologiske plantegeografi, Copenhagen, 1895.
103. A. G. Tansley, 'The early history of modern plant ecology', Journal of Ecology (1947), 35, 130-7; D. Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas, Cambridge, 1985, 207; C. Adams and G. D. Fuller, 'Henry Chandler Cowles, physiographic plant ecologist', Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1940), 30, 39-43.
104. A. G. Tansley, 'The early history of modern plant ecology', Journal of Ecology (1947), 35, 130-7; D. Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas, Cambridge, 1985, 207; C. Adams and G. D. Fuller, 'Henry Chandler Cowles, physiographic plant ecologist', Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1940), 30, 39-43.
105. A. G. Tansley, 'The early history of modern plant ecology', Journal of Ecology (1947), 35, 130-7; D. Worster, Nature's Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas, Cambridge, 1985, 207; C. Adams and G. D. Fuller, 'Henry Chandler Cowles, physiographic plant ecologist', Annals of the Association of American Geographers (1940), 30, 39-43.
106. For a discussion of the nature of H. C. Cowles's debt to Warming, see M. Nicolson, 'Henry Allan Gleason and the individualistic hypothesis of the plant community: the structure of a botanist's career', Botanical Review (1990), 56, 91-161, on 97-9.
107. Worster, op. cit. (76), 198.
108. R. J. Goodland, 'The tropical origin of ecology: Eugen Warming's jubilee', Oikos (1975), 26, 240-5, on 241.
109. H. Godwin, 'Sir Arthur Tansley: the man and the subject', Journal of Ecology (1977), 65, 1-26 on 8.
110. E. Rübel, 'Uber die Entwicklung der Gesellschaftmorphologie', Journal of Ecology (1921), 8, 18-40; see also idem, 'Ecology, plant geography and geobotany: their history and aim', Botanical Gazette (1927), 84, 428-39.
111. E. Rübel, 'Uber die Entwicklung der Gesellschaftmorphologie', Journal of Ecology (1921), 8, 18-40; see also idem, 'Ecology, plant geography and geobotany: their history and aim', Botanical Gazette (1927), 84, 428-39.
112. See also R. W. Becking, 'The Zurich-Montpellier school of phytosociology', Botanical Review (1957), 23, 412-88.
113. Godwin, op. cit. (80), 8. See also Söderqvist, op. cit. (57), 87-9.
114. Godwin, op. cit. (80), 8. See also Söderqvist, op. cit. (57), 87-9.
115. R. Zaunick, 'Drude, Carl Georg Oscar, Botaniker', Neue Deutsche Biographie, iv, 138.
116. O. Drude's Handbuch der Pflanzengeographie, Stuttgart, 1890, is dedicated to Grisebach; see also p. ix.
117. R. Pound and F. E. Clements, The Phytogeography of Nebraska, Lincoln, NE, 1900.
118. J. B. Hagen, An Entangled Bank: The Origins of Ecosystem Ecology, New Brunswick, 1992; Nicolson, op. cit. (62); Tobey, op. cit. (67).
119. J. B. Hagen, An Entangled Bank: The Origins of Ecosystem Ecology, New Brunswick, 1992; Nicolson, op. cit. (62); Tobey, op. cit. (67).
120. J. B. Hagen, An Entangled Bank: The Origins of Ecosystem Ecology, New Brunswick, 1992; Nicolson, op. cit. (62); Tobey, op. cit. (67).
121. A. F. W. Schimper, Plant Geography upon a Physiological Basis (tr. W. R. Fisher, ed. P. Groom and I. Bayley Balfour), Oxford, 1903, 162.
122. Schimper, op. cit. (88), 161. For a detailed comparison of the work of Schimper and Grisebach, see E. Cittadino, Nature as the Laboratory: Darwinian Plant Ecology in the German Empire, 1880-1900, Cambridge, 1990, 112-15.
123. Schimper, op. cit. (88), 161. For a detailed comparison of the work of Schimper and Grisebach, see E. Cittadino, Nature as the Laboratory: Darwinian Plant Ecology in the German Empire, 1880-1900, Cambridge, 1990, 112-15.
124. This point is well made by Cittadino, op. cit. (89).
125. Cittadino, op. cit. (89), 60.
126. Schimper, op. cit. (88), p. vi.
127. E. Cittadino, 'Plant Adaption and Natural Selection after Darwin: Physiological Plant Ecology 1880-1900', Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1981, 151.
128. Schimper, op. cit. (88), p. vi.
129. E. Warming, Oecology of Plants: An Introduction to the Study of Plant Communities, Oxford, 1909, 2-3, emphasis in the original.
130. Tobey, op. cit. (67), 104 claims that the English translation 'introduced a Humboldtian nuance into [Warming's] Darwinian theory'. Thus, Tobey argues, it cannot be said that Warming supported the idea of definite communities in the Humboldtian sense. But see O. Müller, 'Warming, Eugen', DSB, xiv, 181-2, for evidence to the contrary, drawn from the original Danish Plantesamfund, Warming, op. cit. (75). For instances of Warming employing the concept of the plant community in the characterization of vegetation in the field, see E. Warming, 'Om Grønlands vegetation', Meddelanden om Grønland (1888), 12, 1-245 (French summary). See also note 67 above.
131. Tobey, op. cit. (67), 104 claims that the English translation 'introduced a Humboldtian nuance into [Warming's] Darwinian theory'. Thus, Tobey argues, it cannot be said that Warming supported the idea of definite communities in the Humboldtian sense. But see O. Müller, 'Warming, Eugen', DSB, xiv, 181-2, for evidence to the contrary, drawn from the original Danish Plantesamfund, Warming, op. cit. (75). For instances of Warming employing the concept of the plant community in the characterization of vegetation in the field, see E. Warming, 'Om Grønlands vegetation', Meddelanden om Grønland (1888), 12, 1-245 (French summary). See also note 67 above.
132. Tobey, op. cit. (67), 104 claims that the English translation 'introduced a Humboldtian nuance into [Warming's] Darwinian theory'. Thus, Tobey argues, it cannot be said that Warming supported the idea of definite communities in the Humboldtian sense. But see O. Müller, 'Warming, Eugen', DSB, xiv, 181-2, for evidence to the contrary, drawn from the original Danish Plantesamfund, Warming, op. cit. (75). For instances of Warming employing the concept of the plant community in the characterization of vegetation in the field, see E. Warming, 'Om Grønlands vegetation', Meddelanden om Grønland (1888), 12, 1-245 (French summary). See also note 67 above.
133. Tobey, op. cit. (67), 104 claims that the English translation 'introduced a Humboldtian nuance into [Warming's] Darwinian theory'. Thus, Tobey argues, it cannot be said that Warming supported the idea of definite communities in the Humboldtian sense. But see O. Müller, 'Warming, Eugen', DSB, xiv, 181-2, for evidence to the contrary, drawn from the original Danish Plantesamfund, Warming, op. cit. (75). For instances of Warming employing the concept of the plant community in the characterization of vegetation in the field, see E. Warming, 'Om Grønlands vegetation', Meddelanden om Grønland (1888), 12, 1-245 (French summary). See also note 67 above.
134. Tobey, op. cit. (67), 104 claims that the English translation 'introduced a Humboldtian nuance into [Warming's] Darwinian theory'. Thus, Tobey argues, it cannot be said that Warming supported the idea of definite communities in the Humboldtian sense. But see O. Müller, 'Warming, Eugen', DSB, xiv, 181-2, for evidence to the contrary, drawn from the original Danish Plantesamfund, Warming, op. cit. (75). For instances of Warming employing the concept of the plant community in the characterization of vegetation in the field, see E. Warming, 'Om Grønlands vegetation', Meddelanden om Grønland (1888), 12, 1-245 (French summary). See also note 67 above.
135. This would probably also have been Grisebach's view on the origin of plant form. Tobey has argued that Warming's 'Darwinian' concept of a competitive struggle for survival distinguishes him from the 'idealistic' tradition of Humboldt and Drude. Warming was certainly interested in evolution and the origin of adaptation. But he, unlike Schimper, was not a Darwinian in the sense that he favoured the mechanism of natural selection. In fact, like many early ecologists, he was famous for his eclectic Neo-Lamarckianism. The Humboldtian research tradition was sufficiently diverse to allow plant communities to be conceived of in a variety of different ways but there is no evidence in Warming's work that he did not allow the existence of, to use Tobey's terminology, 'functioning communities of ontological status'. See also notes 67 and 96 above.
136. For the identification of Humboldt with epistemic change in Michel Foucault's sense, see Nicolson, op. cit. (3); also M. Nicolson,' Was there a Linnean ecology?', unpublished paper, copies available from the author; and Acot, op. cit. (7).
137. For the identification of Humboldt with epistemic change in Michel Foucault's sense, see Nicolson, op. cit. (3); also M. Nicolson,' Was there a Linnean ecology?', unpublished paper, copies available from the author; and Acot, op. cit. (7).
138. For the identification of Humboldt with epistemic change in Michel Foucault's sense, see Nicolson, op. cit. (3); also M. Nicolson,' Was there a Linnean ecology?', unpublished paper, copies available from the author; and Acot, op. cit. (7).
139. Cannon, op. cit. (11).
140. The allusion is to the title of Humboldt's most ambitious text: A. von Humboldt, Kosmos: Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung, 5 vols., Stuttgart and Tuebingen, 1845-62.
141. Some of the consequences of this changing context for Humboldtian science have been explored by Cannon, op. cit. (11).
142. R. P. McIntosh, The Background of Ecology: Concept and Theory, Cambridge, 1985, 26.
143. Cittadino, op. cit. (89); W. Coleman, 'Evolution into ecology? The strategy of Warming's oecological plant geography', Journal of the History of Biology (1986), 19, 181-96.
144. Cittadino, op. cit. (89); W. Coleman, 'Evolution into ecology? The strategy of Warming's oecological plant geography', Journal of the History of Biology (1986), 19, 181-96.