Hemispheric integration in the post-Seattle era: The promise and problems for the FTAA

International Journal

Volumn 56, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 203-232

  Anderson, Greg ^a  

^a JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0040927936     PISSN: 00207020     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/40203553     Document Type: Article

References (69)

1. See Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Jr, 'Globalization: what's new? What's not (and so what?),' Foreign Policy 118(spring 2000), 104-19.
2. See, for example, I.M. Destler, Renewing Fast-Track Legislation (Washington DC: Institute for International Economics 1997), 20-7.
3. At the time of writing, China had yet to attain full WTO membership and Congress was again preparing to consider normal trade relations with China.
4. Stephan Haggard, 'The political economy of regionalism in the western hemisphere,' in Carol Wise, ed, The Post-NAFTA Political Economy: Mexico and the Western Hemisphere (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press 1998), 313.
5. Ibid, 312-14, 331-2.
6. For example, Argentina's most important trading partners are Brazil (24% of exports) and the EU (28%). Chile's are the EU (27% of exports) and the United States (24%). See Central Intelligence Agency, World Fact Book, 2000.
7. Its largest trading partner in the rest of Latin America - Brazil - ranks only 14th, followed by Venezuela at 23rd. Thereafter, Latin America's importance tails off considerably: Colombia and Dominican Republic tied (29), Argentina (32), Costa Rica (33), Chile (34), and so on down to Bolivia (82). See United States International Trade Commission, U.S. Trade Balance by Partners, 1999.
8. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 'Annual trade 2000,' at www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/eet/stats-e/asp.
9. Refik Ezran and Alexander Yeats, 'U.S.-Latin American free trade areas: some empirical evidence,' in Sylvia Saborio, ed, The Premise and the Promise: Free Trade and the Americas (Washington DC: Overseas Development Council 1992), 128-9.
10. Haggard, 'The political economy of regionalism,' 332.
11. Ezran and Yeats, 'U.S.-Latin American free trade areas,' 129.
12. Meeting of the presidents of South America, Brasilia Communiqué, 1 September 2000; See also 'Brazil's plan for a resurgent South America,' Financial Times (London), 1 September 2000.
13. See Free Trade Area of the Americas, Ministerial Declaration, Buenos Aires, 7 April 2001 at www.ftaa-alca.org/ministerials.
14. See, for example, Rubens A. Barbosa, 'The view from Brazil,' Washington Quarterly 24(spring 2001), 149-57.
15. Ibid, 153-4; Robert B. Zoellick, Testimony before the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, Hearing on Summit of the Americas and Prospects for Free Trade in the Hemisphere, 8 May 2001.
16. Ibid, 153-4; Robert B. Zoellick, Testimony before the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, Hearing on Summit of the Americas and Prospects for Free Trade in the Hemisphere, 8 May 2001.
17. United States Department of State, Fact Sheet, Summit of the Americas, 30 November 1994
18. Miami Summit of the Americas, Declaration of Principles and Plan of Action at www.ftaa-alca.org.
19. Summit of the Americas, 2001, Final Declarations, Declaration of Quebec City, 22 April 2001 at www.ftaa-alca.org.
20. Jeffery J. Schott, The WTO After Seattle (Washington DC: Institute for International Economics 2000), 3-40.
21. Frustrated over the inability to commence a new round of GATT negotiations, the Reagan administration began to look for other avenues to pursue its trade goals. In May 1986, for example, Clayton Yeutter said: 'The United States will not be held hostage to the multilateral negotiating process ... the administration is prepared to negotiate on a plurilateral or bilateral basis with like-minded nations. This path would become all the more important and urgent if the movement toward a new trade round is stalled.' Department of State Bulletin 86(May 1986), 67-8.
22. Under this method, customs valuation was computed by multiplying the tariff rate not by the price of the imported product, as was standard practice, but by the price (usually higher) of the domestic product with which the import competed. This method usually resulted in a much higher effective rate of protection for domestic industry.
23. Robert Pastor, Congress and the Politics of U.S. Foreign Economic Policy (Berkeley: University of California Press 1980), 119.
24. William A. Dymond and Michael M. Hart, 'Post-modern trade policy: reflections on the challenges to multilateral trade negotiations after Seattle,' Journal of World Trade 34(June 2000), 21-38.
25. Ibid, 22, 25.
26. See www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/tna-nac/discussion/wto_ntm-e.asp.
27. Jonathan Coppel and Martine Durand, Trends in Market Openness, OECD Economics Department Working Papers No 221, 12 August 1999, 6.
28. Alan V. Deardorff and Robert M. Stern, Measurement of Non-Tariff Barriers (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press 1994), 4.
29. Ibid, 7.
30. Robert Keohane, 'The demand for international regimes,' International Organization 36(spring 1982), 141-71; Kenneth Oye, 'Explaining cooperation under anarchy: hypotheses and strategies,' in Kenneth Oye, ed, Cooperation Under Anarchy (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press 1986), 1-24.
31. Robert Keohane, 'The demand for international regimes,' International Organization 36(spring 1982), 141-71; Kenneth Oye, 'Explaining cooperation under anarchy: hypotheses and strategies,' in Kenneth Oye, ed, Cooperation Under Anarchy (Princeton NJ: Princeton University Press 1986), 1-24.
32. See John Whalley, Why do countries seek regional trade agreements? NBER Working Paper 5552, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge MA, 1996.
33. Robert B. Zoellick, Testimony before the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee, 8 May 2001.
34. Each year the United States trade representative identifies those countries with practices that, if eliminated, could generate the greatest gains for American exporters. Even a cursory look at the national trade estimates for various countries in the hemisphere reveals a list of non-tariff barriers to trade: anti-dumping measures, administrative procedures, labelling requirements, product standards, import licensing rules, and sanitary and phytosanitary measures, to name just a few. (United States Trade Representative, 1999 National Trade Estimates, Argentina, Canada, Chile, Mexico, and Peru.)
35. See Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, Summary of Canada's Positions, FTAA Negotiating Groups, at www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/tna-nac.
36. Thomas J. Prusa, On the Spread and Impact of Antidumping, National Bureau of Economic Research, Working Paper 7404, October 1999.
37. Michael P. Gallaway, Bruce A. Blonigen, and Joseph E. Flynn, 'The welfare costs of the us antidumping and countervailing duty laws,' Journal of International Economics 49(December 1999).
38. Its current average applied tariff is 13.7 per cent.
39. The last two are formally known as the Fourth and Fifth Protocols to the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS).
40. See WTO, Trade Policy Reviews; USTR, 2001 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers.
41. See WTO, Trade Policy Reviews; USTR, 2001 National Trade Estimate Report on Foreign Trade Barriers.
42. John G. Ruggie is credited by most scholars with originating the phrase 'compromise of embedded liberalism.' See Ruggie, 'Trade, protectionism, and the future of welfare capitalism,' Journal of International Affairs 48(summer, 1994), 1-11.
43. An excellent overview of the theoretical and empirical debate over the links between growth in income inequality and trade openness can be found in Adrian Wood, 'How trade hurt unskilled workers,' Journal of Economic Perspectives 9(summer 1995), 57-80.
44. See, for example, Dani Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far?(Washington DC: Institute for International Economics 1997).
45. Ibid.
46. Robert Reich, 'Who is us?' Harvard Business Review, January-February 1990.
47. Ngaire Woods, 'International financial institutions and the Mexican financial crisis,' in Wise, ed, Post-NAFTA Political Economy, 161.
48. Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far, 2.
49. See Geoffrey Garrett, 'Governing in the global economy: economic policy and market integration around the world,' paper presented to the American Policial Science Association meetings, 3-6 September 1998,' 22.
50. Rodrik, Has Globalization Gone Too Far?, 6.
51. Ibid, 11.
52. Michael Hart, 'The WTO and the political economy of globalization,' Journal of World Trade 31(October 1997), 75-93.
53. Destler, Renewing Fast-Track Legislation, 33.
54. See Moisés Naím, 'Washington consensus or Washington confusion?' Foreign Policy, no 118 (spring 2000), 87-103.
55. See Robert Lafrance and Lawrence L. Schembri, 'The exchange rate, productivity, and the standard of living,' Bank of Canada Review (winter 1999-2000), 17-28; Martin Cerisola and Jorge A. Chan-Lau, 'Tales from two neighbors: productivity growth in Canada and the United States,' International Monetary Fund Working Paper, WP/00/169.
56. See Robert Lafrance and Lawrence L. Schembri, 'The exchange rate, productivity, and the standard of living,' Bank of Canada Review (winter 1999-2000), 17-28; Martin Cerisola and Jorge A. Chan-Lau, 'Tales from two neighbors: productivity growth in Canada and the United States,' International Monetary Fund Working Paper, WP/00/169.
57. Carol Wise, 'The trade scenario for other Latin reformers in the NAFTA era,' in Wise, Post-NAFTA Political Economy, 286. Even Chile, thought by many to be the model of market reform, experienced uneven investment patterns of both FDI and portfolio flows for most of the 1990S.
58. Hart, 'The WTO and the political economy of globalization,' 76-7.
59. Robert Zoellick, Testimony before the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee.
60. The issue dominated the 1988 federal election in Canada. Although the ruling Conservative government won a huge majority in terms of seats in parliament, the electoral system masks the fact that a majority of Canadian voted for parties that were hostile to free trade. See Michael Hart, Decision at Midnight: Inside the Canada-U.S. Free-Trade Negotiations (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press 1994).
61. Haggard, 'The political economy of regionalism,' 315.
62. See Free Trade Area of the Americas, Sixth Meeting of Trade Ministers of the Hemisphere, Ministerial Declaration, Buenos Aires, Argentina, 7 April 2001.
63. See United States General Accounting Office, Free Trade Area of the Americas: Negotiations at Key Juncture on Eve of April Meetings, Report to the Chairman, Committee on Finance, United States Senate, March 2001, 10-11.
64. Carol Wise, 'NAFTA, Mexico, and the western hemisphere,' in Wise, ed, Post-NAFTA Political Economy, 35.
65. See USTR web-site at www.ustr.gov/environment and www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/tna-nac/social-e.asp.
66. See Robert Zoellick, Testimony before the House Ways and Means Trade Subcommittee.
67. See 2001 International Trade Legislative Agenda.
68. Each of these institutions has recently revamped their web-sites to improve public access and dissemination of information about their activities. USTR in particular has dramatically increased the number of regular briefings officials hold with members of civil society. See www.wto.org, www.ustr.gov, and www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca.
69. See Wood, 'How trade hurt unskilled workers,' 78.