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Volumn 11, Issue 41, 2000, Pages 37-69

Delusional diagnosis? The history of paranoia as a disease concept in the modern era

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; DELUSION; DIAGNOSIS; HISTORY; HUMAN; PARANOID PSYCHOSIS; PSYCHIATRY;

EID: 0347309366     PISSN: 0957154X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0957154x0001104103     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (21)

References (197)
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    • Mark S. Micale, Approaching Hysteria: Disease and its Interpretations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 293. For a recent scholarly description of the multiple personality disorder diagnosis, see Ian Hacking, Rewriting the Soul: Multiple Personality and the Sciences of Memory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995). See also Allan Young, The Harmony of Illusions: Inventing Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995).
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    • Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: A reflection on Aubrey Lewis's History of Paranoia
    • For a different approach to paranoia's history which deconstructs the way physicians have defined the concept over time, analysing psychiatrists' texts in an effort to discover an underlying agenda on the part of medicine, see David J. Harper, 'Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: a reflection on Aubrey Lewis's History of Paranoia', History of the Human Sciences, vii (1994), 89-109. As Harper admits, he has 'less concern with the accuracy of the text's assertions than with what the text does and what interests it serves' (:91; his emphasis). See also idem., 'Defining delusion and the serving of professional interests: the case of "paranoia"', British Journal of Medical Psychology, Ixv (1992), 357-69; 'The professional construction of "paranoia" and the discursive use of diagnostic criteria', British Journal of Medical Psychology, 1xvii (1994), 131-43. Harper takes a highly sceptical attitude towards the medical interpretation of delusions and concludes that the psychiatrie diagnosis of paranoia 'pathologizes what some might see as a normal response to a mistrustful and misanthropic society' (Ibid., 131). I take issue with Harper's thesis for two reasons: one, because it tends to overlook the complex nature of psychiatry as a clinical enterprise and diverts attention away from the multifactorial reality surrounding the history of paranoia; and two, because it is itself a historically contingent interpretation, embedded in a specific cultural context which seeks for ideological reasons to depict paranoia as a more or less valid mode for expressing politically subversive messages.
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    • For a different approach to paranoia's history which deconstructs the way physicians have defined the concept over time, analysing psychiatrists' texts in an effort to discover an underlying agenda on the part of medicine, see David J. Harper, 'Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: a reflection on Aubrey Lewis's History of Paranoia', History of the Human Sciences, vii (1994), 89-109. As Harper admits, he has 'less concern with the accuracy of the text's assertions than with what the text does and what interests it serves' (:91; his emphasis). See also idem., 'Defining delusion and the serving of professional interests: the case of "paranoia"', British Journal of Medical Psychology, Ixv (1992), 357-69; 'The professional construction of "paranoia" and the discursive use of diagnostic criteria', British Journal of Medical Psychology, 1xvii (1994), 131-43. Harper takes a highly sceptical attitude towards the medical interpretation of delusions and concludes that the psychiatrie diagnosis of paranoia 'pathologizes what some might see as a normal response to a mistrustful and misanthropic society' (Ibid., 131). I take issue with Harper's thesis for two reasons: one, because it tends to overlook the complex nature of psychiatry as a clinical enterprise and diverts attention away from the multifactorial reality surrounding the history of paranoia; and two, because it is itself a historically contingent interpretation, embedded in a specific cultural context which seeks for ideological reasons to depict paranoia as a more or less valid mode for expressing politically subversive messages.
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    • For a different approach to paranoia's history which deconstructs the way physicians have defined the concept over time, analysing psychiatrists' texts in an effort to discover an underlying agenda on the part of medicine, see David J. Harper, 'Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: a reflection on Aubrey Lewis's History of Paranoia', History of the Human Sciences, vii (1994), 89-109. As Harper admits, he has 'less concern with the accuracy of the text's assertions than with what the text does and what interests it serves' (:91; his emphasis). See also idem., 'Defining delusion and the serving of professional interests: the case of "paranoia"', British Journal of Medical Psychology, Ixv (1992), 357-69; 'The professional construction of "paranoia" and the discursive use of diagnostic criteria', British Journal of Medical Psychology, 1xvii (1994), 131-43. Harper takes a highly sceptical attitude towards the medical interpretation of delusions and concludes that the psychiatrie diagnosis of paranoia 'pathologizes what some might see as a normal response to a mistrustful and misanthropic society' (Ibid., 131). I take issue with Harper's thesis for two reasons: one, because it tends to overlook the complex nature of psychiatry as a clinical enterprise and diverts attention away from the multifactorial reality surrounding the history of paranoia; and two, because it is itself a historically contingent interpretation, embedded in a specific cultural context which seeks for ideological reasons to depict paranoia as a more or less valid mode for expressing politically subversive messages.
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    • For a different approach to paranoia's history which deconstructs the way physicians have defined the concept over time, analysing psychiatrists' texts in an effort to discover an underlying agenda on the part of medicine, see David J. Harper, 'Histories of suspicion in a time of conspiracy: a reflection on Aubrey Lewis's History of Paranoia', History of the Human Sciences, vii (1994), 89-109. As Harper admits, he has 'less concern with the accuracy of the text's assertions than with what the text does and what interests it serves' (:91; his emphasis). See also idem., 'Defining delusion and the serving of professional interests: the case of "paranoia"', British Journal of Medical Psychology, Ixv (1992), 357-69; 'The professional construction of "paranoia" and the discursive use of diagnostic criteria', British Journal of Medical Psychology, 1xvii (1994), 131-43. Harper takes a highly sceptical attitude towards the medical interpretation of delusions and concludes that the psychiatrie diagnosis of paranoia 'pathologizes what some might see as a normal response to a mistrustful and misanthropic society' (Ibid., 131). I take issue with Harper's thesis for two reasons: one, because it tends to overlook the complex nature of psychiatry as a clinical enterprise and diverts attention away from the multifactorial reality surrounding the history of paranoia; and two, because it is itself a historically contingent interpretation, embedded in a specific cultural context which seeks for ideological reasons to depict paranoia as a more or less valid mode for expressing politically subversive messages.
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    • Introduction
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    • trans. A. A. Brill New York: Macmillan, reprint of 1924 edition
    • As Eugen Bleuler of the Burghölzli hospital wrote in 1924: 'Toward the end of the last century it was believed that the essence of the disease [of paranoia] was to be found in the more or less isolated disturbance of the understanding; as every delusional idea and every hallucination represents such a disturbance, most mental diseases could be included in this, and this was preferably done. On the basis of this stereotyped conception acute forms with delusions and hallucinations were also included. As such acute syndromes usually belong to schizophrenia which later readily exhibits chronic delusions, the theoretical confusion of acute and chronic conditions, different in principle, could not appear as senseless at the patient's bedside as it really was.' Eugen Bleuler, Textbook of Psychiatry trans. A. A. Brill (New York: Macmillan, 1934 reprint of 1924 edition), 517-18. Since delusions of grandeur appear to have afflicted about 50% of general paretics in the nineteenth century, it is reasonable to assume that some were diagnosed as paranoids. Frank J. Fish, Clinical Psychopathology: Signs and Symptoms in Psychiatry (Bristol: John Wright and Sons, 1967), 44-5.
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    • As Eugen Bleuler of the Burghölzli hospital wrote in 1924: 'Toward the end of the last century it was believed that the essence of the disease [of paranoia] was to be found in the more or less isolated disturbance of the understanding; as every delusional idea and every hallucination represents such a disturbance, most mental diseases could be included in this, and this was preferably done. On the basis of this stereotyped conception acute forms with delusions and hallucinations were also included. As such acute syndromes usually belong to schizophrenia which later readily exhibits chronic delusions, the theoretical confusion of acute and chronic conditions, different in principle, could not appear as senseless at the patient's bedside as it really was.' Eugen Bleuler, Textbook of Psychiatry trans. A. A. Brill (New York: Macmillan, 1934 reprint of 1924 edition), 517-18. Since delusions of grandeur appear to have afflicted about 50% of general paretics in the nineteenth century, it is reasonable to assume that some were diagnosed as paranoids. Frank J. Fish, Clinical Psychopathology: Signs and Symptoms in Psychiatry (Bristol: John Wright and Sons, 1967), 44-5.
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    • trans. from the eighth German edn by R. Mary Barclay Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone
    • Emil Kraepelin, Manic-Depressive Insanity and Paranoia, trans. from the eighth German edn by R. Mary Barclay (Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone, 1921), 208-12. For a historical review of the 'paranoia question', see Hermann Krueger, Die Paranoia: eine monographische Studie (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer, 1917), 1-7. The prevalence of delusional symptoms in asylum patients was pronounced in asylums outside Germany. For similar nineteenth-century data on the Bucks County Pauper Lunatic Asylum, see David Wright, 'Delusions of grandeur: economic change, poverty, and the sexual division of institutional confinement in Victorian England', unpublished paper.
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    • Emil Kraepelin, Manic-Depressive Insanity and Paranoia, trans. from the eighth German edn by R. Mary Barclay (Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone, 1921), 208-12. For a historical review of the 'paranoia question', see Hermann Krueger, Die Paranoia: eine monographische Studie (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer, 1917), 1-7. The prevalence of delusional symptoms in asylum patients was pronounced in asylums outside Germany. For similar nineteenth-century data on the Bucks County Pauper Lunatic Asylum, see David Wright, 'Delusions of grandeur: economic change, poverty, and the sexual division of institutional confinement in Victorian England', unpublished paper.
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    • Emil Kraepelin, Manic-Depressive Insanity and Paranoia, trans. from the eighth German edn by R. Mary Barclay (Edinburgh: E. & S. Livingstone, 1921), 208-12. For a historical review of the 'paranoia question', see Hermann Krueger, Die Paranoia: eine monographische Studie (Berlin: Verlag von Julius Springer, 1917), 1-7. The prevalence of delusional symptoms in asylum patients was pronounced in asylums outside Germany. For similar nineteenth-century data on the Bucks County Pauper Lunatic Asylum, see David Wright, 'Delusions of grandeur: economic change, poverty, and the sexual division of institutional confinement in Victorian England', unpublished paper.
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    • Emil Kraepelin, Clinical Psychiatry: A Textbook for Students and Physicians, ed. and trans. A. R. Diefendorf from the sixth (1899) German edn (New York: Macmillan, 1904), 316, cited in Kenneth S. Kendler and Tsaung, Ming T., 'Nosology of paranoid schizophrenia and other paranoid psychoses', Schizophrenia Bulletin, vii (1981), 594-610, 595. See also Kenneth S. Kendler, 'Kraepelin and the diagnostic concept of paranoia', Comprehensive Psychiatry, xxix (1988), 4-11; German E. Berrios and R. Hauser, 'The early development of Kraepelin's ideas on classification: a conceptual history', Psychological Medicine, xviii (1988), 813-21. As William F. Bynum has written, 'the nuances of [Kraepelin's] work remain too little appreciated in the English-speaking world...' 'Psychopathology and psychiatric syndromes', Current Opinion in Psychiatry, ix (1995), 368-71.
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    • Lewis, 'Paranoia and paranoid', 5. As Kraepelin wrote in the eighth edition of his Textbook, 'the delimitation of dementia praecox from certain paranoid diseases appears least of all to be cleared up ...' Emu Kraepelin, Dementia Praecox and Paraphrenia, trans. R. Mary Barclay (Huntingdon, NY: Robert E. Krieger Publishing Co. Inc., 1971 reprint of 1919 English trans. of the eighth German edn), 276.
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    • Adolf Meyer, 'The relation of emotional and intellectual functions in paranoia and the obsessions', Psychological Bulletin, iii (1906), 255-74, 258. S. E. Jelliffe wrote in 1908 that 'for the paranoia concept ... old lines are falling away, new boundaries are being run, and a radical rearrangement of the whole situation is manifest.' S. E. Jellifie, 'Introduction', Studies in Paranoia, iii.
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    • Gerald N. Grob, 'Origins of DSM-I: a study in appearance and reality', American Journal of Psychiatry, cxlviii (1991), 421-31. For more data on the occupational shift within U.S. psychiatry between 1940 and 1970, see Edward Shorter, A History of Psychiatry: From the Era of the Asylum to the Age of Prozac (New York: Wiley, 1997), 181. See also Gerald N. Grob, The Mad Among Us: A History of the Care of America's Mentally III (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), especially Ch. 6.
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    • Henri Ellenberger, 'A comparison of European and American psychiatry', Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, xix (1955), 43-52, 49. Or as Robert Spitzer reminisced about APA annual meetings in the 1960s, 'academic psychiatrists interested in presenting their work on descriptive diagnosis would be scheduled for the final day in the late afternoon. No one would attend. Psychiatrists simply were not interested in the issue of diagnosis.' Mitchell Wilson, personal interview with Spitzer, 24 May 1989.
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    • See Mitchell Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', American Journal of Psychiatry, cl (1993), 399-410, 403. Another psychiatrist observed in 1959 that 'the attitude of many psychiatrists towards the conventional type of classification has become one of ambivalence, if not of cynicism.'
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    • R. E. Kendell, J. E. Cooper, and A. J. Gourlay, 'Diagnostic criteria of American and British psychiatrists', Archives of General Psychiatry, xxv (1971), 123-30. See also Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 296; N. C. Andreasen, 'The American concept of schizophrenia', Schizophrenia Bulletin, xv (1989), 519-31. The U.S. predilection for the schizophrenia diagnosis meant that untold numbers of paranoids and people with affective disorders were being misdiagnosed and therefore incorrectly treated.
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    • R. E. Kendell, J. E. Cooper, and A. J. Gourlay, 'Diagnostic criteria of American and British psychiatrists', Archives of General Psychiatry, xxv (1971), 123-30. See also Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 296; N. C. Andreasen, 'The American concept of schizophrenia', Schizophrenia Bulletin, xv (1989), 519-31. The U.S. predilection for the schizophrenia diagnosis meant that untold numbers of paranoids and people with affective disorders were being misdiagnosed and therefore incorrectly treated.
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    • Hubert Bonner, 'The problem of diagnosis in paranoic disorder', American Journal of Psychiatry, cvii (1951), 677-83. Ronald Bayer and Robert L. Spitzer, 'Neurosis, psychodynamics, and DSM-III: a history of the controversy', Archives of General Psychiatry, xlii (1985), 187-98.
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    • Kendler and Tsuang, 'Nosology of paranoid schizophrenia and other paranoid psychoses', 601. As the three authors of a book on paranoia stated in 1970: 'The syndrome of true paranoia is extremely rare, if it really occurs at all.' David W. Swanson, Philip J. Bohnert, Jackson A. Smith, The Paranoid (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 72.
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    • Kendler and Tsuang, 'Nosology of paranoid schizophrenia and other paranoid psychoses', 601. As the three authors of a book on paranoia stated in 1970: 'The syndrome of true paranoia is extremely rare, if it really occurs at all.' David W. Swanson, Philip J. Bohnert, Jackson A. Smith, The Paranoid (Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 72.
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    • Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 300. See also Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history'; and Pichot, 'DSM-III and its reception: a European view', 51-2.
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    • Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 300. See also Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history'; and Pichot, 'DSM-III and its reception: a European view', 51-2.
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    • (1972) Archives of General Psychiatry , vol.26 , pp. 57-63
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    • John P. Feigner, Eli Robins, Samuel Guze, Robert A. Woodruff, George Winokur, and Rodrigo Muñoz, 'Diagnostic criteria for use in psychiatric research', Archives of General Psychiatry, xxvi (1972), 57-63. See also Robert Spitzer et al., 'Schizophrenia and other psychotic disorders in DSM-III', Schizophrenia Bulletin, iv (1978), 489-509. For more on Spitzer, including his contributions to DSM-II, see Stuart A. Kirk and Herb Kutchins, The Selling of DSM: The Rhetoric of Science in Psychiatry (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1992), 56-63, 77-90, 91-7, 99-103, 133-4.
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    • Roger K. Blashfield, 'Feigner et al., Invisible colleges, and the Matthew effect', Schizophrenia Bulletin, viii (1982), 1-6. In using the phrase 'invisible college' Blashfield purposely invoked the memory of the seventeenth century collection of scientists who eventually formed the Royal Society of London. He defined it as a group of 'intellectuals who had a sense of allegiance to each other and who frequently interacted both professionally and socially.' (3) See also Gerald Klerman, 'The contemporary American scene: diagnosis and classification of mental disorders, alcoholism and drug abuse', in Norman Sartorius et al. (eds), Sources and Traditions of Classification in Psychiatry (Toronto: Hogrefe, 1990), 93-138. Ronald Bayer and Robert L. Spitzer, 'Neurosis, psychodynamics, and DSM-III', Archives of General Psychiatry, xlii (1985), 187-96, 188.
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    • Roger K. Blashfield, 'Feigner et al., Invisible colleges, and the Matthew effect', Schizophrenia Bulletin, viii (1982), 1-6. In using the phrase 'invisible college' Blashfield purposely invoked the memory of the seventeenth century collection of scientists who eventually formed the Royal Society of London. He defined it as a group of 'intellectuals who had a sense of allegiance to each other and who frequently interacted both professionally and socially.' (3) See also Gerald Klerman, 'The contemporary American scene: diagnosis and classification of mental disorders, alcoholism and drug abuse', in Norman Sartorius et al. (eds), Sources and Traditions of Classification in Psychiatry (Toronto: Hogrefe, 1990), 93-138. Ronald Bayer and Robert L. Spitzer, 'Neurosis, psychodynamics, and DSM-III', Archives of General Psychiatry, xlii (1985), 187-96, 188.
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    • Bayer and Spitzer, 'Neurosis, psychodynamics, and DSM-III', 187-8. As a prominent psychiatrist remarked, the qualified reinstatement of neurosis at the last moment 'was a minor capitulation to psychoanalytic nostalgia.' Mitchell Wilson, 18 August 1989 interview with Donald Klein. Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', 407. From another perspective, Shorter has called this a 'clearly political sop to a major interest group [that] had nothing to do with science.' Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 304. For more on the thesis that the revisions of the DSM were driven principally by non-clinical considerations, see Kirk and Kutchins, The Selling of DSM, passim.
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    • Bayer and Spitzer, 'Neurosis, psychodynamics, and DSM-III', 187-8. As a prominent psychiatrist remarked, the qualified reinstatement of neurosis at the last moment 'was a minor capitulation to psychoanalytic nostalgia.' Mitchell Wilson, 18 August 1989 interview with Donald Klein. Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', 407. From another perspective, Shorter has called this a 'clearly political sop to a major interest group [that] had nothing to do with science.' Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 304. For more on the thesis that the revisions of the DSM were driven principally by non-clinical considerations, see Kirk and Kutchins, The Selling of DSM, passim.
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    • See the comments of Martin M. Katz in his reply to Roger Blashfield's 'Feigner et al., Invisible colleges, and the Matthew effect', Schizophrenia Bulletin, viii (1982), 1-6, 9-10.
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    • S. M. Schappert, 'Office visits to psychiatrists: United States, 1989-1990', Advance Data from Vital and Health Statistics, no. 237 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics, 1993), table 6, 6. Cited in Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 291. Over the course of a lifetime almost one American in five was estimated to suffer from an often disabling mood disorder. Ronald C. Kessler et al, 'Lifetime and twelve-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorder in the United States', Archives of General Psychiatry, li (1994), 8-19, 12. In 1994 Consumer Reports (November 1994) stated that 'More than 50 million American adults suffer from a mental or addictive disorder at any given time.' (:734) As Shorter notes, 'By 1970, at least 66 percent of all American psychiatrists were in private practice, in reality doubtless more because many of those with appointments in hospitals and universities also had private offices on the side. Of those psychiatrists who in 1941 had been entirely in hospitals and asylums, by 1962 half had gone over to private practice.' Ibid., 181.
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    • A History of Psychiatry , pp. 291
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    • S. M. Schappert, 'Office visits to psychiatrists: United States, 1989-1990', Advance Data from Vital and Health Statistics, no. 237 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics, 1993), table 6, 6. Cited in Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 291. Over the course of a lifetime almost one American in five was estimated to suffer from an often disabling mood disorder. Ronald C. Kessler et al, 'Lifetime and twelve-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorder in the United States', Archives of General Psychiatry, li (1994), 8-19, 12. In 1994 Consumer Reports (November 1994) stated that 'More than 50 million American adults suffer from a mental or addictive disorder at any given time.' (:734) As Shorter notes, 'By 1970, at least 66 percent of all American psychiatrists were in private practice, in reality doubtless more because many of those with appointments in hospitals and universities also had private offices on the side. Of those psychiatrists who in 1941 had been entirely in hospitals and asylums, by 1962 half had gone over to private practice.' Ibid., 181.
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    • S. M. Schappert, 'Office visits to psychiatrists: United States, 1989-1990', Advance Data from Vital and Health Statistics, no. 237 (Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics, 1993), table 6, 6. Cited in Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 291. Over the course of a lifetime almost one American in five was estimated to suffer from an often disabling mood disorder. Ronald C. Kessler et al, 'Lifetime and twelve-month prevalence of DSM-III-R psychiatric disorder in the United States', Archives of General Psychiatry, li (1994), 8-19, 12. In 1994 Consumer Reports (November 1994) stated that 'More than 50 million American adults suffer from a mental or addictive disorder at any given time.' (:734) As Shorter notes, 'By 1970, at least 66 percent of all American psychiatrists were in private practice, in reality doubtless more because many of those with appointments in hospitals and universities also had private offices on the side. Of those psychiatrists who in 1941 had been entirely in hospitals and asylums, by 1962 half had gone over to private practice.' Ibid., 181.
    • Archives of General Psychiatry , pp. 181
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    • Kirk and Kutchins, The Selling of DSM, 225-7, 234; Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 289-93. 'Bottomless pit' is APA Medical Director Melvin Sabshin's phrase. Mitchell Wilson, 17 July 1989 interview with Sabshin. Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', 403. See also Sabshin's 'Preface' (ix-x) in Roben L Spitzer, Janet B. W. Williams and Andrew E. Skodol (eds), International Perspectives on DSM-III (Washington, DC: American Psychiatrie Press, 1983).
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    • Kirk and Kutchins, The Selling of DSM, 225-7, 234; Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 289-93. 'Bottomless pit' is APA Medical Director Melvin Sabshin's phrase. Mitchell Wilson, 17 July 1989 interview with Sabshin. Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', 403. See also Sabshin's 'Preface' (ix-x) in Roben L Spitzer, Janet B. W. Williams and Andrew E. Skodol (eds), International Perspectives on DSM-III (Washington, DC: American Psychiatrie Press, 1983).
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    • Kirk and Kutchins, The Selling of DSM, 225-7, 234; Shorter, A History of Psychiatry, 289-93. 'Bottomless pit' is APA Medical Director Melvin Sabshin's phrase. Mitchell Wilson, 17 July 1989 interview with Sabshin. Wilson, 'DSM-III and the transformation of American psychiatry: a history', 403. See also Sabshin's 'Preface' (ix-x) in Roben L Spitzer, Janet B. W. Williams and Andrew E. Skodol (eds), International Perspectives on DSM-III (Washington, DC: American Psychiatrie Press, 1983).
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    • E. F. Torrey, The Death of Psychiatry (Radnor, PA: Chilton, 1974); H. J. Eysenck, 'The effects of psychotherapy: an evaluation', Journal of Consulting Psychology, xvi (1952), 319-23. Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis (New York: Basic, 1981).
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    • Christopher S. Thomas, 'Dysmorphophobia: a question of definition', British Journal of Psychiatry, cxliv (1984), 513-16; José de Léon, Andrew Bott and George M. Simpson, 'Dysmorphophobia: body dysmorphic disorder or delusional disorder, somatic subtype?' Comprehensive Psychiatry, xxx (1989), 457-72; Katharine A. Phillips, 'Body dysmorphic disorder: the distress of imagined ugliness', American Journal of Psychiatry, cxlviii (1991), 138-49.
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    • 'Dissatisfaction with appearance in the absence of an observed abnormality' is not limited to BDD or DD somatic type. It can occur in depression, schizophrenia, and anorexia nervosa. See Christopher S. Thomas, 'Letter: body dysmorphic disorder', American Journal of Psychiatry, cxlvii (1990), 816-7. See also Katharine A. Phillips, The Broken Mirror: Understanding and Treating Body Dysmorphic Disorder (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).
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    • Susan L. McElroy, Katharine A. Phillips, Paul E. Keck, Jr., James I. Hudson and Harrison G. Pope, Jr., 'Body dysmorphic disorder: does it have a psychotic subtype?' Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, liv (1993), 389-95; Katharine A. Phillips, Susan L. McElroy, James I. Hudson and Harrison G. Pope, Jr., 'Body dysmorphic disorder: an obsessive-compulsive spectrum disorder, or a form of affective spectrum disorder, or both?' ibid., lvi (Suppl.) (1995), 41-51. As Phillips admitted in 1995, the issue of BDD's and DD's somatic subtype's differential diagnosis was 'close to my heart.' 'Discussion', ibid., 52. See also Katherine A. Phillips, Jennie M. Kim and James I. Hudson, 'Body image disturbance in body dysmorphic disorder and eating disorders: obsessions or delusions?' The Psychiatric Clinics of North America, xviii (1995), 317-34.
    • (1993) Journal of Clinical Psychiatry , vol.54 , pp. 389-395
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    • Susan L. McElroy, Katharine A. Phillips, Paul E. Keck, Jr., James I. Hudson and Harrison G. Pope, Jr., 'Body dysmorphic disorder: does it have a psychotic subtype?' Journal of Clinical Psychiatry, liv (1993), 389-95; Katharine A. Phillips, Susan L. McElroy, James I. Hudson and Harrison G. Pope, Jr., 'Body dysmorphic disorder: an obsessive-compulsive spectrum disorder, or a form of affective spectrum disorder, or both?' ibid., lvi (Suppl.) (1995), 41-51. As Phillips admitted in 1995, the issue of BDD's and DD's somatic subtype's differential diagnosis was 'close to my heart.' 'Discussion', ibid., 52. See also Katherine A. Phillips, Jennie M. Kim and James I. Hudson, 'Body image disturbance in body dysmorphic disorder and eating disorders: obsessions or delusions?' The Psychiatric Clinics of North America, xviii (1995), 317-34.
    • (1995) Journal of Clinical Psychiatry , vol.56 , Issue.SUPPL. , pp. 41-51
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    • Discussion
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    • Katharine A. Phillips, 'Pharmacologic treatment of body dysmorphic disorder', Psycho-pharmacology Bulletin, xxxii (1996), 597-605. Much the same could be said about hypochondriasis, defined in DSM-IV like BDD as a somatoform disorder. Hypochondriasis is a distressing preoccupation with the fear or thought, based on physical sensations, that one has a serious disease. Because of its close ties to conditions such as chronic fatigue syndrome, the hypochondriasis diagnosis is extremely vexing for clinicians who must make sure that patients are not suffering from a certifiable medical condition while simultaneously avoiding alienating patients who are convinced their ailments have an organic foundation. The fact that in some patients the fear of having an illness can reach delusional proportions also calls into question whether or not DD patients with hypochondriacal delusions merely occupy 'the more pathological end of a hypochondriasis spectrum of insight.' Last, but not least, treatment trials suggesting the effectiveness of SSRI's, including fluoxetine, for hypochondriasis pose the same kind of threat to DD somatic type as did treatment studies of BDD. See Brian A. Fallon, Franklin R. Schneier, Randall Marshall, Raphael Campeas, Donna Vermes, Debbie Goetz, and Michael R. Liebowitz, 'The pharmacotherapy of hyponchondriasis', ibid., 607-11.
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    • Psycho-pharmacology Bulletin , pp. 607-611
    • Fallon, B.A.1    Schneier, F.R.2    Marshall, R.3    Campeas, R.4    Vermes, D.5    Goetz, D.6    Liebowitz, M.R.7
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    • For a critical look at DSM-IV, see L. J. Davis, 'The Encyclopedia of Insanity: a psychiatric handbook lists a madness for everyone', Harper's Magazine, February 1997: 61-6.
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    • For the 'paranoid streak', see Arthur Koestler, The Ghost in the Machine (New York: Macmillan, 1967). See also Paul D. MacLean, 'The paranoid streak in man', in Arthur Koestler and J. R. Smythies (eds), Beyond Reductionism: New Perspectives in the Life Sciences (London: Hutchinson, 1969), 258-78;
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    • For the 'paranoid streak', see Arthur Koestler, The Ghost in the Machine (New York: Macmillan, 1967). See also Paul D. MacLean, 'The paranoid streak in man', in Arthur Koestler and J. R. Smythies (eds), Beyond Reductionism: New Perspectives in the Life Sciences (London: Hutchinson, 1969), 258-78;
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    • The phrase 'paranoid intellectual temper' is Frederick Crews's. See the dust jacket of Farrell, Freud's Paranoid Quest. Farrell argues compellingly that thanks largely to figures like Rousseau, Strindberg, Nietzsche, and (especially) Freud a certain fashionable form of Romantic, 'naive and sentimental paranoia' stressing suspiciousness and fear of other human beings has gripped the leaders of modern culture. '[T]he figure of the paranoid', writes Farrell, is 'the central protagonist of Western European imagination'. Ibid., 134. For the paranoid features of the philosophy of Derrida, Foucault, Lacan and Althusser, see Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut, French Philosophy of the Sixties: An Essay on Antihumanism, trans. Mary H. S. Cattani (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), especially 208-9.
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    • The phrase 'paranoid intellectual temper' is Frederick Crews's. See the dust jacket of Farrell, Freud's Paranoid Quest. Farrell argues compellingly that thanks largely to figures like Rousseau, Strindberg, Nietzsche, and (especially) Freud a certain fashionable form of Romantic, 'naive and sentimental paranoia' stressing suspiciousness and fear of other human beings has gripped the leaders of modern culture. '[T]he figure of the paranoid', writes Farrell, is 'the central protagonist of Western European imagination'. Ibid., 134. For the paranoid features of the philosophy of Derrida, Foucault, Lacan and Althusser, see Luc Ferry and Alain Renaut, French Philosophy of the Sixties: An Essay on Antihumanism, trans. Mary H. S. Cattani (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), especially 208-9.
    • (1990) French Philosophy of the Sixties: an Essay on Antihumanism , pp. 208-209
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