"A warlike demonstration": Leǵalism, violent self-help, and electoral politics in Decatur, Illinois, 1894-1898

Journal of Urban History

Volumn 26, Issue 5, 2000, Pages 591-629

  Cha Jua, Sundiata Keita ^a  

^a SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY EDWARDSVILLE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0040951597     PISSN: 00961442     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/009614420002600502     Document Type: Article

References (308)

1. Herbert Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response: From Reconstruction to Montgomery (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1988), xii.
2. Oliver C. Cox, Caste, Class & Race (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1948; rpt., New York: Monthly Review Press, 1970), 555.
3. Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 621.
4. Walter White identified four periods of lynchings: (1) from 1830 to the Civil War, (2) 1867 to 1890, (3) 1890 to 1914, and (4) 1914 to 1929. Beginning in 1889, more blacks than whites were lynched, but after 1890, lynching became the most repressive weapon in racists' arsenal and a form of murder reserved for African Americans. See Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Arno and New York Times, 1969), 82; and NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States: 1889-1918 (1919; rpt., New York: Amo and New York Times, 1969), 2.
5. Walter White identified four periods of lynchings: (1) from 1830 to the Civil War, (2) 1867 to 1890, (3) 1890 to 1914, and (4) 1914 to 1929. Beginning in 1889, more blacks than whites were lynched, but after 1890, lynching became the most repressive weapon in racists' arsenal and a form of murder reserved for African Americans. See Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Arno and New York Times, 1969), 82; and NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States: 1889-1918 (1919; rpt., New York: Amo and New York Times, 1969), 2.
6. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
7. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
8. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
9. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
10. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
11. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
12. In a very perceptive essay, Susan Olzak points out the differing histories of lynching and what she terms urban violence. The concept of urban violence is central to her contention that lynching occurred in rural locations, while riots occurred in urban locales. Olzak perpetuates the myth that lynchings were rural phenomena. An examination of the lynchings reported in Raper suggests that lynchings usually occurred in the county seat; generally, these small to medium-sized towns were the most urbanized places in the county. This trend certainly holds true for the lynchings that occurred in Illinois. See Susan Olzak, "The Political Context of Competition: Lynching and Urban Racial Violence, 1882-1914," Social Forces 69 (1990): 395-421; NAACP, Thirty Years of Lynching, 29; Jessie Daniel Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching: Review of Lynching 1931-1941 (1942; rpt., New York: AMS, 1973), 15; Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In, 1919 and the 1960s (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966), 9-11; Arthur Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (New York: Dover, 1970); Richard Maxwell Brown, Strain of Violence: Historical Studies of American Violence and Vigilantism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975): 323-6; and Paul Gile, Rioting in America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1996): 87-115, n. 39, 210-1.
13. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
14. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
15. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
16. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
17. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
18. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
19. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
20. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
21. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
22. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
23. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair,
24. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
25. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
26. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
27. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
28. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
29. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
30. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
31. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
32. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
33. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
34. Social activists and sociologists historically dominated scholarship on this gruesome phenomenon. Ida B. Wells-Barnett and other African American activist intellectuals initiated the antilynching campaign. Committed to exposing the often-false allegations used to rationalize these brutalities, African American activist intellectuals provided poignant accounts of lynchings. Their narratives shocked the public by revealing the barbarity of lynch mobs. Although their activities did not result in the passage of a federal antilynching law, Wells and her comrades succeeded in exposing rape as a fiction created to justify racial terrorism. See Ida B. Wells, On Lynching: Southern Horrors, a Red Record, Mob Rule in New Orleans (New York: Arno, 1969); The Memphis Diary of Ida B. Wells, ed. Mirim DeCosta-Willis (Boston: Beacon, 1995); Robert C. O. Benjamin, Southern Outrages: A Statistical Record of Lawless Doing (n.p., 1894); John Edward Bruce, The Blood Red Record: A Review of the Horrible Lynchings and Burnings of Negroes by Civilized White Men in the United States (Albany, 1901); National Association of Colored People, An Appeal to the World! A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress, ed. W.E.B. Du Bois (New York: NAACP, 1947); A. Philip Randolph, "Lynching: Capitalism Its Cause; Socialism Its Cure," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 2-8; "How to Stop Lynching," Messenger 2 (March 1919): 9-12; Walter White, Rope and Faggot: A Biography of Judge Lynch (New York: Knopf, 1929; repr., New York: Arno, 1969); and Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching. Sociologists were the first academics to study lynching. Their explorations reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of the paradigms, theories, and methodologies dominant in their discipline. Whereas the activist intellectuals used rousing narrative accounts to inspire outrage, the social scientists applied the discourse and tools of "objective" social science. Sociologists have been concerned generally with identifying underlying causes, patterns, and spatiotemporal variations or with comparing lynching to other mechanisms of social control. The contributions of social scientists have enriched our understanding of this form of collective violence, but most often the impersonal nature of their mathematical models has served to eclipse the role of human agency, especially African American resistance. Furthermore, the social scientists' theoretical frameworks have been generally ahistorical. See Oliver C. Cox, "Lynching and the Status Quo," Journal of Negro Education 14 (1945): 576-88, and Caste, Class & Race, 548-64; James E. Cutler, Lynch-Law, an Investigation into the History of Lynching in the United States, Patterson Smith Reprint Series in Criminology, Law Enforcement and Social Problems, No. 70 (Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1905; rpt., Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith, 1969); and Arthur F. Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1933); Erle Fiske Young, "The Relation of Lynching to the Size of Political Areas," Sociology and Social Research 12 (1928): 348-53; Carl I. Hovland and Robert R. Sears, "Minor Studies in Aggression : Correlations of Economic Indies with Lynchings," Journal of Psychology 9 (1940): 301-10; Alexander Mintz, "A Re-Examination of Correlations between Lynchings and Economic Indies," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 41 (1946): 154-60. Recent analyses by social scientists include John Shelton Reed, "Percent Black and Lynching: A Test of Blalock's Theory," Social Forces 50 (1972): 356-60; Charles David Phillips, "Exploring Relations among Forms of Social Control: The Lynching and Execution of Blacks in North Carolina, 1889-1918," Law and Society Review 21 (1987): 361-74; J. Corzine, L. Corzine, and J. Creech, "The Tenant Labor Market and Lynching in the South: A Test of the Split Labor Market Theory," Sociological Quarterly 58 (1988): 261-78; Hubert M. Blalock Jr, "Percent Black and lynchings Revisited," Social Forces 67 (1989): 631-33. For a discussion on the epistemological and methodological differences between historical case studies and sociological aggregate/statistical studies and ways to overcome them, see Larry Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis, and Causal Interpretation in Historical Sociology," AJS 98 (1993): 1094-133; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1997), 24-47. See also the work of political scientist James W. Clarke, cited in note 2.
35. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
36. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
37. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
38. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
39. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
40. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
41. During the 1980s, crimes inspired by racial or other bias increased so alarmingly that Congress passed the Hate/Bias Crime Reporting Act of 1990. Furthermore, lynching and its permutations have seized the U.S. public's imagination. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson alludes the social basis of lynching studies. See Joel Williamson, "Wounds Not Scars: Lynching, the National Conscience, and the American Historian," Journal of American History 83 (1997): 1221-53. See also Mark Curriden, "Suicide or Lynching," ABA Journal 79 (June 1993): 14; "White Sergeant Demoted in Mock Lynching of Black," Jet 84 (July 12, 1993): 38; "Legal Lynching in San Clemente," Nation 259 (October 31, 1994): 485-90; "Eight Years after Teen's Death Was Ruled a Suicide, Family Fights to Get Case Opened as Possible Lynching," Jet 87 (November 1994): 38-40; "Louisiana Mechanic Files Civil Rights Complaint over Mock Lynching by White Co-Workers," Jet 90 (August 19, 1996): 46; and "Man Kills Five Former Co-Workers in 'Economic' Lynching," Personnel Journal 75, no. 3 (1996): 12.
42. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
43. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
44. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
45. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
46. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
47. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
48. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
49. For historical treatments of lynchings during the late 1970s and 1980, see Kathleen Atkinson Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers: A Look at the Association of Southern Women for the Prevention of Lynching," Southern Studies 27 (1978): 261-80; Jacquelyn D. Hall, Revolt against Chivalry: Jesse Daniel Ames and the Women's Campaign against Lynching, 1909-1950 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1979); Robert L. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade against Lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); James R. McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching: The Killing of Claude Neal (Baton Rouge: Louisiana University Press, 1982); Dominic J. Capeci Jr., "The Lynching of Cleo Wright: Federal Protection of Constitutional Rights during World War II," Journal of American History 72 (December 1986): 859-87; Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Robert P. Ingalls, "Lynching and Establishment Violence in Tampa, 1858-1935," Journal of Southern History 53 (1987): 613-44; Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988).
50. For instance, in January John W. Wheeler and Kate Jackson, publisher and editor respectively of the Palladium, an African American newspaper published in St. Louis, Missouri, printed a tally of the previous year's lynchings. St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1. See also Adam Faiclough, " 'Forty Acres and a Mul': Horace Mann Bond and the Lynching of Jerome Wilson," Journal of American Studies 31 (1997): 1-17; and Horace Mann Bond and Julia W. Bond, The Star Creek Papers, ed. Adam Fairclough (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 77-84; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, "Rethinking the Role of Racial Violence in the Great Migration," in Alferdteen Harrison, ed., The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991): 20-35; and Robyn Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 456.
51. For instance, in January John W. Wheeler and Kate Jackson, publisher and editor respectively of the Palladium, an African American newspaper published in St. Louis, Missouri, printed a tally of the previous year's lynchings. St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1. See also Adam Faiclough, " 'Forty Acres and a Mul': Horace Mann Bond and the Lynching of Jerome Wilson," Journal of American Studies 31 (1997): 1-17; and Horace Mann Bond and Julia W. Bond, The Star Creek Papers, ed. Adam Fairclough (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 77-84; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, "Rethinking the Role of Racial Violence in the Great Migration," in Alferdteen Harrison, ed., The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991): 20-35; and Robyn Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 456.
52. For instance, in January John W. Wheeler and Kate Jackson, publisher and editor respectively of the Palladium, an African American newspaper published in St. Louis, Missouri, printed a tally of the previous year's lynchings. St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1. See also Adam Faiclough, " 'Forty Acres and a Mul': Horace Mann Bond and the Lynching of Jerome Wilson," Journal of American Studies 31 (1997): 1-17; and Horace Mann Bond and Julia W. Bond, The Star Creek Papers, ed. Adam Fairclough (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 77-84; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, "Rethinking the Role of Racial Violence in the Great Migration," in Alferdteen Harrison, ed., The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991): 20-35; and Robyn Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 456.
53. For instance, in January John W. Wheeler and Kate Jackson, publisher and editor respectively of the Palladium, an African American newspaper published in St. Louis, Missouri, printed a tally of the previous year's lynchings. St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1. See also Adam Faiclough, " 'Forty Acres and a Mul': Horace Mann Bond and the Lynching of Jerome Wilson," Journal of American Studies 31 (1997): 1-17; and Horace Mann Bond and Julia W. Bond, The Star Creek Papers, ed. Adam Fairclough (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 77-84; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, "Rethinking the Role of Racial Violence in the Great Migration," in Alferdteen Harrison, ed., The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991): 20-35; and Robyn Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 456.
54. For instance, in January John W. Wheeler and Kate Jackson, publisher and editor respectively of the Palladium, an African American newspaper published in St. Louis, Missouri, printed a tally of the previous year's lynchings. St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1. See also Adam Faiclough, " 'Forty Acres and a Mul': Horace Mann Bond and the Lynching of Jerome Wilson," Journal of American Studies 31 (1997): 1-17; and Horace Mann Bond and Julia W. Bond, The Star Creek Papers, ed. Adam Fairclough (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1997), 77-84; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, "Rethinking the Role of Racial Violence in the Great Migration," in Alferdteen Harrison, ed., The Great Migration from the American South (Jackson: University of Mississippi Press, 1991): 20-35; and Robyn Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 456.
55. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
56. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
57. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
58. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
59. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
60. Dominic J. Capeci does include a highly suggestive comment about African Americans barricading the black community to prevent the mob from attacking them. See "The Lynching of Cleo Wright," 859-87; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; George C. Wright, "By the Book: Legal Executions of Kentucky Blacks," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 250-70.
61. Stephen J. Whitfield's work on Emmit Till is a welcome break with this pattern. Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988); McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; Capeci, "The Lynching of Cleo Wright"; and Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
62. Stephen J. Whitfield's work on Emmit Till is a welcome break with this pattern. Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988); McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; Capeci, "The Lynching of Cleo Wright"; and Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
63. Stephen J. Whitfield's work on Emmit Till is a welcome break with this pattern. Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988); McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; Capeci, "The Lynching of Cleo Wright"; and Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
64. Stephen J. Whitfield's work on Emmit Till is a welcome break with this pattern. Stephen J. Whitfield, A Death in the Delta: The Story of Emmit Till (New York: Free Press, 1988); McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; Capeci, "The Lynching of Cleo Wright"; and Howard Smead, Blood Justice: The Lynching of Mack Charles Parker (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
65. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson discusses how he learned about lynching after its erasure from white America's memory; see "Wounds Not Scars." See also Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers"; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; and Smead, Blood Justice.
66. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson discusses how he learned about lynching after its erasure from white America's memory; see "Wounds Not Scars." See also Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers"; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; and Smead, Blood Justice.
67. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson discusses how he learned about lynching after its erasure from white America's memory; see "Wounds Not Scars." See also Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers"; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; and Smead, Blood Justice.
68. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson discusses how he learned about lynching after its erasure from white America's memory; see "Wounds Not Scars." See also Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers"; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; and Smead, Blood Justice.
69. In a highly controversial article, Joel Williamson discusses how he learned about lynching after its erasure from white America's memory; see "Wounds Not Scars." See also Miller, "The Ladies and the Lynchers"; Hall, Revolt against Chivalry; Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; McGovern, Anatomy of a Lynching; and Smead, Blood Justice.
70. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
71. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
72. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
73. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
74. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
75. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
76. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
77. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
78. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
79. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
80. "Armed self-reliance" is Robert F. Williams's term for the tradition of self-defense that existed among southern blacks. See his Negroes with Guns (New York: Marzani and Munsell, 1962; rpt., Chicago: Third World Press, 1973), 19; and Timothy B. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle," Journal of American History 85 (September 1998): 540-78, see p. 541. It was not uncommon for the middle-class editors of black newspapers, especially in the South but also in the North, to use a lynching as an opportunity to lecture the black working class on appropriate behavior. Nevertheless, an examination of the black press during the nadir reveals an extraordinary number of militant statements imploring African Americans to resist physical assaults with arms. See the Chicago Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; June 12, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; and the St. Louis Palladium, January 9, 1904, p. 2, col. 1; June 13, 1903, p. 1, col. 2. George Wright cites several instances in which blacks used sabotage or arson to extract revenge for lynchings. He notes how whites often instituted repressive laws or prepared for armed uprisings in expectation of black retaliation. See George C. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), 11, 96-101, 116, 155-72, 185-90. For works that explore violent self-help or crimes against property, see Cortez Williams, A Survey of Blacks' Responses to Lynching (Highland, NM: New Mexico Highland University, 1973); Charlton Moseley and Frederick Brogdon, "A Lynching in Statesboro: The Story of Paul Reed and Will Cato," Georgia Historical Quarterly 65 (1981): 104-18; Albert C. Smith, " 'Southern Violence' Reconsidered: Arson as Protest in Black-Belt Georgia, 1885-1910," Journal of Southern History 55 (1985): 528; Capeci, "The Lynching of CIeo Wright"; Terence Finnegan, "Lynching and Political Power in Mississippi and South Carolina," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 194-95.
81. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
82. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
83. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
84. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
85. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
86. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
87. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
88. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
89. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
90. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
91. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
92. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
93. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
94. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
95. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky; Wright, "By the Book," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death 250-70; Mildred I. Thompson, Ida B. Wells-Barnett: An Exploratory Study of an American Black Woman 1893-1930 vol. 15 of Black Women in United States History (Brooklyn, NY: Carlsson, 1990); Robert P. Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South: Tampa 1882-1936 (Gainesville; University of Florida Press 1993; reprint Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988); Gail Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness, and Ida B. Wells's Antilynching Campaign, 1892-94," Radical History Review 52 (1992): 5-30; Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," 445-67; Jane M. Pederson, "Gender, Justice and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889-1890," Agricultural History 67 (1993): 65-82; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis"; Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event"; W. Fitzhugh Brundage, Lynching in the New South: Georgia and Virginia, 1880-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994); Brundage Under Sentence of Death; Patricia A. Schechter, "Unsettled Business: Ida B. Wells against Lynching, or, How Antilynching Got Its Gender," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 292-317; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1995); and J. William Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries in Southern History: A Mississippi Example " 387-410, American Historical Review 100 (1995).
96. Brundage Lynching in the New South and Under Sentence of Death; Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries"; Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 63 (1997): 553-90. For critique of this position see also A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony in the Work of James C. Scott," Journal of Peasant Studies 19 (1992): 179-201, esp. 180; and Jeffery C. Issac, Power and Marxist Theory: A Realist View (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 106.
97. Brundage Lynching in the New South and Under Sentence of Death; Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries"; Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 63 (1997): 553-90. For critique of this position see also A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony in the Work of James C. Scott," Journal of Peasant Studies 19 (1992): 179-201, esp. 180; and Jeffery C. Issac, Power and Marxist Theory: A Realist View (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 106.
98. Brundage Lynching in the New South and Under Sentence of Death; Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries"; Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 63 (1997): 553-90. For critique of this position see also A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony in the Work of James C. Scott," Journal of Peasant Studies 19 (1992): 179-201, esp. 180; and Jeffery C. Issac, Power and Marxist Theory: A Realist View (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 106.
99. Brundage Lynching in the New South and Under Sentence of Death; Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries"; Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 63 (1997): 553-90. For critique of this position see also A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony in the Work of James C. Scott," Journal of Peasant Studies 19 (1992): 179-201, esp. 180; and Jeffery C. Issac, Power and Marxist Theory: A Realist View (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 106.
100. Brundage Lynching in the New South and Under Sentence of Death; Harris, "Etiquette, Lynching, and Racial Boundaries"; Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 63 (1997): 553-90. For critique of this position see also A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony in the Work of James C. Scott," Journal of Peasant Studies 19 (1992): 179-201, esp. 180; and Jeffery C. Issac, Power and Marxist Theory: A Realist View (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), 106.
101. Brundage had previously examined violent self-help. See W. Fitzhugh Brundage, "The Darien Insurrection of 1899: Black Protest during the Nadir of Race Relations," Georgia Historical Quarterly 74 (1990): 234-53. Brundage, "The Roar on the Other Side of Silence: Black Resistance and White Violence in the American South, 1880-1940," in Under the Sentence of Death, 273, 277.
102. Brundage had previously examined violent self-help. See W. Fitzhugh Brundage, "The Darien Insurrection of 1899: Black Protest during the Nadir of Race Relations," Georgia Historical Quarterly 74 (1990): 234-53. Brundage, "The Roar on the Other Side of Silence: Black Resistance and White Violence in the American South, 1880-1940," in Under the Sentence of Death, 273, 277.
103. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
104. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
105. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
106. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
107. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
108. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1985), and Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1990); Robin D. G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communist during the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990), and " 'We Are Not What We Seem': Rethinking Black Working-Class Opposition in the Jim Crow South," Journal of American History 80 (1993): 75-112; and Tera W. Hunter, "Domination and Resistance: The Politics of Wage Household Labor in the New South," in Kenneth Goings and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., The New African American Urban History (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1996), 167-86. For critiques of Scott, see T. Brass, "Moral Economists, Subalterns, New Social Movements, and the (Re-)Emergence of a (Post-) Modernized (Middle) Peasant," Journal of Peasant Studies 18 (1991): 179-201; and Akram-Lodhi, "Peasants and Hegemony."
109. Goings and Smith overemphasize individual acts of violent resistance to the exclusion of collective forms yet their work suggests the potent material hidden in local communities. See Kenneth W. Goings and Gerald L. Smith, " 'Unhidden' Transcripts': Memphis and African American Agency, 1862-1920," in Goings and Mohl, The New African American Urban History, 142-66; Brundage, "The Roar on the Other Side of Silence," 272-4, 277, 282-5; and James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 306.
110. Goings and Smith overemphasize individual acts of violent resistance to the exclusion of collective forms yet their work suggests the potent material hidden in local communities. See Kenneth W. Goings and Gerald L. Smith, " 'Unhidden' Transcripts': Memphis and African American Agency, 1862-1920," in Goings and Mohl, The New African American Urban History, 142-66; Brundage, "The Roar on the Other Side of Silence," 272-4, 277, 282-5; and James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 306.
111. Goings and Smith overemphasize individual acts of violent resistance to the exclusion of collective forms yet their work suggests the potent material hidden in local communities. See Kenneth W. Goings and Gerald L. Smith, " 'Unhidden' Transcripts': Memphis and African American Agency, 1862-1920," in Goings and Mohl, The New African American Urban History, 142-66; Brundage, "The Roar on the Other Side of Silence," 272-4, 277, 282-5; and James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1976), 306.
112. Wells claimed that, convinced the crisis had passed, they disbanded their unit after the second night. Thomas Jackson however, tells a different story. He claimed that a judge ordered the sheriff to disarm the Tennessee Rifles, the African American regiment. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; Alfreda M. Duster Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 50, and n. 2, 50; Thomas C. Holt, "The Lonely Warrior: Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Struggle for Black Leadership," in John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 42; Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977), 232; and Wright, Racial Violence, 163, 169-70, 185-90.
113. Wells claimed that, convinced the crisis had passed, they disbanded their unit after the second night. Thomas Jackson however, tells a different story. He claimed that a judge ordered the sheriff to disarm the Tennessee Rifles, the African American regiment. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; Alfreda M. Duster Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 50, and n. 2, 50; Thomas C. Holt, "The Lonely Warrior: Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Struggle for Black Leadership," in John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 42; Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977), 232; and Wright, Racial Violence, 163, 169-70, 185-90.
114. Wells claimed that, convinced the crisis had passed, they disbanded their unit after the second night. Thomas Jackson however, tells a different story. He claimed that a judge ordered the sheriff to disarm the Tennessee Rifles, the African American regiment. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; Alfreda M. Duster Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 50, and n. 2, 50; Thomas C. Holt, "The Lonely Warrior: Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Struggle for Black Leadership," in John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 42; Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977), 232; and Wright, Racial Violence, 163, 169-70, 185-90.
115. Wells claimed that, convinced the crisis had passed, they disbanded their unit after the second night. Thomas Jackson however, tells a different story. He claimed that a judge ordered the sheriff to disarm the Tennessee Rifles, the African American regiment. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; Alfreda M. Duster Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 50, and n. 2, 50; Thomas C. Holt, "The Lonely Warrior: Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Struggle for Black Leadership," in John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 42; Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977), 232; and Wright, Racial Violence, 163, 169-70, 185-90.
116. Wells claimed that, convinced the crisis had passed, they disbanded their unit after the second night. Thomas Jackson however, tells a different story. He claimed that a judge ordered the sheriff to disarm the Tennessee Rifles, the African American regiment. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; Alfreda M. Duster Crusade for Justice: The Autobiography of Ida B. Wells (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), 50, and n. 2, 50; Thomas C. Holt, "The Lonely Warrior: Ida B. Wells-Barnett and the Struggle for Black Leadership," in John Hope Franklin and August Meier, eds., Black Leaders of the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 42; Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1977), 232; and Wright, Racial Violence, 163, 169-70, 185-90.
117. The figures on lynching in Illinois come from Sundiata K. Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order:' The 1893 Lynching of Samuel J. Bush and the Response of Decatur's African American Community," Illinois Historical Journal 83, no. 3 (1990); 187-200. Jack Blocker documents thirty-one incidents of antiblack collective violence in the lower Midwest, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois between 1885 and 1910. Jack Blocker, "Patterns of African-American Migration in Illinois, 1860-1930" (unpublished paper presented at the conference "Community-Building and Resistance: African Americans in the Land of Lincoln" at Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, April 1998 [Table 6] 34-35).
118. The figures on lynching in Illinois come from Sundiata K. Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order:' The 1893 Lynching of Samuel J. Bush and the Response of Decatur's African American Community," Illinois Historical Journal 83, no. 3 (1990); 187-200. Jack Blocker documents thirty-one incidents of antiblack collective violence in the lower Midwest, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois between 1885 and 1910. Jack Blocker, "Patterns of African-American Migration in Illinois, 1860-1930" (unpublished paper presented at the conference "Community-Building and Resistance: African Americans in the Land of Lincoln" at Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, April 1998 [Table 6] 34-35).
119. Daniel M. Johnson and Rebecca M. Veach, The Middle-Sized Cities of Illinois: Their People, Politics, and Quality of Life (Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University, 1980), 70; Elmer Gertz, "The Black Laws of Illinois," Journal of the Illinois Historical Society 56 (1963): 457; John Drury, This is Macon County (Chicago: Loree, 1954). See also Mason Fishback, "Illinois Legislation on Slavery and Free Negroes, 1818-1865," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 9 (1904): 414-32; and Paul Finkelman, "Slavery, the 'More Perfect Union' and the Prairie State," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 248-69.
120. Daniel M. Johnson and Rebecca M. Veach, The Middle-Sized Cities of Illinois: Their People, Politics, and Quality of Life (Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University, 1980), 70; Elmer Gertz, "The Black Laws of Illinois," Journal of the Illinois Historical Society 56 (1963): 457; John Drury, This is Macon County (Chicago: Loree, 1954). See also Mason Fishback, "Illinois Legislation on Slavery and Free Negroes, 1818-1865," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 9 (1904): 414-32; and Paul Finkelman, "Slavery, the 'More Perfect Union' and the Prairie State," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 248-69.
121. Daniel M. Johnson and Rebecca M. Veach, The Middle-Sized Cities of Illinois: Their People, Politics, and Quality of Life (Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University, 1980), 70; Elmer Gertz, "The Black Laws of Illinois," Journal of the Illinois Historical Society 56 (1963): 457; John Drury, This is Macon County (Chicago: Loree, 1954). See also Mason Fishback, "Illinois Legislation on Slavery and Free Negroes, 1818-1865," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 9 (1904): 414-32; and Paul Finkelman, "Slavery, the 'More Perfect Union' and the Prairie State," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 248-69.
122. Daniel M. Johnson and Rebecca M. Veach, The Middle-Sized Cities of Illinois: Their People, Politics, and Quality of Life (Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University, 1980), 70; Elmer Gertz, "The Black Laws of Illinois," Journal of the Illinois Historical Society 56 (1963): 457; John Drury, This is Macon County (Chicago: Loree, 1954). See also Mason Fishback, "Illinois Legislation on Slavery and Free Negroes, 1818-1865," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 9 (1904): 414-32; and Paul Finkelman, "Slavery, the 'More Perfect Union' and the Prairie State," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 248-69.
123. Daniel M. Johnson and Rebecca M. Veach, The Middle-Sized Cities of Illinois: Their People, Politics, and Quality of Life (Springfield, IL: Sangamon State University, 1980), 70; Elmer Gertz, "The Black Laws of Illinois," Journal of the Illinois Historical Society 56 (1963): 457; John Drury, This is Macon County (Chicago: Loree, 1954). See also Mason Fishback, "Illinois Legislation on Slavery and Free Negroes, 1818-1865," Transactions of the Illinois State Historical Society 9 (1904): 414-32; and Paul Finkelman, "Slavery, the 'More Perfect Union' and the Prairie State," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 248-69.
124. Marie Gray Baker was secretary of the Decatur chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for fifty-nine years, from 1916 to 1975. In 1929, as part of the city's centennial celebration, the Decatur Herald and Review newspaper asked to write a column on the history of the African American community. Her column ran over a four-month period and was titled "The Colored People." The 1860 census lists Berkshire as a farmhand. He hunted, fished, and cooked as well as worked on Geddes and Sawyer's farm. Marie Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Review, August 27, 1929, 1; Edwin D. Davis, "The Hanks Family in Macon County, Illinois, 1828-1939: A Biographical Directory," Papers in Illinois History and Transactions for the Year 1939 (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Society, 1940), 123; "Population Schedules of the Eighth Census of the United States 1860, Illinois, Macon County," Roll; and Marie Gray Baker interview, March 1977, Decatur Public Library Local History Collection, 9.
125. Marie Gray Baker was secretary of the Decatur chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for fifty-nine years, from 1916 to 1975. In 1929, as part of the city's centennial celebration, the Decatur Herald and Review newspaper asked to write a column on the history of the African American community. Her column ran over a four-month period and was titled "The Colored People." The 1860 census lists Berkshire as a farmhand. He hunted, fished, and cooked as well as worked on Geddes and Sawyer's farm. Marie Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Review, August 27, 1929, 1; Edwin D. Davis, "The Hanks Family in Macon County, Illinois, 1828-1939: A Biographical Directory," Papers in Illinois History and Transactions for the Year 1939 (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Society, 1940), 123; "Population Schedules of the Eighth Census of the United States 1860, Illinois, Macon County," Roll; and Marie Gray Baker interview, March 1977, Decatur Public Library Local History Collection, 9.
126. Marie Gray Baker was secretary of the Decatur chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for fifty-nine years, from 1916 to 1975. In 1929, as part of the city's centennial celebration, the Decatur Herald and Review newspaper asked to write a column on the history of the African American community. Her column ran over a four-month period and was titled "The Colored People." The 1860 census lists Berkshire as a farmhand. He hunted, fished, and cooked as well as worked on Geddes and Sawyer's farm. Marie Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Review, August 27, 1929, 1; Edwin D. Davis, "The Hanks Family in Macon County, Illinois, 1828-1939: A Biographical Directory," Papers in Illinois History and Transactions for the Year 1939 (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Society, 1940), 123; "Population Schedules of the Eighth Census of the United States 1860, Illinois, Macon County," Roll; and Marie Gray Baker interview, March 1977, Decatur Public Library Local History Collection, 9.
127. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Review, August 26, 1929, 3.
128. Dansby was born a slave in Mississippi. When he was seven years of age, he escaped to the Union lines and traveled with the troops to Galesburg, Illinois. There, he trained as a barber and after the war moved to Decatur. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Daily Review, September 1, 1929, p. 3, col. 3; August 29, 1929, p. 3, col. 2; August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; Mabel Richmond, Centennial History of Deactur andMacon County (Deactur: The Decatur and Macon County Centennial Association, 1930), 334; "Population Schedules for the Eleventh Census of the United States, 1890, Illinois, Macon County," Roll: 504.
129. Dansby was born a slave in Mississippi. When he was seven years of age, he escaped to the Union lines and traveled with the troops to Galesburg, Illinois. There, he trained as a barber and after the war moved to Decatur. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Daily Review, September 1, 1929, p. 3, col. 3; August 29, 1929, p. 3, col. 2; August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; Mabel Richmond, Centennial History of Deactur andMacon County (Deactur: The Decatur and Macon County Centennial Association, 1930), 334; "Population Schedules for the Eleventh Census of the United States, 1890, Illinois, Macon County," Roll: 504.
130. Gray Baker, Decatur Daily Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; August 29, 1929, p. 3, col. 2; August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
131. Gray Baker, Decatur Daily Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; August 29, 1929, p. 3, col. 2; August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
132. In many ways, Decatur represented an Illinois-wide and, perhaps, a northern pattern. See August Meier, Negro Thought in America 1800-1915 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Shirley Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North: Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1982); Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1993); and David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 198.
133. In many ways, Decatur represented an Illinois-wide and, perhaps, a northern pattern. See August Meier, Negro Thought in America 1800-1915 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Shirley Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North: Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1982); Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1993); and David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 198.
134. In many ways, Decatur represented an Illinois-wide and, perhaps, a northern pattern. See August Meier, Negro Thought in America 1800-1915 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Shirley Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North: Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1982); Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1993); and David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 198.
135. In many ways, Decatur represented an Illinois-wide and, perhaps, a northern pattern. See August Meier, Negro Thought in America 1800-1915 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Shirley Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North: Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1982); Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1993); and David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 198.
136. In many ways, Decatur represented an Illinois-wide and, perhaps, a northern pattern. See August Meier, Negro Thought in America 1800-1915 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response; Shirley Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North: Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington University, 1982); Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois, 1993); and David M. Katzman, Before the Ghetto: Black Detroit in the Nineteenth Century (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1975), 198.
137. Gray Baker and Richmond erroneously list Isaac Rogan, rather than Houston Singleton, as the first African American member of the Macon County Board. Gray Baker, Decatur Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; September 3, 1929, p. 3, col. 2 and p. 4, col. 2; September 5, p. 3, col. 3; State Capital, May 5, 1891, p. 1, col. 2; January 16, 1892, p. 1, col. 5; June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7; November 19, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur City Directory, 1893 (Terre Haute: Charles Ebel & Co.), 238; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
138. Gray Baker and Richmond erroneously list Isaac Rogan, rather than Houston Singleton, as the first African American member of the Macon County Board. Gray Baker, Decatur Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; September 3, 1929, p. 3, col. 2 and p. 4, col. 2; September 5, p. 3, col. 3; State Capital, May 5, 1891, p. 1, col. 2; January 16, 1892, p. 1, col. 5; June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7; November 19, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur City Directory, 1893 (Terre Haute: Charles Ebel & Co.), 238; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
139. Gray Baker and Richmond erroneously list Isaac Rogan, rather than Houston Singleton, as the first African American member of the Macon County Board. Gray Baker, Decatur Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; September 3, 1929, p. 3, col. 2 and p. 4, col. 2; September 5, p. 3, col. 3; State Capital, May 5, 1891, p. 1, col. 2; January 16, 1892, p. 1, col. 5; June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7; November 19, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur City Directory, 1893 (Terre Haute: Charles Ebel & Co.), 238; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
140. Gray Baker and Richmond erroneously list Isaac Rogan, rather than Houston Singleton, as the first African American member of the Macon County Board. Gray Baker, Decatur Review, August 26, 1929, p. 3, col. 4; September 3, 1929, p. 3, col. 2 and p. 4, col. 2; September 5, p. 3, col. 3; State Capital, May 5, 1891, p. 1, col. 2; January 16, 1892, p. 1, col. 5; June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7; November 19, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur City Directory, 1893 (Terre Haute: Charles Ebel & Co.), 238; and Richmond, Centennial History of Decatur and Macon County, 334.
141. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 1, cols. 5-6; and Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893 p. 1, cols. 3-4; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order.' "
142. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 1, cols. 5-6; and Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893 p. 1, cols. 3-4; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order.' "
143. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 1, cols. 5-6; and Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893 p. 1, cols. 3-4; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order.' "
144. Although alleged sexual assault was the charge in this incident, in general, rape or attempted rape was alleged in only about 29 percent of lynchings between 1882 and 1946. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; Decatur City Directory, 1893, 233, 238; Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191.
145. Although alleged sexual assault was the charge in this incident, in general, rape or attempted rape was alleged in only about 29 percent of lynchings between 1882 and 1946. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; Decatur City Directory, 1893, 233, 238; Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191.
146. Although alleged sexual assault was the charge in this incident, in general, rape or attempted rape was alleged in only about 29 percent of lynchings between 1882 and 1946. Zangrando, The NAACP's Crusade; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; Decatur City Directory, 1893, 233, 238; Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191.
147. Marie Gray Baker was Edward Gray's daughter. She was born five months after Bush was lynched. She recounts her father's version of these events in a 1979 interview. See Baker, interview by Bob Sampson, Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5. George Wright reports that a similar incident occurred in Lebanon Junction, Kentucky, on June 14, 1904. However, in this case armed black men prevented a mob from removing Marie Thompson, a black women accused of murdering a white farmer, from jail. Yet, after receiving assurances from the sheriff that Thompson would be protected, they dispersed. Two hours later, the mob returned and murdered Thompson. See Wright, Racial Violence, 186.
148. Marie Gray Baker was Edward Gray's daughter. She was born five months after Bush was lynched. She recounts her father's version of these events in a 1979 interview. See Baker, interview by Bob Sampson, Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5. George Wright reports that a similar incident occurred in Lebanon Junction, Kentucky, on June 14, 1904. However, in this case armed black men prevented a mob from removing Marie Thompson, a black women accused of murdering a white farmer, from jail. Yet, after receiving assurances from the sheriff that Thompson would be protected, they dispersed. Two hours later, the mob returned and murdered Thompson. See Wright, Racial Violence, 186.
149. Marie Gray Baker was Edward Gray's daughter. She was born five months after Bush was lynched. She recounts her father's version of these events in a 1979 interview. See Baker, interview by Bob Sampson, Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5. George Wright reports that a similar incident occurred in Lebanon Junction, Kentucky, on June 14, 1904. However, in this case armed black men prevented a mob from removing Marie Thompson, a black women accused of murdering a white farmer, from jail. Yet, after receiving assurances from the sheriff that Thompson would be protected, they dispersed. Two hours later, the mob returned and murdered Thompson. See Wright, Racial Violence, 186.
150. Marie Gray Baker was Edward Gray's daughter. She was born five months after Bush was lynched. She recounts her father's version of these events in a 1979 interview. See Baker, interview by Bob Sampson, Decatur Herald and Review, February 19, 1979, p. 24, cols. 4-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5. George Wright reports that a similar incident occurred in Lebanon Junction, Kentucky, on June 14, 1904. However, in this case armed black men prevented a mob from removing Marie Thompson, a black women accused of murdering a white farmer, from jail. Yet, after receiving assurances from the sheriff that Thompson would be protected, they dispersed. Two hours later, the mob returned and murdered Thompson. See Wright, Racial Violence, 186.
151. After his death, rumors linking him to thefts in Sangamon and Macon counties appeared. One story claimed he had served a year in jail in Springfield, Illinois, from 1891 to 1892. Another alleged he had stolen a coat in Decatur during the winter of 1892. See Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; and the Decatur Morning Herald-Dispatch, June 6, 1893, p. 2, col. 4.
152. After his death, rumors linking him to thefts in Sangamon and Macon counties appeared. One story claimed he had served a year in jail in Springfield, Illinois, from 1891 to 1892. Another alleged he had stolen a coat in Decatur during the winter of 1892. See Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; and the Decatur Morning Herald-Dispatch, June 6, 1893, p. 2, col. 4.
153. I have reprinted the letter exactly as it appeared in the two Decatur newspapers. Decatur Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; and the Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, col. 6.
154. I have reprinted the letter exactly as it appeared in the two Decatur newspapers. Decatur Review, June 3, 1893, p. 7, col. 1; and the Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, col. 6.
155. Decatur Daily Review, June 14, 1893, p. 1, col. 3.
156. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; p. 7, cols. 1-2; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194.
157. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; p. 7, cols. 1-2; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194.
158. Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; p. 7, cols. 1-2; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194.
159. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, col. 6; and Decatur City and Macon County Directory, 1895 (Terre Huate, IN: Charles O. Ebel, 1893), 349.
160. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, col. 6; and Decatur City and Macon County Directory, 1895 (Terre Huate, IN: Charles O. Ebel, 1893), 349.
161. By 1895, Andrew Mills had been appointed assistant state's attorney. In 1915, he became a founding member of Decatur's branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Marie Gray Baker, interview March 1977, Decatur Public Library, Local History Collection, p. 7; and Decatur Daily Republican, June 5, 1893, p. 2, col. 6.
162. By 1895, Andrew Mills had been appointed assistant state's attorney. In 1915, he became a founding member of Decatur's branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Marie Gray Baker, interview March 1977, Decatur Public Library, Local History Collection, p. 7; and Decatur Daily Republican, June 5, 1893, p. 2, col. 6.
163. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6.
164. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6.
165. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6.
166. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
167. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
168. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
169. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
170. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
171. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
172. Decatur Daily Review, June 4, 1893, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Republican, June 4, 1893, p. 3, col. 7; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 195-6; David Roediger, Towards the Abolition of Whiteness (London: Verso, 1994), 127-80; and Bederman, " 'Civilization,' the Decline of Middle-Class Manliness," 9; Wells, On Lynching, 37. See also Schechter, "Unsettled Business.".
173. J. W. Woodford, the brother of Attorney Wilson B. Woodford, was an officer of the lodge. The Review reported that 300 black men attended. This figure is extremely unlikely since there were only 605 African Americans residing in Macon County in 1890. Decatur Daily Review, June 6 1893, p. 2, col. 5; Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: Knopf, 1977; rpt., New York: Norton, 1992), 22; and Gray Baker, Decatur Daily Review, August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4.
174. J. W. Woodford, the brother of Attorney Wilson B. Woodford, was an officer of the lodge. The Review reported that 300 black men attended. This figure is extremely unlikely since there were only 605 African Americans residing in Macon County in 1890. Decatur Daily Review, June 6 1893, p. 2, col. 5; Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: Knopf, 1977; rpt., New York: Norton, 1992), 22; and Gray Baker, Decatur Daily Review, August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4.
175. J. W. Woodford, the brother of Attorney Wilson B. Woodford, was an officer of the lodge. The Review reported that 300 black men attended. This figure is extremely unlikely since there were only 605 African Americans residing in Macon County in 1890. Decatur Daily Review, June 6 1893, p. 2, col. 5; Nell Irvin Painter, Exodusters: Black Migration to Kansas after Reconstruction (New York: Knopf, 1977; rpt., New York: Norton, 1992), 22; and Gray Baker, Decatur Daily Review, August 31, 1929, p. 3, col. 4.
176. Baker Nickens declined appointment to the resolutions committee. Mr. Nickens was the second African American postal carrier in Decatur. He carried mail for ten years, from 1891 to 1901. During 1891-1992, he was a stringer for the State Capital, an African American newspaper published in Springfield, Illinois. Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; and State Capital, October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4.
177. Baker Nickens declined appointment to the resolutions committee. Mr. Nickens was the second African American postal carrier in Decatur. He carried mail for ten years, from 1891 to 1901. During 1891-1992, he was a stringer for the State Capital, an African American newspaper published in Springfield, Illinois. Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; and State Capital, October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4.
178. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5.
179. Woodford and Jacobs had an interesting relationship. In 1891, they launched a local newspaper, The New Era. One account of their endeavor described them as "two enterprising and pushing young men." State Capital, September 12, 1891, p. 1, col. 2.
180. Woodford and Jacobs had an interesting relationship. In 1891, they launched a local newspaper, The New Era. One account of their endeavor described them as "two enterprising and pushing young men." State Capital, September 12, 1891, p. 1, col. 2.
181. A letter to the Review editor identified the black woman who was sexually assaulted on the train as Emma Bond, but it is possible that it was Ms. Emma Boyd, a St. Louis resident who was visiting Decatur in October of 1892. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; February 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 3-4; and p. 3, cols. 5-6; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 59; and Schechter, "Unsettled Business." According to Angela Davis, the myth of the promiscuous black woman was the necessary corollary to the black man as innate rapist. Angela Davis, "Rape, Racism and the Capitalist Setting," Black Scholar 9 (April 1978): 39-45.
182. A letter to the Review editor identified the black woman who was sexually assaulted on the train as Emma Bond, but it is possible that it was Ms. Emma Boyd, a St. Louis resident who was visiting Decatur in October of 1892. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; February 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 3-4; and p. 3, cols. 5-6; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 59; and Schechter, "Unsettled Business." According to Angela Davis, the myth of the promiscuous black woman was the necessary corollary to the black man as innate rapist. Angela Davis, "Rape, Racism and the Capitalist Setting," Black Scholar 9 (April 1978): 39-45.
183. A letter to the Review editor identified the black woman who was sexually assaulted on the train as Emma Bond, but it is possible that it was Ms. Emma Boyd, a St. Louis resident who was visiting Decatur in October of 1892. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p.
184. A letter to the Review editor identified the black woman who was sexually assaulted on the train as Emma Bond, but it is possible that it was Ms. Emma Boyd, a St. Louis resident who was visiting Decatur in October of 1892. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; February 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 3-4; and p. 3, cols. 5-6; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 59; and Schechter, "Unsettled Business." According to Angela Davis, the myth of the promiscuous black woman was the necessary corollary to the black man as innate rapist. Angela Davis, "Rape, Racism and the Capitalist Setting," Black Scholar 9 (April 1978): 39-45.
185. A letter to the Review editor identified the black woman who was sexually assaulted on the train as Emma Bond, but it is possible that it was Ms. Emma Boyd, a St. Louis resident who was visiting Decatur in October of 1892. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5; State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; October 8, 1892, p. 1, col. 4; February 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 3-4; and p. 3, cols. 5-6; Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 59; and Schechter, "Unsettled Business." According to Angela Davis, the myth of the promiscuous black woman was the necessary corollary to the black man as innate rapist. Angela Davis, "Rape, Racism and the Capitalist Setting," Black Scholar 9 (April 1978): 39-45.
186. Decatur Daily Review, June 6, 1893, p. 2, cols. 4-5.
187. At its formation, the National Afro-American League advocated a relentless struggle to obtain complete and full civil rights. The league targeted the following areas: the right to vote, racially motivated violence, the discriminatory structure of public schools, brutalization of convicts and exploitation of their labor, discrimination in use of public facilities, and the exploitation of labor. Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower (Chicago: Johnson Publications, 1987), 83; Meier, Negro Thought, 128-30; Harold Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 8-9. The first mention of a chapter of the Afro-American League in Decatur was in December of 1891. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Decatur Daily Review, September 17, 1898, p. 2, col. 3.
188. At its formation, the National Afro-American League advocated a relentless struggle to obtain complete and full civil rights. The league targeted the following areas: the right to vote, racially motivated violence, the discriminatory structure of public schools, brutalization of convicts and exploitation of their labor, discrimination in use of public facilities, and the exploitation of labor. Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower (Chicago: Johnson Publications, 1987), 83; Meier, Negro Thought, 128-30; Harold Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 8-9. The first mention of a chapter of the Afro-American League in Decatur was in December of 1891. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Decatur Daily Review, September 17, 1898, p. 2, col. 3.
189. At its formation, the National Afro-American League advocated a relentless struggle to obtain complete and full civil rights. The league targeted the following areas: the right to vote, racially motivated violence, the discriminatory structure of public schools, brutalization of convicts and exploitation of their labor, discrimination in use of public facilities, and the exploitation of labor. Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower (Chicago: Johnson Publications, 1987), 83; Meier, Negro Thought, 128-30; Harold Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 8-9. The first mention of a chapter of the Afro-American League in Decatur was in December of 1891. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Decatur Daily Review, September 17, 1898, p. 2, col. 3.
190. At its formation, the National Afro-American League advocated a relentless struggle to obtain complete and full civil rights. The league targeted the following areas: the right to vote, racially motivated violence, the discriminatory structure of public schools, brutalization of convicts and exploitation of their labor, discrimination in use of public facilities, and the exploitation of labor. Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower (Chicago: Johnson Publications, 1987), 83; Meier, Negro Thought, 128-30; Harold Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 8-9. The first mention of a chapter of the Afro-American League in Decatur was in December of 1891. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Decatur Daily Review, September 17, 1898, p. 2, col. 3.
191. At its formation, the National Afro-American League advocated a relentless struggle to obtain complete and full civil rights. The league targeted the following areas: the right to vote, racially motivated violence, the discriminatory structure of public schools, brutalization of convicts and exploitation of their labor, discrimination in use of public facilities, and the exploitation of labor. Lerone Bennett, Before the Mayflower (Chicago: Johnson Publications, 1987), 83; Meier, Negro Thought, 128-30; Harold Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 8-9. The first mention of a chapter of the Afro-American League in Decatur was in December of 1891. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Decatur Daily Review, September 17, 1898, p. 2, col. 3.
192. John Bracey, August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick, Black Nationalism in the United States (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970) 221-2. For more on the league and Fortune, see Meier, Negro Thought; Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, Militant Journalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Jean Allman and David Roediger, "The Early Editorial Career of Timothy Thomas Fortune: Class, Nationalism and Consciousness of Africa," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 12 (July 1982): 39-55; and Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 7-24.
193. John Bracey, August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick, Black Nationalism in the United States (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970) 221-2. For more on the league and Fortune, see Meier, Negro Thought; Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, Militant Journalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Jean Allman and David Roediger, "The Early Editorial Career of Timothy Thomas Fortune: Class, Nationalism and Consciousness of Africa," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 12 (July 1982): 39-55; and Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 7-24.
194. John Bracey, August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick, Black Nationalism in the United States (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970) 221-2. For more on the league and Fortune, see Meier, Negro Thought; Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, Militant Journalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Jean Allman and David Roediger, "The Early Editorial Career of Timothy Thomas Fortune: Class, Nationalism and Consciousness of Africa," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 12 (July 1982): 39-55; and Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 7-24.
195. John Bracey, August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick, Black Nationalism in the United States (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970) 221-2. For more on the league and Fortune, see Meier, Negro Thought; Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, Militant Journalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Jean Allman and David Roediger, "The Early Editorial Career of Timothy Thomas Fortune: Class, Nationalism and Consciousness of Africa," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 12 (July 1982): 39-55; and Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 7-24.
196. John Bracey, August Meier, and Elliot Rudwick, Black Nationalism in the United States (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970) 221-2. For more on the league and Fortune, see Meier, Negro Thought; Emma Lou Thornbrough, T. Thomas Fortune, Militant Journalist (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972); Jean Allman and David Roediger, "The Early Editorial Career of Timothy Thomas Fortune: Class, Nationalism and Consciousness of Africa," Afro-Americans in New York Life and History 12 (July 1982): 39-55; and Cruse, Plural, but Not Equal, 7-24.
197. Meier, Negro Thought, 72-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 38-63.
198. Meier, Negro Thought, 72-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 38-63.
199. The newspaper does not give the name of the man accused of attacking Emma Bond, so it was impossible to discover if he was prosecuted. Furthermore, a fire in 1963 destroyed most pre-World War Two criminal files. Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; June 5, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 6, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 9, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 14, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6, p. 4, col. 4; June 5, 1893, p. 2, col. 5; September 25, 1893, p. 4, col. 6; October 13, p. 4, col. 4; October 17, p. 4, col. 6; October 18, 1893, p. 3, col. 5; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 200.
200. The newspaper does not give the name of the man accused of attacking Emma Bond, so it was impossible to discover if he was prosecuted. Furthermore, a fire in 1963 destroyed most pre-World War Two criminal files. Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; June 5, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 6, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 9, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 14, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6, p. 4, col. 4; June 5, 1893, p. 2, col. 5; September 25, 1893, p. 4, col. 6; October 13, p. 4, col. 4; October 17, p. 4, col. 6; October 18, 1893, p. 3, col. 5; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 200.
201. The newspaper does not give the name of the man accused of attacking Emma Bond, so it was impossible to discover if he was prosecuted. Furthermore, a fire in 1963 destroyed most pre-World War Two criminal files. Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6; June 5, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 6, 1893, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 9, p. 1, cols. 3-4; June 14, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur Daily Republican, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6, p. 4, col. 4; June 5, 1893, p. 2, col. 5; September 25, 1893, p. 4, col. 6; October 13, p. 4, col. 4; October 17, p. 4, col. 6; October 18, 1893, p. 3, col. 5; and Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 200.
202. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
203. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
204. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
205. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
206. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
207. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
208. Decatur Daily Republican, May 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4; June 3, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-6, p. 7, cols. 1-2; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 194; Ames, The Changing Character of Lynching; Raper, The Tragedy of Lynching, 473-9; Griffin, "Narrative, Event-Structure Analysis," 1104; and Griffin, Clark, and Sandberg, "Narrative and Event," 27-34, notes 7, 8, and 18, pages 44 and 46.
209. Craig Calhoun argues that social relationships, social bonds, and political mechanisms, characterized by the properties "density, multiplexity and systematicity," have greater explanatory power than do subjective concepts such as "sense of belonging" in understanding community. Thomas Bender in his work on the changing concept of community in American history contends that by 1890, the locality-based concept of community was being superseded by a social network concept in many urban areas. Bender's notion of "social network," while Weberian, moves in the direction of Calhoun's more comprehensive concept of social relations. See Craig Calhoun, "Community: Toward a Variable Conceptualization for Comparative Research," in R. S. Neale, ed., History and Class: Essential Readings in Theory and Interpretation (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1983), 86-110; and Thomas Bender, Community and Social Change in America (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1978).
210. Craig Calhoun argues that social relationships, social bonds, and political mechanisms, characterized by the properties "density, multiplexity and systematicity," have greater explanatory power than do subjective concepts such as "sense of belonging" in understanding community. Thomas Bender in his work on the changing concept of community in American history contends that by 1890, the locality-based concept of community was being superseded by a social network concept in many urban areas. Bender's notion of "social network," while Weberian, moves in the direction of Calhoun's more comprehensive concept of social relations. See Craig Calhoun, "Community: Toward a Variable Conceptualization for Comparative Research," in R. S. Neale, ed., History and Class: Essential Readings in Theory and Interpretation (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1983), 86-110; and Thomas Bender, Community and Social Change in America (Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, 1978).
211. Calhoun, "Community," 90.
212. Calhoun, "Community," 92; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191-2; and Virginia Gosnell, History of Mt. Zion Community (Astoria, IL: Stevens, 1981), 35, 142. See also the Macon County Directory of Landowners, Taxpayers and County Gazetteer (1896).
213. Calhoun, "Community," 92; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191-2; and Virginia Gosnell, History of Mt. Zion Community (Astoria, IL: Stevens, 1981), 35, 142. See also the Macon County Directory of Landowners, Taxpayers and County Gazetteer (1896).
214. Calhoun, "Community," 92; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191-2; and Virginia Gosnell, History of Mt. Zion Community (Astoria, IL: Stevens, 1981), 35, 142. See also the Macon County Directory of Landowners, Taxpayers and County Gazetteer (1896).
215. Calhoun, "Community," 92; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191-2; and Virginia Gosnell, History of Mt. Zion Community (Astoria, IL: Stevens, 1981), 35, 142. See also the Macon County Directory of Landowners, Taxpayers and County Gazetteer (1896).
216. Calhoun, "Community," 92; Decatur Daily Review, June 3, 1893, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' " 191-2; and Virginia Gosnell, History of Mt. Zion Community (Astoria, IL: Stevens, 1981), 35, 142. See also the Macon County Directory of Landowners, Taxpayers and County Gazetteer (1896).
217. Shay divided lynch mobs into three components: (1) the leaders, who instigate the lynching; (2) the lynchers, who carry out the actual lynching; and (3) the spectators, who encourage the lynchers. Calhoun, "Community," 93; Frank Shay, Judge Lynch: His First Hundred Years (Montclair, NJ: Patersion Smith, 1969), 86-9.
218. Shay divided lynch mobs into three components: (1) the leaders, who instigate the lynching; (2) the lynchers, who carry out the actual lynching; and (3) the spectators, who encourage the lynchers. Calhoun, "Community," 93; Frank Shay, Judge Lynch: His First Hundred Years (Montclair, NJ: Patersion Smith, 1969), 86-9.
219. Decatur Daily Republican, May, 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; and Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4.
220. Decatur Daily Republican, May, 31, 1893, p. 4, cols. 4-5; and Decatur Daily Review, May 31, 1893, p. 2, cols. 3-4.
221. Roberta Senechal de la Roche uses concepts derived from sociologist Donald Black to determine the social arrangements most likely to produce a lynching. Central to Senechal's project are blacks' concepts of relational distance, functional interdependence, vertical direction, and cultural distance. Relational distance measures intimacy. Using this concept. Senechal de la Roche predicts that the less intimate the relationship between particular African Americans and European Americans, the greater the likelihood of a lynching should a trigger incident occur. This notion is similar to Calhoun's concept of density. Functional interdependence refers to the range and degree to which social actors are connected in relationships of mutual dependence. It is derived from relational distance but operates inversely. Thus, Senechal de la Roche concludes that a white person is more likely to lynch a black person with whom he or she has few and less significant economic and social ties. Functional interdependence is similar to Calhoun's concept of multiplicity. Vertical direction concerns structural inequalities, especially those related to class, while cultural distance alludes to differences between individuals and socially constructed groups in terms of expressive and symbolic behavior, such as language, religion, clothing, music, cuisine, and so forth. During the nadir, race was a prima facie representation of cultural difference. Collectively, these two concepts approximate Calhoun's notion of systematicity. Senechal de la Roche approaches her project from a Eurocentric standpoint; that is, from the position of whites as the actors. This is fine, since she is using Black's concepts to construct a sociological explanation of the circumstances in which whites are more likely to lynch blacks. I approach lynching with different concerns than Senechal de la Roche. I am concerned with the factors that enhance and impede the organization or resistance to a lynching. I use Calhoun's concepts because they explore community formation and self-organization. Roberta Senechal de la Roche, "The Sociogenesis of Lynching," in Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 48-76.
222. Decatur Daily Review, June 27, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur City Directory (1893), 235.
223. Decatur Daily Review, June 27, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur City Directory (1893), 235.
224. Decatur Daily Review, June 27, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur City Directory (1893), 235.
225. Decatur Daily Review, June 27, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur City Directory (1893), 235.
226. Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1894, p. 4, col. 1.
227. See note 14.
228. The Decatur Republican mildly disputed this version of the night's events. The Republican's reporter claimed that "no one was moving about, except squads of colored men who were armed." Black women sometimes participated in armed patrols and confrontations. W. Fritzhugh Brundage relates that five black women were among those arrested during the Darien "Insurrection." Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 279-80; Decatur Daily Review, June 29, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur Republican, June 28, 1894, p. 3, col. 3; and Decatur City Directory (1895), 277.
229. The Decatur Republican mildly disputed this version of the night's events. The Republican's reporter claimed that "no one was moving about, except squads of colored men who were armed." Black women sometimes participated in armed patrols and confrontations. W. Fritzhugh Brundage relates that five black women were among those arrested during the Darien "Insurrection." Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 279-80; Decatur Daily Review, June 29, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur Republican, June 28, 1894, p. 3, col. 3; and Decatur City Directory (1895), 277.
230. The Decatur Republican mildly disputed this version of the night's events. The Republican's reporter claimed that "no one was moving about, except squads of colored men who were armed." Black women sometimes participated in armed patrols and confrontations. W. Fritzhugh Brundage relates that five black women were among those arrested during the Darien "Insurrection." Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 279-80; Decatur Daily Review, June 29, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur Republican, June 28, 1894, p. 3, col. 3; and Decatur City Directory (1895), 277.
231. The Decatur Republican mildly disputed this version of the night's events. The Republican's reporter claimed that "no one was moving about, except squads of colored men who were armed." Black women sometimes participated in armed patrols and confrontations. W. Fritzhugh Brundage relates that five black women were among those arrested during the Darien "Insurrection." Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 279-80; Decatur Daily Review, June 29, 1894, p. 2, col. 5; and Decatur Republican, June 28, 1894, p. 3, col. 3; and Decatur City Directory (1895), 277.
232. Decatur Daily Review, June 29, 1893, p. 4, col. 2.
233. Brundage relates the example of George Bowen, an African American, whom many whites believed was sympathetic toward the lynch victim Jesse Williams. After hearing this allegation, Bowen told the local white press that he was "heartily in favor of the lynching and that all the negroes he had talked to are the same." Apparently, Bowen's statement did negate the charges and undermine growing white hostility toward him. Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 272; Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1893, p. 3, col. 3; and Duster, Crusade for Justice, 50 and n. 2.
234. Brundage relates the example of George Bowen, an African American, whom many whites believed was sympathetic toward the lynch victim Jesse Williams. After hearing this allegation, Bowen told the local white press that he was "heartily in favor of the lynching and that all the negroes he had talked to are the same." Apparently, Bowen's statement did negate the charges and undermine growing white hostility toward him. Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 272; Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1893, p. 3, col. 3; and Duster, Crusade for Justice, 50 and n. 2.
235. Brundage relates the example of George Bowen, an African American, whom many whites believed was sympathetic toward the lynch victim Jesse Williams. After hearing this allegation, Bowen told the local white press that he was "heartily in favor of the lynching and that all the negroes he had talked to are the same." Apparently, Bowen's statement did negate the charges and undermine growing white hostility toward him. Brundage, Under Sentence of Death, 272; Decatur Daily Review, June 28, 1893, p. 3, col. 3; and Duster, Crusade for Justice, 50 and n. 2.
236. Jackson hired a white attorney, C. C. LaForger, rather than Wilson B. Woodford to defend him. Unfortunately, we may never know the disposition of the case since the docket sheet was kept in a different record book from the actual file. A fire in 1963 destroyed this record book and several other pre-World War Two criminal files. People vs. James Jackson, Macon County Criminal Case Files, Nos. 4408 and 4409, Macon County Circuit Clerk Office; and the Decatur Daily Review June 26, 1894, p. 2, col. 4; and June 27, 1894, p. 2, col. 5.
237. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
238. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
239. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
240. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
241. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
242. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
243. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
244. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
245. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
246. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
247. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
248. The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; The Illinois Record's masthead declared it was "The official organ of the Illinois Afro-American Protective League." Illinois Record (Springfield), November 13, 1897; Anthony M. Landis, "They Refused to Stay in Their Place: Black Resistance during the Springfield Race Riot of 1908" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot!" Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3; "Gov. John Rickety Tanner," September 30, 1899, p. 1, col. 1; Ida B. Wells, Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases (New York, 1892), 22-3; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64-92. See also Victor Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 52 (1959): 263-78, esp. 278; John Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers and Racism in Illinois, 1865-1900," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 65 (1972): 322; John Keiser, Building for the Centuries: Illinois 1865-1898 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); and Roger D. Bridges, "Equality Deferred: Civil Rights for Illinois Blacks, 1865-1885," Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 74 (summer 1981): 83-108; Broadax (Chicago), May 1, 1897, p. 1, col. 4; August Meier and Elliot Rudwick, "Early Boycotts of Segregated Schools: The Alton, Illinois Case, 1897-1908," Journal of Negro Education 36 (December 1967): 394-402; Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance, Sustained by Courage': Black Power, Class and Dependency in Brooklyn, Illinois, 1830-1915" (University of Illinois Press, forthcoming); and Shirley (Carlson) Portwood, " 'The Party of Promises': African American Political Activism and the Republican Party in Southern Illinois, 1870-1900" (unpublished paper in the possession of the author); and "The Alton School Case and the American Community Consciousness, 1897-1908," Illinois Historical Journal 91 (spring 1998): 2-20.
249. Decatur Daily Review, June 26, 1893, p. 2, col. 4; June 27, 1893, p. 2, col. 5; and Calhoun, "Community," 97.
250. Decatur Daily Review, June 26, 1893, p. 2, col. 4; June 27, 1893, p. 2, col. 5; and Calhoun, "Community," 97.
251. Illinois Record, February 19, 1898, p. 1, col. 3.
252. Shortly after the turn of the century, Wilkerson moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he became a successful undertaker. In 1909, he became one the state leaders of Booker T. Washington's National Negro Businessman's League. Along with other black investors, he established the Federal Savings Bank and Trust Company in 1910. During the teens, he entered Memphis politics and ran creditable campaigns for Congress in 1916 and 1920 as the candidate of the Lincoln League, a black Republican club, which challenged Shelby County's "lily white" Republicans for party control. After the bank's failure, Wilkerson committed suicide in 1928. He was the chair of the bank's board of directors and was facing embezzlement charges. Illinois Record, February 19, 1898, p. 1, col. 3; State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur City Directory (1895), 346; and Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 46, 56-7, 176, 189-91, and 195.
253. Shortly after the turn of the century, Wilkerson moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he became a successful undertaker. In 1909, he became one the state leaders of Booker T. Washington's National Negro Businessman's League. Along with other black investors, he established the Federal Savings Bank and Trust Company in 1910. During the teens, he entered Memphis politics and ran creditable campaigns for Congress in 1916 and 1920 as the candidate of the Lincoln League, a black Republican club, which challenged Shelby County's "lily white" Republicans for party control. After the bank's failure, Wilkerson committed suicide in 1928. He was the chair of the bank's board of directors and was facing embezzlement charges. Illinois Record, February 19, 1898, p. 1, col. 3; State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur City Directory (1895), 346; and Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 46, 56-7, 176, 189-91, and 195.
254. Shortly after the turn of the century, Wilkerson moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he became a successful undertaker. In 1909, he became one the state leaders of Booker T. Washington's National Negro Businessman's League. Along with other black investors, he established the Federal Savings Bank and Trust Company in 1910. During the teens, he entered Memphis politics and ran creditable campaigns for Congress in 1916 and 1920 as the candidate of the
255. Shortly after the turn of the century, Wilkerson moved to Memphis, Tennessee, where he became a successful undertaker. In 1909, he became one the state leaders of Booker T. Washington's National Negro Businessman's League. Along with other black investors, he established the Federal Savings Bank and Trust Company in 1910. During the teens, he entered Memphis politics and ran creditable campaigns for Congress in 1916 and 1920 as the candidate of the Lincoln League, a black Republican club, which challenged Shelby County's "lily white" Republicans for party control. After the bank's failure, Wilkerson committed suicide in 1928. He was the chair of the bank's board of directors and was facing embezzlement charges. Illinois Record, February 19, 1898, p. 1, col. 3; State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; Decatur City Directory (1895), 346; and Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 46, 56-7, 176, 189-91, and 195.
256. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
257. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
258. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
259. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
260. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
261. By December of 1892, ten local chapters of the National Afro-American League had been organized in Illinois. Affiliates existed in Alton, Bloomington, Brooklyn, Cairo, Danville, Decatur, Jacksonville, Peoria, and Rock Island as well as Chicago. The league was famous for factionalism, but perhaps no state had greater disunity than Illinois. Two Afro-American leagues existed in Illinois: the Afro-American State Protective League of Illinois, led by John G. Jones of Chicago, and the Illinois Afro-American Protective League, headed by the Rev. Jordan Chavis of Quincy. In part, the duplication of leagues reflected the Chicago-downstate division among the state's African American population. But, it was also a product of poor leadership and personal interest. There may have been an unanticipated benefit from this division. Illinois chapters of the league remained active between 1893 and 1898, after most other local branches had dissolved elsewhere. State Capital, December 26, 1891, p. 2, col. 3; and the Illinois Record, March 19, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; April 23, 1898, p. 1, col. 5; July 2, 1898, p. 2, col. 2; September 3, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; September 10, 1898, p. 2, cols. 2-3, 5; November 19, 1898, p. 2, col. 1; and Leslie Fishel, "The Negro in Northern Politics, 1870-1900," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 42 (September 1955): 484; Cha-Jua, " 'Founded by Chance," 240-86; and Shirley J. Carlson, "The Black Community in the Rural North, 109-34; "Black Migration to Pulaski County, Illinois, 1860-1900," Illinois Historical Journal 80 (1987): 37-46; and "Political Opposition to the Republican Party" (unpublished conference paper presented at "The African Americans in Illinois History Conference," at the DuSable Museum, Chicago, Illinois, October 2, 1993); Portwood, "The Alton School Case."
262. Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898"; Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers"; Keiser, Building for the Centuries; and Bridges, "Equality Deferred."
263. Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898"; Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers"; Keiser, Building for the Centuries; and Bridges, "Equality Deferred."
264. Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898"; Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers"; Keiser, Building for the Centuries; and Bridges, "Equality Deferred."
265. Hicken, "The Virden and Pana Mine Wars of 1898"; Keiser, "Black Strikebreakers"; Keiser, Building for the Centuries; and Bridges, "Equality Deferred."
266. Illinois Record, August 20, 1898, p. 1, col. 5.
267. Illinois Record, September 24, 1898, p. 1, col. 1; October 8, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2; October 22, 1898, p. 1, col. 1, p. 2, col. 2; October 29, 1898, p. 1, cols. 1-2.
268. Midkiff believed Mills "traded him off." He reasoned that he should have gotten as many votes as Mills did in Macon County. Decatur Daily Review, November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Daily Review, November 11, 1898, p. 4, cols. 1-2; and Illinois Record, October 8, 1898, p. 1, col. 3.
269. Midkiff believed Mills "traded him off." He reasoned that he should have gotten as many votes as Mills did in Macon County. Decatur Daily Review, November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Daily Review, November 11, 1898, p. 4, cols. 1-2; and Illinois Record, October 8, 1898, p. 1, col. 3.
270. Midkiff believed Mills "traded him off." He reasoned that he should have gotten as many votes as Mills did in Macon County. Decatur Daily Review, November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 4; Decatur Daily Review, November 11, 1898, p. 4, cols. 1-2; and Illinois Record, October 8, 1898, p. 1, col. 3.
271. Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 2; and Decatur Daily Review, November 1, 1898, p. 8, col. 3.
272. Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 2; and Decatur Daily Review, November 1, 1898, p. 8, col. 3.
273. Dansby was born a slave in Mississippi. When he was seven years of age, he escaped to the Union lines and traveled with the troops to Galesburg, Illinois. There, he trained as a barber and after the war moved to Decatur. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Daily Review, September 1, 1929, p. 3, col. 3; Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 2; and Decatur Daily Review, November 8, 1898, p. 2, col. 1.
274. Dansby was born a slave in Mississippi. When he was seven years of age, he escaped to the Union lines and traveled with the troops to Galesburg, Illinois. There, he trained as a barber and after the war moved to Decatur. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Daily Review, September 1, 1929, p. 3, col. 3; Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 2; and Decatur Daily Review, November 8, 1898, p. 2, col. 1.
275. Dansby was born a slave in Mississippi. When he was seven years of age, he escaped to the Union lines and traveled with the troops to Galesburg, Illinois. There, he trained as a barber and after the war moved to Decatur. Gray Baker, "The Colored People," Decatur Daily Review, September 1, 1929, p. 3, col. 3; Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 2; and Decatur Daily Review, November 8, 1898, p. 2, col. 1.
276. Archie Ward was a major African American figure in the Macon County Republican Party. In June of 1892 along with Houston Singleton he attended a meeting of the party's state executive committee (Singleton was a member). Even a year after the election, Congressperson Benjamin F. Caldwell claimed he could not have defeated Mills without the support of two thousand black voters in the seventeenth congressional district. Broadax, December 2, 1899, p. 1, col. 3; Decatur Review, November 4, 1898, p. 2; November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 1, p. 2, cols. 2-5; State Capital, June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7, p. 2, col. 2.
277. Archie Ward was a major African American figure in the Macon County Republican Party. In June of 1892 along with Houston Singleton he attended a meeting of the party's state executive committee (Singleton was a member). Even a year after the election, Congressperson Benjamin F. Caldwell claimed he could not have defeated Mills without the support of two thousand black voters in the seventeenth congressional district. Broadax, December 2, 1899, p. 1, col. 3; Decatur Review, November 4, 1898, p. 2; November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 1, p. 2, cols. 2-5; State Capital, June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7, p. 2, col. 2.
278. Archie Ward was a major African American figure in the Macon County Republican Party. In June of 1892 along with Houston Singleton he attended a meeting of the party's state executive committee (Singleton was a member). Even a year after the election, Congressperson Benjamin F. Caldwell claimed he could not have defeated Mills without the support of two thousand black voters in the seventeenth congressional district. Broadax, December 2, 1899, p. 1, col. 3; Decatur Review, November 4, 1898, p. 2; November 5, 1898, p. 1, col. 1, p. 2, cols. 2-5; State Capital, June 25, 1892, p. 1, col. 7, p. 2, col. 2.
279. Illinois Record, November 12, 1898, p. 2, col. 1.
280. It is unlikely that Wilkerson would notarize a false statement, especially one concerning a lawyer. Illinois Record, October 15, 1898, p. 1, col. 1; and October 29, 1898, p. 2, cols. 1-2, 4.
281. State Capital, June 6, 1891, p. 1, col. 5.
282. Robert Williams coined this term in the 1950s during his debates with Martin L. King Jr. over the tactical use of armed self-defense. Williams, Negroes with Guns, 19; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' "199; Donald Crummey, Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London: James Currey/Heinemann, 1986); and Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South, 208-9.
283. Robert Williams coined this term in the 1950s during his debates with Martin L. King Jr. over the tactical use of armed self-defense. Williams, Negroes with Guns, 19; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' "199; Donald Crummey, Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London: James Currey/Heinemann, 1986); and Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South, 208-9.
284. Robert Williams coined this term in the 1950s during his debates with Martin L. King Jr. over the tactical use of armed self-defense. Williams, Negroes with Guns, 19; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' "199; Donald Crummey, Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London: James Currey/Heinemann, 1986); and Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South, 208-9.
285. Robert Williams coined this term in the 1950s during his debates with Martin L. King Jr. over the tactical use of armed self-defense. Williams, Negroes with Guns, 19; Cha-Jua, " 'Join Hands and Hearts with Law and Order,' "199; Donald Crummey, Banditry, Rebellion and Social Protest in Africa (London: James Currey/Heinemann, 1986); and Ingalls, Urban Vigilantes in the New South, 208-9.
286. State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; Meier, Negro Thought in America, 73; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 78.
287. State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; Meier, Negro Thought in America, 73; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 78.
288. State Capital, August 29, 1891, p. 1, col. 5; Meier, Negro Thought in America, 73; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 78.
289. David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso, 1991), 106; Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York: Vintage, 1980), 280; Mary Frances Berry, Black Resistance White Law (New York: Prentice Hall, 1971; rpt., Penguin, 1994); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2.
290. David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso, 1991), 106; Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York: Vintage, 1980), 280; Mary Frances Berry, Black Resistance White Law (New York: Prentice Hall, 1971; rpt., Penguin, 1994); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2.
291. David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso, 1991), 106; Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York: Vintage, 1980), 280; Mary Frances Berry, Black Resistance White Law (New York: Prentice Hall, 1971; rpt., Penguin, 1994); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2.
292. David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class (New York: Verso, 1991), 106; Leon F. Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long: The Aftermath of Slavery (New York: Vintage, 1980), 280; Mary Frances Berry, Black Resistance White Law (New York: Prentice Hall, 1971; rpt., Penguin, 1994); and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2.
293. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
294. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
295. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
296. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
297. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
298. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
299. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
300. In a short but significant section, Timothy B. Tyson provides snapshots of black armed self-reliance from 1892 through the mid-1960s. Tyson, "Robert F. Williams," and "Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1994); Harry Haywood, Black Bolshevik: Autobiography of an Afro-American Communist (Chicago: Liberator, 1978), 7; Nell Irvin Painter, The Narrative of Hosea Hudson: The Life and Times of a Black Radical (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979; rpt., New York: Norton, 1994), 61; Charles Denby, Indignant Heart: A Black Worker's Journal (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1989), 7, 17; Walter White, A Man Called White (New York: Viking, 1948; rpt., New York: Arno, 1969), 10-12; and Shapiro, White Violence and the Black Response, 64; Hamilton, Black Towns and Profit (Urbana-Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1990) 176; and William Sales Jr., From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity (Boston: South End, 1994), 47.
301. In an article under the "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot," the Chicago reprinted Bishop Tuner's comments from the African Methodist Episcopal magazine the Voice of Missions. See the Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3. See also Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 4.
302. In an article under the "Get Gun, Negroes! And Shoot," the Chicago reprinted Bishop Tuner's comments from the African Methodist Episcopal magazine the Voice of Missions. See the Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 3. See also Broadax, March 27, 1897, p. 1, col. 4.
303. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
304. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
305. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
306. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
307. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).
308. Shapiro White Violence and the Black Response, 60-2; Alain L. Locke, "The New Negro," in David L. Lewis, ed., The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader (New York: Viking, 1994), 47; Gladys-Marie Fry, Night Riders in Black Folk History (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975; rpt., Athens: University of Georgia Press 1991) 4-6; Joe William Trotter, Black Milwaukee: The Making of an Industrial Proletariat, 1915-1945 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985); Aldon Morris, The Origin of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); and Charles Payne I Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).