The battles in Seattle

Politics and Society

Volumn 28, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 309-329

  Levi, Margaret ^a   Olson, David ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039600431     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329200028003002     Document Type: Review

References (65)

1. Both of the authors were participants in the AFL-CIO march and closely observed what followed in Seattle after.
2. The Wobblies was the name given to members of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). See Patrick Renshaw, The Story of Syndicalism in the United States (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967).
3. The conference was partially funded by Politics & Society in its efforts to generate discussion around important policy issues facing the Left today.
4. The International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), according to its Web page (http://www.icftu.org/), represents 125 million Trade Union members from 145 countries and territories.
5. There is a massive literature. See, for example, Orley Ashenfelter and George Johnson, "Bargaining Theory, Trade Unions, and Industrial Strike Activity," American Economic Review 59, no. 40 (1969): 35-49; Robert Franzosi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Walter Korpi and Michael Shalev, "Strikes, Power, and Politics in Western Nations, 1900-1976," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory I (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1980), 301-34; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
6. There is a massive literature. See, for example, Orley Ashenfelter and George Johnson, "Bargaining Theory, Trade Unions, and Industrial Strike Activity," American Economic Review 59, no. 40 (1969): 35-49; Robert Franzosi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Walter Korpi and Michael Shalev, "Strikes, Power, and Politics in Western Nations, 1900-1976," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory I (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1980), 301-34; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
7. There is a massive literature. See, for example, Orley Ashenfelter and George Johnson, "Bargaining Theory, Trade Unions, and Industrial Strike Activity," American Economic Review 59, no. 40 (1969): 35-49; Robert Franzosi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Walter Korpi and Michael Shalev, "Strikes, Power, and Politics in Western Nations, 1900-1976," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory I (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1980), 301-34; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
8. There is a massive literature. See, for example, Orley Ashenfelter and George Johnson, "Bargaining Theory, Trade Unions, and Industrial Strike Activity," American Economic Review 59, no. 40 (1969): 35-49; Robert Franzosi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Walter Korpi and Michael Shalev, "Strikes, Power, and Politics in Western Nations, 1900-1976," in Maurice Zeitlin, ed., Political Power and Social Theory I (Greenwich, CT: JAI, 1980), 301-34; Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
9. Jeremy Brecher, Strike!, rev. and updated ed. (Boston: South End, 1997).
10. Dana Frank, Purchasing Power: Consumer Organizing, Gender, and the Seattle Labor Movement, 1919-1929 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
11. David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865-1925 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987).
12. There is a growing literature on these questions. See, for example, Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (London: Verso, 1997); Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello, Global Village or Global Pillage: Economic Reconstruction from the Bottom Up (Boston: South End, 1994). On a related set of issues, see Dana Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of Economic Nationalism (Boston: Beacon, 1999).
13. There is a growing literature on these questions. See, for example, Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (London: Verso, 1997); Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello, Global Village or Global Pillage: Economic Reconstruction from the Bottom Up (Boston: South End, 1994). On a related set of issues, see Dana Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of Economic Nationalism (Boston: Beacon, 1999).
14. There is a growing literature on these questions. See, for example, Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (London: Verso, 1997); Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello, Global Village or Global Pillage: Economic Reconstruction from the Bottom Up (Boston: South End, 1994). On a related set of issues, see Dana Frank, Buy American: The Untold Story of Economic Nationalism (Boston: Beacon, 1999).
15. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
16. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
17. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
18. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
19. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
20. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
21. This is as true for the various versions of the resource mobilization approach as for the rational choice collective action approach. For exemplars of the first, see Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1987); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, "Toward an Integrated Perspective on Social Movements and Revolution," in Mark Irving Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, eds., Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 142-73. For exemplars of the second, see Mancur Olson, The Logic of Collective Action (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1965); Mark Lichbach, The Cooperator's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997); and Mark Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
22. There is, of course, a huge literature on interests, some of which appeared in the early pages of this journal. See, for example, Isaac D. Balbus, "The Concept of Interest in Pluralist and Marxian Analysis," Politics & Society 1, no. 2 (1971): 151-77; William E. Connolly, "On 'Interests' in Politics," Politics & Society 2, no. 4 (1972): 459-77; Bertell Ollman, "Toward Class Consciousness Next Time: Marx and the Working Class," Politics & Society 3, no. 1 (1972): 1-24; and Susan C. Stokes, "Hegemony, Consciousness and Political Change in Peru," Politics & Society 19, no. 3 (1991): 265-91. Also, see Susan C. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University of California, 1995). We acknowledge at the outset that we are not engaging directly with this literature. Such a path is worthwhile pursuing, but it is not ours in this article.
23. There is, of course, a huge literature on interests, some of which appeared in the early pages of this journal. See, for example, Isaac D. Balbus, "The Concept of Interest in Pluralist and Marxian Analysis," Politics & Society 1, no. 2 (1971): 151-77; William E. Connolly, "On 'Interests' in Politics," Politics & Society 2, no. 4 (1972): 459-77; Bertell Ollman, "Toward Class Consciousness Next Time: Marx and the Working Class," Politics & Society 3, no. 1 (1972): 1-24; and Susan C. Stokes, "Hegemony, Consciousness and Political Change in Peru," Politics & Society 19, no. 3 (1991): 265-91. Also, see Susan C. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University of California, 1995). We acknowledge at the outset that we are not engaging directly with this literature. Such a path is worthwhile pursuing, but it is not ours in this article.
24. There is, of course, a huge literature on interests, some of which appeared in the early pages of this journal. See, for example, Isaac D. Balbus, "The Concept of Interest in Pluralist and Marxian Analysis," Politics & Society 1, no. 2 (1971): 151-77; William E. Connolly, "On 'Interests' in Politics," Politics & Society 2, no. 4 (1972): 459-77; Bertell Ollman, "Toward Class Consciousness Next Time: Marx and the Working Class," Politics & Society 3, no. 1 (1972): 1-24; and Susan C. Stokes, "Hegemony, Consciousness and Political Change in Peru," Politics & Society 19, no. 3 (1991): 265-91. Also, see Susan C. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University of California, 1995). We acknowledge at the outset that we are not engaging directly with this literature. Such a path is worthwhile pursuing, but it is not ours in this article.
25. There is, of course, a huge literature on interests, some of which appeared in the early pages of this journal. See, for example, Isaac D. Balbus, "The Concept of Interest in Pluralist and Marxian Analysis," Politics & Society 1, no. 2 (1971): 151-77; William E. Connolly, "On 'Interests' in Politics," Politics & Society 2, no. 4 (1972): 459-77; Bertell Ollman, "Toward Class Consciousness Next Time: Marx and the Working Class," Politics & Society 3, no. 1 (1972): 1-24; and Susan C. Stokes, "Hegemony, Consciousness and Political Change in Peru," Politics & Society 19, no. 3 (1991): 265-91. Also, see Susan C. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University of California, 1995). We acknowledge at the outset that we are not engaging directly with this literature. Such a path is worthwhile pursuing, but it is not ours in this article.
26. There is, of course, a huge literature on interests, some of which appeared in the early pages of this journal. See, for example, Isaac D. Balbus, "The Concept of Interest in Pluralist and Marxian Analysis," Politics & Society 1, no. 2 (1971): 151-77; William E. Connolly, "On 'Interests' in Politics," Politics & Society 2, no. 4 (1972): 459-77; Bertell Ollman, "Toward Class Consciousness Next Time: Marx and the Working Class," Politics & Society 3, no. 1 (1972): 1-24; and Susan C. Stokes, "Hegemony, Consciousness and Political Change in Peru," Politics & Society 19, no. 3 (1991): 265-91. Also, see Susan C. Stokes, Cultures in Conflict: Social Movements and the State in Peru (Berkeley: University of California, 1995). We acknowledge at the outset that we are not engaging directly with this literature. Such a path is worthwhile pursuing, but it is not ours in this article.
27. V. I. Lenin, What Is to Be Done? Burning Questions of Our Movement, trans. J. Fineberg and G. Hanna (New York: International, 1969 [1902]).
28. Olson, The Logic of Collective Action.
29. This is one of the points made by Miriam Golden in Heroic Defeats: The Politics of Job Loss (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Also see her A Rational Choice Analysis of Union Militancy with Application to the Cases of British Coal and Fiat (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). The importance of local institutions as inhibitors or facilitators of militance is also central to the arguments of many other scholars of labor actions. See, for example, Geoffrey Garrett, Partisan Politics in the Global Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Torben Iversen, Contested Economic Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
30. This is one of the points made by Miriam Golden in Heroic Defeats: The Politics of Job Loss (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Also see her A Rational Choice Analysis of Union Militancy with Application to the Cases of British Coal and Fiat (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). The importance of local institutions as inhibitors or facilitators of militance is also central to the arguments of many other scholars of labor actions. See, for example, Geoffrey Garrett, Partisan Politics in the Global Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Torben Iversen, Contested Economic Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
31. This is one of the points made by Miriam Golden in Heroic Defeats: The Politics of Job Loss (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Also see her A Rational Choice Analysis of Union Militancy with Application to the Cases of British Coal and Fiat (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). The importance of local institutions as inhibitors or facilitators of militance is also central to the arguments of many other scholars of labor actions. See, for example, Geoffrey Garrett, Partisan Politics in the Global Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Torben Iversen, Contested Economic Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
32. This is one of the points made by Miriam Golden in Heroic Defeats: The Politics of Job Loss (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Also see her A Rational Choice Analysis of Union Militancy with Application to the Cases of British Coal and Fiat (Cornell, NY: Cornell University Press, 1990). The importance of local institutions as inhibitors or facilitators of militance is also central to the arguments of many other scholars of labor actions. See, for example, Geoffrey Garrett, Partisan Politics in the Global Economy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Torben Iversen, Contested Economic Institutions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
33. Michael Forman, Nationalism and the International Labor Movement: The Idea of the Nation in Socialist and Anarchist Theory (University Park: Pennsylvania State University, 1998).
34. See, for example, Lichbach, The Rebel's Dilemma, esp. 289-98.
35. This second is a variant of Russell Hardin's conception of encapsulated interests in which the interests of one actor encapsulates, or includes, the interests of another. See Russell Hardin, "Trust in Government," in Valerie Braithwaite and Margaret Levi, eds., Trust and Governance (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1998), 9-27; and "Trustworthiness," Ethics 107 (October 1996): 26-42.
36. This second is a variant of Russell Hardin's conception of encapsulated interests in which the interests of one actor encapsulates, or includes, the interests of another. See Russell Hardin, "Trust in Government," in Valerie Braithwaite and Margaret Levi, eds., Trust and Governance (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1998), 9-27; and "Trustworthiness," Ethics 107 (October 1996): 26-42.
37. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 118-34.
38. John Brueggemann and Terry Boswell, "Realizing Solidarity: Sources of Interracial Unionism during the Great Depression," Work and Occupations 25, no. 4 (1998): 436-82. Also see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997); Cliff Brown and Terry Boswell, "Strikebreaking or Solidarity in the Great Steel Strike of 1919: A Split Labor Market, Game-Theoretic, and QCA Analysis," American Journal of Sociology 100, no. 6 (1995): 1479-1519; and Michael Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).
39. John Brueggemann and Terry Boswell, "Realizing Solidarity: Sources of Interracial Unionism during the Great Depression," Work and Occupations 25, no. 4 (1998): 436-82. Also see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997); Cliff Brown and Terry Boswell, "Strikebreaking or Solidarity in the Great Steel Strike of 1919: A Split Labor Market, Game-Theoretic, and QCA Analysis," American Journal of Sociology 100, no. 6 (1995): 1479-1519; and Michael Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).
40. John Brueggemann and Terry Boswell, "Realizing Solidarity: Sources of Interracial Unionism during the Great Depression," Work and Occupations 25, no. 4 (1998): 436-82. Also see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997); Cliff Brown and Terry Boswell, "Strikebreaking or Solidarity in the Great Steel Strike of 1919: A Split Labor Market, Game-Theoretic, and QCA Analysis," American Journal of Sociology 100, no. 6 (1995): 1479-1519; and Michael Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).
41. John Brueggemann and Terry Boswell, "Realizing Solidarity: Sources of Interracial Unionism during the Great Depression," Work and Occupations 25, no. 4 (1998): 436-82. Also see Michael Goldfield, The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997); Cliff Brown and Terry Boswell, "Strikebreaking or Solidarity in the Great Steel Strike of 1919: A Split Labor Market, Game-Theoretic, and QCA Analysis," American Journal of Sociology 100, no. 6 (1995): 1479-1519; and Michael Honey, Southern Labor and Black Civil Rights: Organizing Memphis Workers (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).
42. Margaret Levi, "Capitalizing on Labor's Social Capital." Estudio/working paper 1999/140 (Madrid: Juan March Institute, 1999).
43. See, for example, Robert Michels, Political Parties (New York: Free Press, 1962 [1919]); and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements (New York: Vintage, 1977).
44. See, for example, Robert Michels, Political Parties (New York: Free Press, 1962 [1919]); and Frances Fox Piven and Richard Cloward, Poor People's Movements (New York: Vintage, 1977).
45. Rosa Luxemburg, The Mass Strike: The Political Party and Trade Unions (New York: Harper & Row, 1971 [1916]).
46. Michels, Political Parties.
47. Seymour Martin Lipset, Martin Trow, and James S. Coleman, Union Democracy (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956). Also, see Judith Stepan-Norris and Maurice Zeitlin, "Union Democracy, Radical Leadership, and the Hegemony of Capital," American Sociological Review 60 (December 1995): 829-50.
48. Seymour Martin Lipset, Martin Trow, and James S. Coleman, Union Democracy (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1956). Also, see Judith Stepan-Norris and Maurice Zeitlin, "Union Democracy, Radical Leadership, and the Hegemony of Capital," American Sociological Review 60 (December 1995): 829-50.
49. It is, of course, a quite contested issue about the extent to which deliberation facilitates democracy. See, for example, Jon Elster, ed., Deliberative Democracy (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
50. Howard Kimeldorf, Reds or Rackets: The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Also, see Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Clark Kerr and Abraham Siegel, "The Interindustry Propensity to Strike - An International Comparison," in Arthur Komhauser, Robert Dubin, and Arthur Ross, eds., Industrial Conflict (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954), 189-212.
51. Howard Kimeldorf, Reds or Rackets: The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Also, see Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Clark Kerr and Abraham Siegel, "The Interindustry Propensity to Strike - An International Comparison," in Arthur Komhauser, Robert Dubin, and Arthur Ross, eds., Industrial Conflict (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954), 189-212.
52. Howard Kimeldorf, Reds or Rackets: The Making of Radical and Conservative Unions on the Waterfront (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988). Also, see Bruce Nelson, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988); and Clark Kerr and Abraham Siegel, "The Interindustry Propensity to Strike - An International Comparison," in Arthur Komhauser, Robert Dubin, and Arthur Ross, eds., Industrial Conflict (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954), 189-212.
53. In the 1960s, the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) honored the organizing efforts of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC) by refusing to work scab grapes produced in California's Central Valley.
54. The ILWU has frequently acted against particularistic job-based interests by favoring universalistic interests internationally. As early as 1936, with the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, the ILWU refused to work scrap iron shipments to Japan. More recently, the ILWU boycotted Chilean cargo in 1974 in protest of Pinochet's military overthrow and murder of democratically elected President Salvador Allende. It refused to work coffee shipments from El Salvador in 1989 to protest government support of corporate growers' campaign to bust union organizing. It boycotted cargo to and from South Africa during the apartheid era. In 1997, ILWU members refused to work the ship, the Neptune Jade, with cargo loaded by scabs working for the same employers who sacked the Liverpool dockers. In 1998, ILWU locals refused to work the Columbia Canada's scab-loaded cargo out of Australia, when its government conspired with employers to bust the Maritime Union of Australia.
55. Ronald E. Magden, The History of Seattle Waterfront Workers, 1884-1934 (Seattle, WA: Trade Printery, 1991), 237.
56. Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1963). Also see Kerr and Siegel, "The Interindustry Propensity to Strike."
57. Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Anchor, 1963). Also see Kerr and Siegel, "The Interindustry Propensity to Strike."
58. Roger Sale, Seattle: Past to Present (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1976), 129.
59. Murray Morgan, Skid Road: An Informal Portrait of Seattle (New York: Viking, 1960), 135.
60. Harvey O'Connor, Revolution in Seattle: A Memoir (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1964), 132.
61. Kimeldorf, Reds or Rackets, 35.
62. Allan Sekula, Fish Story (Düsseldorf, Germany: Richter Verlag, 1995). Peter Turnbull pointed out to us in an e-mail (6 March 2000) that "there are workers on the ECT Delta Terminal in Rotterdam (reference to Alan Sekula's photos). In fact, there are two people in each ship-to-shore crane - it is the movement of boxes to/from the stack, and within the container stack, that is automated (no people)."
63. Peter Evans, "Fighting Marginalization with Transnational Networks: Counter-Hegemonic Globalization," Contemporary Sociology 29, no 1 (January 2000): 230-41.
64. Not surprisingly, given the analysis of this article, the most militant and internationalist speech came from Brian McWilliams, president of the ILWU. His speech is reprinted in The Dispatcher 57, no. 11 (1999): 11.
65. This statement was made during a workshop in a weekend of events analyzing "Labor's Program after the WTO," held at the University of Washington, Seattle, 3-4 March 2000.