Masculinity as Ideology: John F. Kennedy and the Domestic Politics of Foreign Policy

Diplomatic History

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 29-62

  Dean, Robert D ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039536804     PISSN: 01452096     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-7709.00100     Document Type: Article

References (160)

1. John F. Kennedy, "Are We Up to the Task?" The Strategy of Peace (New York, 1960), 200. Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part 1, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences, and Statements of Senator John F. Kennedy, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 54-55, 259-60, passim. As used in this essay, an "ideology of masculinity" amounts to a cultural system of prescription and proscription; it organizes the "performance" of an individual's role in society and draws boundaries around the social category of manhood. An ideology of masculinity in its prescriptive aspect provides the raw material needed to imagine and construct a narrative identity - the internal story that lends coherence to the self. In its proscriptive aspect, it rules out certain ways of imagining and acting in the world. An ideology of masculinity is, in this sense, a subset of a larger "gender discourse" - a symbolic system of meaning by which social relations of power and privilege are rendered "natural" and transparent by reference to sexual biology, a supposedly fundamental and unquestionable set of relationships. See also Joan W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91 (December 1986): esp. 1069-70.
2. John F. Kennedy, "Are We Up to the Task?" The Strategy of Peace (New York, 1960), 200. Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part 1, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences, and Statements of Senator John F. Kennedy, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 54-55, 259-60, passim. As used in this essay, an "ideology of masculinity" amounts to a cultural system of prescription and proscription; it organizes the "performance" of an individual's role in society and draws boundaries around the social category of manhood. An ideology of masculinity in its prescriptive aspect provides the raw material needed to imagine and construct a narrative identity - the internal story that lends coherence to the self. In its proscriptive aspect, it rules out certain ways of imagining and acting in the world. An ideology of masculinity is, in this sense, a subset of a larger "gender discourse" - a symbolic system of meaning by which social relations of power and privilege are rendered "natural" and transparent by reference to sexual biology, a supposedly fundamental and unquestionable set of relationships. See also Joan W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91 (December 1986): esp. 1069-70.
3. John F. Kennedy, "Are We Up to the Task?" The Strategy of Peace (New York, 1960), 200. Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part 1, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences, and Statements of Senator John F. Kennedy, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 54-55, 259-60, passim. As used in this essay, an "ideology of masculinity" amounts to a cultural system of prescription and proscription; it organizes the "performance" of an individual's role in society and draws boundaries around the social category of manhood. An ideology of masculinity in its prescriptive aspect provides the raw material needed to imagine and construct a narrative identity - the internal story that lends coherence to the self. In its proscriptive aspect, it rules out certain ways of imagining and acting in the world. An ideology of masculinity is, in this sense, a subset of a larger "gender discourse" - a symbolic system of meaning by which social relations of power and privilege are rendered "natural" and transparent by reference to sexual biology, a supposedly fundamental and unquestionable set of relationships. See also Joan W. Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," American Historical Review 91 (December 1986): esp. 1069-70.
4. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
5. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
6. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
7. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
8. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
9. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
10. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
11. There is a growing literature exploring the intersections of Cold War political and foreign policy discourse and discourses of gender, sexuality, and family. See Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound: American Families in the Cold War Era (New York, 1988); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War United States," International History Review 14 (May 1992): 307-37; Emily Rosenberg, "'Foreign Affairs' after World War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," Diplomatic History 18 (Winter 1994): 59-78; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking War," Gendering War Talk, ed. Miriam Cooke and Angela Woolacott (Princeton, 1993) 227-46; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81 (September 1994): 518-42; Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," Diplomatic History 20 (Summer 1996): 357-80: Frank Costigliola, "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83 (March 1997): 1309-39; idem, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21 (Spring 1997): 163-83.
12. This list is journalist Joseph Alsop's. See his I've Seen the Best of It. Memoirs (New York, 1992), 442-43. For something of the flavor of the White House publicity surrounding the staffing of the administration see Deane and David Heller, The Kennedy Cabinet: America's Men of Destiny (1961; reprint, Freeport, NY, 1969).
13. This list is journalist Joseph Alsop's. See his I've Seen the Best of It. Memoirs (New York, 1992), 442-43. For something of the flavor of the White House publicity surrounding the staffing of the administration see Deane and David Heller, The Kennedy Cabinet: America's Men of Destiny (1961; reprint, Freeport, NY, 1969).
14. The quote is from Graham Dawson, "The Blond Bedouin: Lawrence of Arabia, Imperial Adventure and the Imagining of English-British Masculinity," in Manful Assertions. Masculinities in Britain since 1800, ed. Michael Roper and John Tosh (London, 1991), 118. For the purposes of this essay, I focus on the role of institutions other than the family in the socialization of elite men. For John F. Kennedy, especially, there is a large biographical literature that uses family dynamics to explain his adult "character." See, for example, Thomas C. Reeves, A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1991); Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992); and Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys (New York, 1987).
15. The quote is from Graham Dawson, "The Blond Bedouin: Lawrence of Arabia, Imperial Adventure and the Imagining of English-British Masculinity," in Manful Assertions. Masculinities in Britain since 1800, ed. Michael Roper and John Tosh (London, 1991), 118. For the purposes of this essay, I focus on the role of institutions other than the family in the socialization of elite men. For John F. Kennedy, especially, there is a large biographical literature that uses family dynamics to explain his adult "character." See, for example, Thomas C. Reeves, A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1991); Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992); and Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys (New York, 1987).
16. The quote is from Graham Dawson, "The Blond Bedouin: Lawrence of Arabia, Imperial Adventure and the Imagining of English-British Masculinity," in Manful Assertions. Masculinities in Britain since 1800, ed. Michael Roper and John Tosh (London, 1991), 118. For the purposes of this essay, I focus on the role of institutions other than the family in the socialization of elite men. For John F. Kennedy, especially, there is a large biographical literature that uses family dynamics to explain his adult "character." See, for example, Thomas C. Reeves, A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1991); Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992); and Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys (New York, 1987).
17. The quote is from Graham Dawson, "The Blond Bedouin: Lawrence of Arabia, Imperial Adventure and the Imagining of English-British Masculinity," in Manful Assertions. Masculinities in Britain since 1800, ed. Michael Roper and John Tosh (London, 1991), 118. For the purposes of this essay, I focus on the role of institutions other than the family in the socialization of elite men. For John F. Kennedy, especially, there is a large biographical literature that uses family dynamics to explain his adult "character." See, for example, Thomas C. Reeves, A Question of Character: A Life of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1991); Nigel Hamilton, JFK: Reckless Youth (New York, 1992); and Doris Kearns Goodwin, The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys (New York, 1987).
18. See chapter 5 of Nelson W. Aldrich, Jr., Old Money: The Mythology of America's Upper Class (New York, 1988), for a discussion of the "three ordeals" in the cultural imagination of the "old money" class.
19. Aldrich, Old Money, 150. On the "transatlantic cult of manliness" see J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, introduction to Manliness and Morality: Middle Class Masculinity in Britain and America 1800-1940, ed. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (Manchester, 1987). See also Frank D. Ashburn's hagiography of Endicott Peabody, founder and headmaster of Groton School from 1884 to 1940, Peabody of Groton: A Portrait (New York, 1944); and James McLachlan, "The Resurgence of the Gentleman: Groton and the Progressive Educational Ideal," American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study (New York, 1970).
20. Aldrich, Old Money, 150. On the "transatlantic cult of manliness" see J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, introduction to Manliness and Morality: Middle Class Masculinity in Britain and America 1800-1940, ed. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (Manchester, 1987). See also Frank D. Ashburn's hagiography of Endicott Peabody, founder and headmaster of Groton School from 1884 to 1940, Peabody of Groton: A Portrait (New York, 1944); and James McLachlan, "The Resurgence of the Gentleman: Groton and the Progressive Educational Ideal," American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study (New York, 1970).
21. Aldrich, Old Money, 150. On the "transatlantic cult of manliness" see J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, introduction to Manliness and Morality: Middle Class Masculinity in Britain and America 1800-1940, ed. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (Manchester, 1987). See also Frank D. Ashburn's hagiography of Endicott Peabody, founder and headmaster of Groton School from 1884 to 1940, Peabody of Groton: A Portrait (New York, 1944); and James McLachlan, "The Resurgence of the Gentleman: Groton and the Progressive Educational Ideal," American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study (New York, 1970).
22. Aldrich, Old Money, 150. On the "transatlantic cult of manliness" see J. A. Mangan and James Walvin, introduction to Manliness and Morality: Middle Class Masculinity in Britain and America 1800-1940, ed. J. A. Mangan and James Walvin (Manchester, 1987). See also Frank D. Ashburn's hagiography of Endicott Peabody, founder and headmaster of Groton School from 1884 to 1940, Peabody of Groton: A Portrait (New York, 1944); and James McLachlan, "The Resurgence of the Gentleman: Groton and the Progressive Educational Ideal," American Boarding Schools: A Historical Study (New York, 1970).
23. On the boarding school-patrician tradition of warrior manliness see Michael Pearlman, To Make Democracy Safe for America: Patricians and Preparedness in the Progressive Era (Urbana, 1984).
24. See Dawson, "Blond Bedouin," 125, on the "irregular" soldier as hero of adventure narrative after 1916.
25. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
26. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
27. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
28. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
29. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
30. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
31. On the sexualized and homophobic aspects of the Red Scare see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States (Chicago, 1983), 41-49; May, Homeward Bound, 92-113; and Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation," 307-37. The political history of the "homosexual panic" and purges of the Red Scare has as yet remained untold; I will address the issue in depth in my forthcoming Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (University of Massachusetts Press). Two Senate documents from 1950 help illuminate the official process of boundary-drawing that conflated "sexual perversion" and "subversion" during the purges of the Red Scare: Kenneth Wherry, Report of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska . . . on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government (May 1950), Sen. Committee Print S4179, 81st Cong., 2d sess.; and Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government: Interim Report submitted to the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments . . . (Washington, 1950), Sen. Doc. 241, 81st Cong., 2d sess. For an account of how a systematic purge of homosexuals (and "suspected" homosexuals) was incorporated into the security apparatus of the State Department see "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State," Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (Historical Series), vol. 5, 83d Cong., 1st sess., 1953 (Washington, 1977), 65-108.
32. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
33. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
34. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
35. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
36. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
37. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
38. See the New York Times, 15 March 1950; Burton Hersh, The Old Boys: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York, 1992), 307, 326-27, 443-44; Townsend Hoopes, The Devil and John Foster Dulles (Boston, 1973), 158; Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great American Inquisition (Philadelphia, 1988), 288-89; Sigmund Diamond, "Veritas at Harvard," New York Review of Books, 28 April 1977, 13-17; and letter to the editor by Robert N. Bellah, ibid., 14 July 1977, 38-39. On the issue of the FBI's role in systematic sexual blackmail for political ends see Theoharis, J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime: An Historical Antidote (Chicago, 1996), esp. 59-115.
39. Senator Kennedy by then distanced himself somewhat from an earlier friendship with Joe McCarthy and from remarks he made while in the House blaming the loss of China on "our diplomats and their advisers, the Lattimores and the Fairbanks." See Herbert S. Parmet, Jack: The Struggles of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1980), 208-9. Schlesinger, "The Crisis of American Masculinity (1958)," The Politics of Hope (Boston, 1963), 238. George Chauncey argues that during the 1940s and 1950s a previously flourishing urban gay subculture was forced into the closet by various forms of legal and social repression; see Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 8-9.
40. Senator Kennedy by then distanced himself somewhat from an earlier friendship with Joe McCarthy and from remarks he made while in the House blaming the loss of China on "our diplomats and their advisers, the Lattimores and the Fairbanks." See Herbert S. Parmet, Jack: The Struggles of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1980), 208-9. Schlesinger, "The Crisis of American Masculinity (1958)," The Politics of Hope (Boston, 1963), 238. George Chauncey argues that during the 1940s and 1950s a previously flourishing urban gay subculture was forced into the closet by various forms of legal and social repression; see Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 8-9.
41. Senator Kennedy by then distanced himself somewhat from an earlier friendship with Joe McCarthy and from remarks he made while in the House blaming the loss of China on "our diplomats and their advisers, the Lattimores and the Fairbanks." See Herbert S. Parmet, Jack: The Struggles of John F. Kennedy (New York, 1980), 208-9. Schlesinger, "The Crisis of American Masculinity (1958)," The Politics of Hope (Boston, 1963), 238. George Chauncey argues that during the 1940s and 1950s a previously flourishing urban gay subculture was forced into the closet by various forms of legal and social repression; see Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 8-9.
42. Two important sociological texts forming part of this discourse on declining manhood include David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven, 1950); and William W. Whyte, The Organization Man (New York, 1956).
43. Two important sociological texts forming part of this discourse on declining manhood include David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd (New Haven, 1950); and William W. Whyte, The Organization Man (New York, 1956).
44. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
45. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
46. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
47. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
48. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
49. For the Ur-text of the "Momism" discourse see Philip Wylie's jeremiad, "Common Women," Generation of Vipers (New York, 1942), 184-204. The "Momism" thesis took on the legitimacy of science with Edward A. Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia, 1946). Two essays from 1958 illustrate liberal-intellectual and popular-conservative variants of masculine anxiety in the 1950s, showing the influences of both the "organization man" argument and the "Momism" argument. See Schlesinger, "Crisis of American Masculinity," 236-47 (a reprint of a 1958 Esquire article); and J. Robert Moskin, "Why Do Women Dominate Him?" in The Decline of the American Male (New York, 1958), 3-24 (reprint of article in Look, 4 February 1958). For a brilliant discussion of some of the meanings of "Momism" in American culture of the Cold War see Michael Paul Rogin, "Kiss Me Deadly: Communism, Motherhood, and Cold War Movies," Ronald Reagan, the Movie, and Other Episodes of Political Demonology (Berkeley, 1987). See also Barbara Ehrenreich, "Breadwinners and Losers" and "Early Rebels," The Hearts of Men (New York, 1983) for a useful discussion of the gendered aspects of the "organization man" and the terms maturity and conformity in the 1950s.
50. For a useful discussion of the intertwining of gendered republicanism with liberalism in American political thought see Mark E. Kann, On the Man Question: Gender and Civic Virtue in America (Philadelphia, 1992). The etymological root of the word helps illustrate the gendered quality of republican ideology: "Virtue, n. - ME. vertu, virtu, fr. OF. (=F.) vertu, fr. L. virtutem, acc. of virtus, 'virtue,' lit. 'manliness', 'manhood,' fr. vir. See virile. Virile, adj., manly masculine. - F. viril, fr. L. virilís, 'pertaining to a man, masculine, manly, vigorous, spirited.'" Ernest Klein, A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1967), 1714. John Adams quoted in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York, 1960), 233-34.
51. For a useful discussion of the intertwining of gendered republicanism with liberalism in American political thought see Mark E. Kann, On the Man Question: Gender and Civic Virtue in America (Philadelphia, 1992). The etymological root of the word helps illustrate the gendered quality of republican ideology: "Virtue, n. - ME. vertu, virtu, fr. OF. (=F.) vertu, fr. L. virtutem, acc. of virtus, 'virtue,' lit. 'manliness', 'manhood,' fr. vir. See virile. Virile, adj., manly masculine. - F. viril, fr. L. virilís, 'pertaining to a man, masculine, manly, vigorous, spirited.'" Ernest Klein, A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1967), 1714. John Adams quoted in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York, 1960), 233-34.
52. For a useful discussion of the intertwining of gendered republicanism with liberalism in American political thought see Mark E. Kann, On the Man Question: Gender and Civic Virtue in America (Philadelphia, 1992). The etymological root of the word helps illustrate the gendered quality of republican ideology: "Virtue, n. - ME. vertu, virtu, fr. OF. (=F.) vertu, fr. L. virtutem, acc. of virtus, 'virtue,' lit. 'manliness', 'manhood,' fr. vir. See virile. Virile, adj., manly masculine. - F. viril, fr. L. virilís, 'pertaining to a man, masculine, manly, vigorous, spirited.'" Ernest Klein, A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1967), 1714. John Adams quoted in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York, 1960), 233-34.
53. For a useful discussion of the intertwining of gendered republicanism with liberalism in American political thought see Mark E. Kann, On the Man Question: Gender and Civic Virtue in America (Philadelphia, 1992). The etymological root of the word helps illustrate the gendered quality of republican ideology: "Virtue, n. - ME. vertu, virtu, fr. OF. (=F.) vertu, fr. L. virtutem, acc. of virtus, 'virtue,' lit. 'manliness', 'manhood,' fr. vir. See virile. Virile, adj., manly masculine. - F. viril, fr. L. virilís, 'pertaining to a man, masculine, manly, vigorous, spirited.'" Ernest Klein, A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, vol. 2 (Amsterdam, 1967), 1714. John Adams quoted in Gordon S. Wood, The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill, 1969); Vance Packard, The Waste Makers (New York, 1960), 233-34.
54. Schlesinger, The Vital Center (Boston, 1949), 13-15, 25, 36-44.
55. Schlesinger, "The New Mood in American Politics (1960)" and "The Decline of Greatness (1958)," Politics of Hope, 26, 31, 82-83, 86, 88-89.
56. Schlesinger, "The New Mood in American Politics (1960)" and "The Decline of Greatness (1958)," Politics of Hope, 26, 31, 82-83, 86, 88-89.
57. Schlesinger, "The New Mood in American Politics (1960)" and "The Decline of Greatness (1958)," Politics of Hope, 26, 31, 82-83, 86, 88-89.
58. William J. Lederer and Eugene Burdick, The Ugly American (New York, 1958); Philip Wylie to the editor, W. W. Norton & Co., 11 October 1958, Wylie to William J. Lederer, 3 April 1959, William J. Lederer Papers, Special Collections and Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; John Hellmann, American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam (New York, 1986), 15. Hellmann offers a provocative and insightful reading of The Ugly American, focused on American literary history and the cultural myth of the frontier; his treatment omits consideration of gender and class in its account of the cultural or political significance of the book.
59. William J. Lederer and Eugene Burdick, The Ugly American (New York, 1958); Philip Wylie to the editor, W. W. Norton & Co., 11 October 1958, Wylie to William J. Lederer, 3 April 1959, William J. Lederer Papers, Special Collections and Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; John Hellmann, American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam (New York, 1986), 15. Hellmann offers a provocative and insightful reading of The Ugly American, focused on American literary history and the cultural myth of the frontier; his treatment omits consideration of gender and class in its account of the cultural or political significance of the book.
60. William J. Lederer and Eugene Burdick, The Ugly American (New York, 1958); Philip Wylie to the editor, W. W. Norton & Co., 11 October 1958, Wylie to William J. Lederer, 3 April 1959, William J. Lederer Papers, Special Collections and Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; John Hellmann, American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam (New York, 1986), 15. Hellmann offers a provocative and insightful reading of The Ugly American, focused on American literary history and the cultural myth of the frontier; his treatment omits consideration of gender and class in its account of the cultural or political significance of the book.
61. William J. Lederer and Eugene Burdick, The Ugly American (New York, 1958); Philip Wylie to the editor, W. W. Norton & Co., 11 October 1958, Wylie to William J. Lederer, 3 April 1959, William J. Lederer Papers, Special Collections and Archives, W. E. B. Du Bois Library, University of Massachusetts, Amherst; John Hellmann, American Myth and the Legacy of Vietnam (New York, 1986), 15. Hellmann offers a provocative and insightful reading of The Ugly American, focused on American literary history and the cultural myth of the frontier; his treatment omits consideration of gender and class in its account of the cultural or political significance of the book.
62. William J. Lederer to Martin Sommers, 28 October 1957, to Ivan Von Auw, 21 January 1957, to Eric Swenson and Ivan Von Auw, 16 August 1957, and to Admiral Felix Stump, 19 April 1957, Lederer Papers.
63. Edward Geary Lansdale was a San Francisco advertising executive who joined the OSS during World War II and afterward worked for the CIA (presenting himself officially as a commissioned officer in the air force). Lansdale's personal legend originated with his actions in the Philippines using psychological warfare techniques to "defeat" the Huk insurgency directed at the oligarchic landlords that ruled the former U.S. colony. Lansdale's tutelage of Ramón Magsaysay, "reformist" anti-Communist secretary of national defense, then president of the Philippines, created a pattern Lansdale again tried to follow during the American installation of Ngo Dinh Diem as head of the newly created South Vietnam in the years 1954-1956. Lansdale's activity in Saigon during this period apparently provided some inspiration for the character Pyle in Graham Greene's The Quiet American (1955). William Lederer, a former submarine skipper, became acquainted with Lansdale, and the heroic narrative attached to his exploits, during service in the Philippines in support of Magsaysay. That heroic narrative of postcolonial imperial adventure lives on; Cecil B. Currey, Lansdale's biographer, asserts that Lansdale "richly deserved" the title of "America's latter-day T.E. Lawrence of Southeast Asia" some used to label Lansdale early in his career. See Currey's introduction to the reprint edition of Lansdale's myth-making memoirs, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York, 1991) , xix. Currey's biography is Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston, 1988). For an interpretation of the Huk rebellion that challenges the Cold War orthodoxy promulgated by Lansdale and most subsequent U.S. counterinsurgency theorists, and puts the putative "victory" against a "communist" insurgency in a very different light, see Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley, 1977). For an interpretation of U.S.-Philippine relations that debunks the myth of Lansdale's influence see Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, 1994), esp. 96-122. For an exploration of the Lansdale myth, and the uses to which Lansdale and others put it, see Jonathan D. Nashel, "Edward Lansdale and the American Attempt to Remake Southeast Asia, 1945-1965" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1994).
64. Edward Geary Lansdale was a San Francisco advertising executive who joined the OSS during World War II and afterward worked for the CIA (presenting himself officially as a commissioned officer in the air force). Lansdale's personal legend originated with his actions in the Philippines using psychological warfare techniques to "defeat" the Huk insurgency directed at the oligarchic landlords that ruled the former U.S. colony. Lansdale's tutelage of Ramón Magsaysay, "reformist" anti-Communist secretary of national defense, then president of the Philippines, created a pattern Lansdale again tried to follow during the American installation of Ngo Dinh Diem as head of the newly created South Vietnam in the years 1954-1956. Lansdale's activity in Saigon during this period apparently provided some inspiration for the character Pyle in Graham Greene's The Quiet American (1955). William Lederer, a former submarine skipper, became acquainted with Lansdale, and the heroic narrative attached to his exploits, during service in the Philippines in support of Magsaysay. That heroic narrative of postcolonial imperial adventure lives on; Cecil B. Currey, Lansdale's biographer, asserts that Lansdale "richly deserved" the title of "America's latter-day T.E. Lawrence of Southeast Asia" some used to label Lansdale early in his career. See Currey's introduction to the reprint edition of Lansdale's myth-making memoirs, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York, 1991) , xix. Currey's biography is Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston, 1988). For an interpretation of the Huk rebellion that challenges the Cold War orthodoxy promulgated by Lansdale and most subsequent U.S. counterinsurgency theorists, and puts the putative "victory" against a "communist" insurgency in a very different light, see Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley, 1977). For an interpretation of U.S.-Philippine relations that debunks the myth of Lansdale's influence see Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, 1994), esp. 96-122. For an exploration of the Lansdale myth, and the uses to which Lansdale and others put it, see Jonathan D. Nashel, "Edward Lansdale and the American Attempt to Remake Southeast Asia, 1945-1965" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1994). Captain W. J. Lederer to Colonel Ed Lansdale, 28 October 1957, Edward G. Lansdale Papers, box 38, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, California; William J. Lederer to Eric [Swenson], Manila, 14 October 1956, and Allen Dulles to Admiral Felix Stump, 11 May 1955, Lederer Papers.
65. Edward Geary Lansdale was a San Francisco advertising executive who joined the OSS during World War II and afterward worked for the CIA (presenting himself officially as a commissioned officer in the air force). Lansdale's personal legend originated with his actions in the Philippines using psychological warfare techniques to "defeat" the Huk insurgency directed at the oligarchic landlords that ruled the former U.S. colony. Lansdale's tutelage of Ramón Magsaysay, "reformist" anti-Communist secretary of national defense, then president of the Philippines, created a pattern Lansdale again tried to follow during the American installation of Ngo Dinh Diem as head of the newly created South Vietnam in the years 1954-1956. Lansdale's activity in Saigon during this period apparently provided some inspiration for the character Pyle in Graham Greene's The Quiet American (1955). William Lederer, a former submarine skipper, became acquainted with Lansdale, and the heroic narrative attached to his exploits, during service in the Philippines in support of Magsaysay. That heroic narrative of postcolonial imperial adventure lives on; Cecil B. Currey, Lansdale's biographer, asserts that Lansdale "richly deserved" the title of "America's latter-day T.E. Lawrence of Southeast Asia" some used to label Lansdale early in his career. See Currey's introduction to the reprint edition of Lansdale's myth-making memoirs, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York, 1991) , xix. Currey's biography is Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston, 1988). For an interpretation of the Huk rebellion that challenges the Cold War orthodoxy promulgated by Lansdale and most subsequent U.S. counterinsurgency theorists, and puts the putative "victory" against a "communist" insurgency in a very different light, see Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley, 1977). For an interpretation of U.S.-Philippine relations that debunks the myth of Lansdale's influence see Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, 1994), esp. 96-122. For an exploration of the Lansdale myth, and the uses to which Lansdale and others put it, see Jonathan D. Nashel, "Edward Lansdale and the American Attempt to Remake Southeast Asia, 1945-1965" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1994). Captain W. J. Lederer to Colonel Ed Lansdale, 28 October 1957, Edward G. Lansdale Papers, box 38, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, California; William J. Lederer to Eric [Swenson], Manila, 14 October 1956, and Allen Dulles to Admiral Felix Stump, 11 May 1955, Lederer Papers.
66. Edward Geary Lansdale was a San Francisco advertising executive who joined the OSS during World War II and afterward worked for the CIA (presenting himself officially as a commissioned officer in the air force). Lansdale's personal legend originated with his actions in the Philippines using psychological warfare techniques to "defeat" the Huk insurgency directed at the oligarchic landlords that ruled the former U.S. colony. Lansdale's tutelage of Ramón Magsaysay, "reformist" anti-Communist secretary of national defense, then president of the Philippines, created a pattern Lansdale again tried to follow during the American installation of Ngo Dinh Diem as head of the newly created South Vietnam in the years 1954-1956. Lansdale's activity in Saigon during this period apparently provided some inspiration for the character Pyle in Graham Greene's The Quiet American (1955). William Lederer, a former submarine skipper, became acquainted with Lansdale, and the heroic narrative attached to his exploits, during service in the Philippines in support of Magsaysay. That heroic narrative of postcolonial imperial adventure lives on; Cecil B. Currey, Lansdale's biographer, asserts that Lansdale "richly deserved" the title of "America's latter-day T.E. Lawrence of Southeast Asia" some used to label Lansdale early in his career. See Currey's introduction to the reprint edition of Lansdale's myth-making memoirs, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York, 1991) , xix. Currey's biography is Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston, 1988). For an interpretation of the Huk rebellion that challenges the Cold War orthodoxy promulgated by Lansdale and most subsequent U.S. counterinsurgency theorists, and puts the putative "victory" against a "communist" insurgency in a very different light, see Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley, 1977). For an interpretation of U.S.-Philippine relations that debunks the myth of Lansdale's influence see Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, 1994), esp. 96-122. For an exploration of the Lansdale myth, and the uses to which Lansdale and others put it, see Jonathan D. Nashel, "Edward Lansdale and the American Attempt to Remake Southeast Asia, 1945-1965" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1994). Captain W. J. Lederer to Colonel Ed Lansdale, 28 October 1957, Edward G. Lansdale Papers, box 38, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, California; William J. Lederer to Eric [Swenson], Manila, 14 October 1956, and Allen Dulles to Admiral Felix Stump, 11 May 1955, Lederer Papers.
67. Edward Geary Lansdale was a San Francisco advertising executive who joined the OSS during World War II and afterward worked for the CIA (presenting himself officially as a commissioned officer in the air force). Lansdale's personal legend originated with his actions in the Philippines using psychological warfare techniques to "defeat" the Huk insurgency directed at the oligarchic landlords that ruled the former U.S. colony. Lansdale's tutelage of Ramón Magsaysay, "reformist" anti-Communist secretary of national defense, then president of the Philippines, created a pattern Lansdale again tried to follow during the American installation of Ngo Dinh Diem as head of the newly created South Vietnam in the years 1954-1956. Lansdale's activity in Saigon during this period apparently provided some inspiration for the character Pyle in Graham Greene's The Quiet American (1955). William Lederer, a former submarine skipper, became acquainted with Lansdale, and the heroic narrative attached to his exploits, during service in the Philippines in support of Magsaysay. That heroic narrative of postcolonial imperial adventure lives on; Cecil B. Currey, Lansdale's biographer, asserts that Lansdale "richly deserved" the title of "America's latter-day T.E. Lawrence of Southeast Asia" some used to label Lansdale early in his career. See Currey's introduction to the reprint edition of Lansdale's myth-making memoirs, In the Midst of Wars: An American's Mission to Southeast Asia (New York, 1991) , xix. Currey's biography is Edward Lansdale: The Unquiet American (Boston, 1988). For an interpretation of the Huk rebellion that challenges the Cold War orthodoxy promulgated by Lansdale and most subsequent U.S. counterinsurgency theorists, and puts the putative "victory" against a "communist" insurgency in a very different light, see Benedict J. Kerkvliet, The Huk Rebellion: A Study of Peasant Revolt in the Philippines (Berkeley, 1977). For an interpretation of U.S.-Philippine relations that debunks the myth of Lansdale's influence see Nick Cullather, Illusions of Influence: The Political Economy of United States-Philippines Relations, 1942-1960 (Stanford, 1994), esp. 96-122. For an exploration of the Lansdale myth, and the uses to which Lansdale and others put it, see Jonathan D. Nashel, "Edward Lansdale and the American Attempt to Remake Southeast Asia, 1945-1965" (Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1994). Captain W. J. Lederer to Colonel Ed Lansdale, 28 October 1957, Edward G. Lansdale Papers, box 38, Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, California; William J. Lederer to Eric [Swenson], Manila, 14 October 1956, and Allen Dulles to Admiral Felix Stump, 11 May 1955, Lederer Papers.
68. W. J. Lederer to Edward Lansdale, 3 December 1957, Lederer to Dr. Max F. Millikan (director of CENIS), 13 August 1954, Dulles to Stump, 11 May 1955, and Max F. Millikan to W. J. Lederer, August 11 1955, Lederer Papers.
69. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
70. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
71. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
72. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
73. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
74. William Lederer first encountered Lieutenant (j.g.) Tom Dooley in 1955 in Haiphong. Dooley operated a clinic as part of the U.S. Navy's "Operation Passage to Freedom," the relocation of North Vietnamese Catholics to the newly created South Vietnam under Diem. Lederer, in his capacity as public affairs aide to Admiral Felix Stump, encouraged Dooley to keep a diary of his experiences. After a nine-month period of supervising the treatment of hundreds of thousands of refugees, Dooley left on one of the last American ships out of Haiphong. Dooley was decorated by President Diem (the citation "inspired" and written by Edward Lansdale) and received the Legion of Merit from the U.S. Navy. He then joined Lederer in Hawaii for help writing his soon-to-be-famous book Deliver Us From Evil (1956), replete with fabricated atrocity stories illustrating the tyrannical cruelty and sadism of the godless North Vietnamese regime. The young naval hero soon became a media star, delivering his anti-Communist message in a lecture tour across the United States. During this first period of fame Dooley became acquainted with Cardinal Spellman and Senator John F. Kennedy. However, not long afterward Dooley's navy career abruptly ended with an undesirable discharge. Dooley was homosexual, and the Office of Naval Intelligence had conducted an undercover investigation of his sex life using paid informants in the course of the surveillance. The navy did not want to reveal publicly the "perversion" of its most famous young hero, so Dooley announced his resignation to return to Southeast Asia to continue his humanitarian anti-Communist crusade; he also made propaganda appearances under the aegis of the American Friends of Vietnam and served as an informant for the CIA in Laos. For a comprehensive biography of Dooley see James T. Fisher, Dr. America: The Lives of Thomas A. Dooley, 1927-1961 (Amherst, 1997); see also Randy Shilts, Conduct Unbecoming: Gays and Lesbians in the Military (New York, 1993), 22-27, 517-21, 735-36; Fisher, The Catholic Counterculture in America (Chapel Hill, 1989), 140-83; Will Brownell, "The Vietnam Lobby: The Americans Who Lobbied for a Free and Independent South Vietnam in the 1940s and 1950s" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 289-92; and Thomas A. Dooley, Deliver Us From Evil (New York, 1956).
75. Lederer, who met Ambassador Charles Bohlen in 1957 when Bohlen had been recalled from Moscow and assigned to Manila, wrote to a friend, "What a joy it would be to operate with somebody of his nature." See William Lederer to Roy Essoyan, 22 August 1957, Lederer Papers.
76. Edward Lansdale did, in fact, attempt to influence Southeast Asian politics by manipulating indigenous leaders' beliefs in "the effects of wizardry, prophecy, spiritualism, astrology, palmistry, phrenology, necromancy, geomancy, numerology, animistic taboos, and subtle mesmerism," inspired, it seems, by "that basic textbook in counterespionage in this [Asian] part of the world, 'Kim,' by Rudyard Kipling." For example, in 1967 he recommended that the U.S. Mission in Saigon compile a list of "personal soothsayers and astrologers who service leading Vietnamese personalities" and to subject the soothsayers to "certain influences" to further U.S. aims. Ed Lansdale memorandum to Ambassador Bunker and members, U.S. Mission Council, June 1968, and Ed Lansdale memorandum to Ambassador Bunker, 18 May 1967, box 62, Lansdale Papers.
77. The quote is from Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York, 1992), 37-42. Hellmann, American Myth, 35; G. Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt and Owen Wister (New Haven, 1968), 161-70.
78. The quote is from Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth- Century America (New York, 1992), 37-42. Hellmann, American Myth, 35; G. Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt and Owen Wister (New Haven, 1968), 161-70.
79. The quote is from Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth- Century America (New York, 1992), 37-42. Hellmann, American Myth, 35; G. Edward White, The Eastern Establishment and the Western Experience: The West of Frederic Remington, Theodore Roosevelt and Owen Wister (New Haven, 1968), 161-70.
80. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Times (New York, 1979), 495-98. Burdick was a political scientist at University of California-Berkeley, and also a decorated junior officer of World War II and a Rhodes Scholar. The Ugly American, screen story and screenplay by Stewart Stern, prod. and dir. George Englund, Universal Pictures, 1963. It should be noted that the screenplay took great liberties with the (cinematically intractable) vignettes that composed the novel. The characters of Gilbert MacWhite (played by Marion Brando) and Homer Atkins were retained in name, but were changed in ways that fundamentally altered their significance as bearers of ideological meaning.
81. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Times (New York, 1979), 495-98. Burdick was a political scientist at University of California-Berkeley, and also a decorated junior officer of World War II and a Rhodes Scholar. The Ugly American, screen story and screenplay by Stewart Stern, prod. and dir. George Englund, Universal Pictures, 1963. It should be noted that the screenplay took great liberties with the (cinematically intractable) vignettes that composed the novel. The characters of Gilbert MacWhite (played by Marion Brando) and Homer Atkins were retained in name, but were changed in ways that fundamentally altered their significance as bearers of ideological meaning.
82. See William P. Bundy's introduction to Douglas S. Blaufarb, The Counterinsurgency Era: U.S. Doctrine and Performance, 1950 to the Present (New York, 1977), x; Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, 495-98; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., to W. J. Lederer, 27 March 1961, and Lederer to Schlesinger, 20 June 1961, Lederer Papers; W. J. Lederer memorandum, "Methods for Defeating Reds in Malay," [n.d., summer 1961], Papers of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., box WH-3a, John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts (hereafter JFKL). Lederer endorsed the use of troops "sent into jungles and swamps to flush out the communist guerrillas" lightly armed and "equipt [sic] to eat berries, ferns, nuts, fruits, birds and animals which the[y] shot." On at least one occasion Secretary of State Dean Rusk sought "information" from Lederer and Burdick on Southeast Asian politics for inclusion in a speech delivered in Bangkok; on another Schlesinger offered to introduce Lederer to Averell Harriman, the new assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs. Sec Lederer to Schlesinger, 22 March 1961, Lederer telegram to Schlesinger, [n.d.], and Schlesinger to Lederer, 15 December 1961, Lederer Papers.
83. See William P. Bundy's introduction to Douglas S. Blaufarb, The Counterinsurgency Era: U.S. Doctrine and Performance, 1950 to the Present (New York, 1977), x; Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, 495-98; Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., to W. J. Lederer, 27 March 1961, and Lederer to Schlesinger, 20 June 1961, Lederer Papers; W. J. Lederer memorandum, "Methods for Defeating Reds in Malay," [n.d., summer 1961], Papers of Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., box WH-3a, John F. Kennedy Library, Boston, Massachusetts (hereafter JFKL). Lederer endorsed the use of troops "sent into jungles and swamps to flush out the communist guerrillas" lightly armed and "equipt [sic] to eat berries, ferns, nuts, fruits, birds and animals which the[y] shot." On at least one occasion Secretary of State Dean Rusk sought "information" from Lederer and Burdick on Southeast Asian politics for inclusion in a speech delivered in Bangkok; on another Schlesinger offered to introduce Lederer to Averell Harriman, the new assistant secretary of state for Far Eastern affairs. Sec Lederer to Schlesinger, 22 March 1961, Lederer telegram to Schlesinger, [n.d.], and Schlesinger to Lederer, 15 December 1961, Lederer Papers.
84. On "sexual containment" see May, Homeward Bound. Presidential news conference of 31 October 1963 in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, 1964), 830. On the "Greek" ideal see alsojohn F. Kennedy "The Soft American," Sports Illustrated, 26 December 1960, 16; and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston, 1965), 112-13. Priscilla McMillan quote from interview on "The Kennedys," American Experience (PBS broadcast, 1992).
85. On "sexual containment" see May, Homeward Bound. Presidential news conference of 31 October 1963 in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, 1964), 830. On the "Greek" ideal see alsojohn F. Kennedy "The Soft American," Sports Illustrated, 26 December 1960, 16; and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston, 1965), 112-13. Priscilla McMillan quote from interview on "The Kennedys," American Experience (PBS broadcast, 1992).
86. On "sexual containment" see May, Homeward Bound. Presidential news conference of 31 October 1963 in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, 1964), 830. On the "Greek" ideal see alsojohn F. Kennedy "The Soft American," Sports Illustrated, 26 December 1960, 16; and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston, 1965), 112-13. Priscilla McMillan quote from interview on "The Kennedys," American Experience (PBS broadcast, 1992).
87. On "sexual containment" see May, Homeward Bound. Presidential news conference of 31 October 1963 in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedy: Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President, January 1 to November 22, 1963 (Washington, 1964), 830. On the "Greek" ideal see alsojohn F. Kennedy "The Soft American," Sports Illustrated, 26 December 1960, 16; and Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., A Thousand Days: John F. Kennedy in the White House (Boston, 1965), 112-13. Priscilla McMillan quote from interview on "The Kennedys," American Experience (PBS broadcast, 1992).
88. For example see Kennedy, Strategy, 45, 188, 195, 201, 216; Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part III, The Joint Appearances of Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Other 1960 Campaign Presentations (Washington, 1961), 56, 112, 149, 272, 378; Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 812. By comparison: Nixon made only one allusion to Winston Churchill during the campaign and referred to Theodore Roosevelt to Western audiences on a few occasions as the Republican progenitor of dams and water projects. Nixon's main historical argument was that the contemporary Democratic party had abandoned the honorable traditions of individualism and small government represented by "Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson" only to be captured by the "radical federalists" "Galbraith, Bowles, and Schlesinger." Later in the campaign Nixon began to substitute Walter Reuther's name for Schlesinger's. See Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part II, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences and Study Papers of Vice President Richard M. Nixon, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 68, 70, 267, 274, 276, 297, 303, 307, 397, 407, 469, 470, 651, 654, 970, 979, 992.
89. For example see Kennedy, Strategy, 45, 188, 195, 201, 216; Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part III, The Joint Appearances of Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Other 1960 Campaign Presentations (Washington, 1961), 56, 112, 149, 272, 378; Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 812. By comparison: Nixon made only one allusion to Winston Churchill during the campaign and referred to Theodore Roosevelt to Western audiences on a few occasions as the Republican progenitor of dams and water projects. Nixon's main historical argument was that the contemporary Democratic party had abandoned the honorable traditions of individualism and small government represented by "Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson" only to be captured by the "radical federalists" "Galbraith, Bowles, and Schlesinger." Later in the campaign Nixon began to substitute Walter Reuther's name for Schlesinger's. See Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part II, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences and Study Papers of Vice President Richard M. Nixon, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 68, 70, 267, 274, 276, 297, 303, 307, 397, 407, 469, 470, 651, 654, 970, 979, 992.
90. For example see Kennedy, Strategy, 45, 188, 195, 201, 216; Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part III, The Joint Appearances of Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Other 1960 Campaign Presentations (Washington, 1961), 56, 112, 149, 272, 378; Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 812. By comparison: Nixon made only one allusion to Winston Churchill during the campaign and referred to Theodore Roosevelt to Western audiences on a few occasions as the Republican progenitor of dams and water projects. Nixon's main historical argument was that the contemporary Democratic party had abandoned the honorable traditions of individualism and small government represented by "Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson" only to be captured by the "radical federalists" "Galbraith, Bowles, and Schlesinger." Later in the campaign Nixon began to substitute Walter Reuther's name for Schlesinger's. See Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part II, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences and Study Papers of Vice President Richard M. Nixon, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 68, 70, 267, 274, 276, 297, 303, 307, 397, 407, 469, 470, 651, 654, 970, 979, 992.
91. For example see Kennedy, Strategy, 45, 188, 195, 201, 216; Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part III, The Joint Appearances of Senator John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon and Other 1960 Campaign Presentations (Washington, 1961), 56, 112, 149, 272, 378; Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 812. By comparison: Nixon made only one allusion to Winston Churchill during the campaign and referred to Theodore Roosevelt to Western audiences on a few occasions as the Republican progenitor of dams and water projects. Nixon's main historical argument was that the contemporary Democratic party had abandoned the honorable traditions of individualism and small government represented by "Jefferson, Jackson, and Wilson" only to be captured by the "radical federalists" "Galbraith, Bowles, and Schlesinger." Later in the campaign Nixon began to substitute Walter Reuther's name for Schlesinger's. See Freedom of Communications: Final Report of the Committee on Commerce, United States Senate: Part II, The Speeches, Remarks, Press Conferences and Study Papers of Vice President Richard M. Nixon, August 1 Through November 7, 1960 (Washington, 1961), 51, 68, 70, 267, 274, 276, 297, 303, 307, 397, 407, 469, 470, 651, 654, 970, 979, 992.
92. Kennedy, "A New Approach on Foreign Policy: A Twelve Point Agenda," in Strategy, unpaginated addendum, 3d page; "The Years the Locusts Have Eaten," in ibid., 193.
93. Kennedy, "A New Approach on Foreign Policy: A Twelve Point Agenda," in Strategy, unpaginated addendum, 3d page; "The Years the Locusts Have Eaten," in ibid., 193.
94. Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 43, 810. On the kitchen debates see Smith, "Sex, Gender, and Disease," 330-31; and May, Homeward Bound, 16-20.
95. Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 43, 810. On the kitchen debates see Smith, "Sex, Gender, and Disease," 330-31; and May, Homeward Bound, 16-20.
96. Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 43, 810. On the kitchen debates see Smith, "Sex, Gender, and Disease," 330-31; and May, Homeward Bound, 16-20.
97. Kennedy, "The Missile Gap," in Strategy, 33-45; Richard N. Goodwin, Remembering America: A Voice From the Sixties (Boston, 1988), 75; Kennedy, "Conventional Forces in the Atomic Age," in Strategy, 184.
98. Kennedy, "The Missile Gap," in Strategy, 33-45; Richard N. Goodwin, Remembering America: A Voice From the Sixties (Boston, 1988), 75; Kennedy, "Conventional Forces in the Atomic Age," in Strategy, 184.
99. Kennedy, "The Missile Gap," in Strategy, 33-45; Richard N. Goodwin, Remembering America: A Voice From the Sixties (Boston, 1988), 75; Kennedy, "Conventional Forces in the Atomic Age," in Strategy, 184.
100. John F. Kennedy to Lemoyne Billings, 12 February 1942, quoted in Nigel Hamilton, JFK, 459. JFK to Kathleen Kennedy, 10 March 1942, and JFK to Rip Horton [n.d.], boxes 4a and b, Personal Papers of John F. Kennedy, JFKL; Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 54-55.
101. Kennedy, "Soft American," 16. See the themes repeated in Kennedy, "The Vigor We Need," Sports Illustrated, 16 July 1962, 12.
102. On the construction of the story of Kennedy's athletic and war injuries see the extensive discussions in Joan and Clay Blair, Jr., The Search for JFK (New York, 1976); and Parmet, Jack. Both also give useful accounts of Kennedy's use of women in competition and "bonding" with other men. On Max Jacobson and Kennedy's amphetamine treatments see Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-1963 (New York, 1991), 187-91; or Richard Reeves, President Kennedy: Profile of Power (New York, 1993), 146-47, 158-59.
103. On the construction of the story of Kennedy's athletic and war injuries see the extensive discussions in Joan and Clay Blair, Jr., The Search for JFK (New York, 1976); and Parmet, Jack. Both also give useful accounts of Kennedy's use of women in competition and "bonding" with other men. On Max Jacobson and Kennedy's amphetamine treatments see Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-1963 (New York, 1991), 187-91; or Richard Reeves, President Kennedy: Profile of Power (New York, 1993), 146-47, 158-59.
104. On the construction of the story of Kennedy's athletic and war injuries see the extensive discussions in Joan and Clay Blair, Jr., The Search for JFK (New York, 1976); and Parmet, Jack. Both also give useful accounts of Kennedy's use of women in competition and "bonding" with other men. On Max Jacobson and Kennedy's amphetamine treatments see Michael R. Beschloss, The Crisis Years: Kennedy and Khrushchev, 1960-1963 (New York, 1991), 187-91; or Richard Reeves, President Kennedy: Profile of Power (New York, 1993), 146-47, 158-59.
105. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Conversations with Kennedy (New York, 1975), 150-51; Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, 631; Kenneth P. O'Donnell and David F. Powers, with Joe McCarthy, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye": Memories of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (Boston, 1972), 351.
106. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Conversations with Kennedy (New York, 1975), 150-51; Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, 631; Kenneth P. O'Donnell and David F. Powers, with Joe McCarthy, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye": Memories of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (Boston, 1972), 351.
107. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Conversations with Kennedy (New York, 1975), 150-51; Schlesinger, Robert Kennedy, 631; Kenneth P. O'Donnell and David F. Powers, with Joe McCarthy, "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye": Memories of John Fitzgerald Kennedy (Boston, 1972), 351.
108. See D. Michael Shafer, Deadly Paradigms: The Failure of U.S. Counterinsurgency Policy (Princeton, 1988), 107-10, on the narrative structure created by the Communist revolutionary "theorists" and their focus on themselves as "vanguard of the people," catalyst for the inevitable unfolding of history as revolution.
109. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., memorandum for the president, 10 April, 1961, Schlesinger Papers, box WH-5. It should be noted that the patrician liberal Democrat (and Groton "Old Boy") Richard Bissell was in charge of the CIA planning of the invasion.
110. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL. Michael V. Forrestal, interviewed by Jean Stein, American Journey: The Times of Robert Kennedy, ed. George Plimpton (New York, 1970), 205-7; McGeorge Bundy memorandum for the attorney general, 14 March, 1963, National Security File, box 319, Meetings and Memos, JFKL; Michael V. Forrestal memorandum for W. Averell Harriman, 20 May, 1963, NSF, box 319, M and M. See also memorandum of MONGOOSE Meeting, 4 October 1962, doc. 1520, in The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, National Security Archive, Washington, DC (Alexandria, VA, 1990). This document reveals that Robert Kennedy expressed the president's "dissatisfaction in the sabotage field," because "nothing was moving forward"; after "a sharp exchange" with the members of the Special Group (Augmented), "General Lansdale's authority over the entire MONGOOSE operation" was "clarified." Kennedy was so enamored of the legend of anti-bureaucratic derring-do surrounding Lansdale that early in his administration he wanted Lansdale as ambassador to South Vietnam, or failing that, as chief of the Military Assistance and Advisory Group to Saigon. Lansdale's appointment was blocked by Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (men of middle-class origin recruited into the administration through the certification of patrician wise man Robert Lovett), who were not so taken with Lansdale's style. Because of their opposition, and despite his "empathy" with the patrician Roswell Gilpatric (deputy secretary of defense), Lansdale found himself increasingly cut off from policy on Vietnam. Kennedy continued as a patron of Lansdale, who he apparently admiringly regarded as the "American counterpart of Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond." Lansdale continued cooking up elaborate psywar schemes and sabotage and assassination plots for MONGOOSE until Desmond FitzGerald took over Kennedy administration efforts to eliminate Castro in 1963. See Currey, Unquiet American, 227-30, 236-56; Samuel Halpern, "Revisiting the Cuban Missile Crisis," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Newsletter 24 (December 1993): 21; General Lansdale memorandum to General Johnson, Subject: Illumination by Submarine, 15 October 1962, and memorandum for the record, Minutes of the Meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) on Operation Mongoose, 26 October 1962, Mandatory Review Case NLK-90-51, JFKL.
111. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL. Michael V. Forrestal, interviewed by Jean Stein, American Journey: The Times of Robert Kennedy, ed. George Plimpton (New York, 1970), 205-7; McGeorge Bundy memorandum for the attorney general, 14 March, 1963, National Security File, box 319, Meetings and Memos, JFKL; Michael V. Forrestal memorandum for W. Averell Harriman, 20 May, 1963, NSF, box 319, M and M. See also memorandum of MONGOOSE Meeting, 4 October 1962, doc. 1520, in The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, National Security Archive, Washington, DC (Alexandria, VA, 1990). This document reveals that Robert Kennedy expressed the president's "dissatisfaction in the sabotage field," because "nothing was moving forward"; after "a sharp exchange" with the members of the Special Group (Augmented), "General Lansdale's authority over the entire MONGOOSE operation" was "clarified." Kennedy was so enamored of the legend of anti-bureaucratic derring-do surrounding Lansdale that early in his administration he wanted Lansdale as ambassador to South Vietnam, or failing that, as chief of the Military Assistance and Advisory Group to Saigon. Lansdale's appointment was blocked by Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (men of middle-class origin recruited into the administration through the certification of patrician wise man Robert Lovett), who were not so taken with Lansdale's style. Because of their opposition, and despite his "empathy" with the patrician Roswell Gilpatric (deputy secretary of defense), Lansdale found himself increasingly cut off from policy on Vietnam. Kennedy continued as a patron of Lansdale, who he apparently admiringly regarded as the "American counterpart of Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond." Lansdale continued cooking up elaborate psywar schemes and sabotage and assassination plots for MONGOOSE until Desmond FitzGerald took over Kennedy administration efforts to eliminate Castro in 1963. See Currey, Unquiet American, 227-30, 236-56; Samuel Halpern, "Revisiting the Cuban Missile Crisis," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Newsletter 24 (December 1993): 21; General Lansdale memorandum to General Johnson, Subject: Illumination by Submarine, 15 October 1962, and memorandum for the record, Minutes of the Meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) on Operation Mongoose, 26 October 1962, Mandatory Review Case NLK-90-51, JFKL.
112. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL. Michael V. Forrestal, interviewed by Jean Stein, American Journey: The Times of Robert Kennedy, ed. George Plimpton (New York, 1970), 205-7; McGeorge Bundy memorandum for the attorney general, 14 March, 1963, National Security File, box 319, Meetings and Memos, JFKL; Michael V. Forrestal memorandum for W. Averell Harriman, 20 May, 1963, NSF, box 319, M and M. See also memorandum of MONGOOSE Meeting, 4 October 1962, doc. 1520, in The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, National Security Archive, Washington, DC (Alexandria, VA, 1990). This document reveals that Robert Kennedy expressed the president's "dissatisfaction in the sabotage field," because "nothing was moving forward"; after "a sharp exchange" with the members of the Special Group (Augmented), "General Lansdale's authority over the entire MONGOOSE operation" was "clarified." Kennedy was so enamored of the legend of anti-bureaucratic derring-do surrounding Lansdale that early in his administration he wanted Lansdale as ambassador to South Vietnam, or failing that, as chief of the Military Assistance and Advisory Group to Saigon. Lansdale's appointment was blocked by Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (men of middle-class origin recruited into the administration through the certification of patrician wise man Robert Lovett), who were not so taken with Lansdale's style. Because of their opposition, and despite his "empathy" with the patrician Roswell Gilpatric (deputy secretary of defense), Lansdale found himself increasingly cut off from policy on Vietnam. Kennedy continued as a patron of Lansdale, who he apparently admiringly regarded as the "American counterpart of Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond." Lansdale continued cooking up elaborate psywar schemes and sabotage and assassination plots for MONGOOSE until Desmond FitzGerald took over Kennedy administration efforts to eliminate Castro in 1963. See Currey, Unquiet American, 227-30, 236-56; Samuel Halpern, "Revisiting the Cuban Missile Crisis," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Newsletter 24 (December 1993): 21; General Lansdale memorandum to General Johnson, Subject: Illumination by Submarine, 15 October 1962, and memorandum for the record, Minutes of the Meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) on Operation Mongoose, 26 October 1962, Mandatory Review Case NLK-90-51, JFKL.
113. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL. Michael V. Forrestal, interviewed by Jean Stein, American Journey: The Times of Robert Kennedy, ed. George Plimpton (New York, 1970), 205-7; McGeorge Bundy memorandum for the attorney general, 14 March, 1963, National Security File, box 319, Meetings and Memos, JFKL; Michael V. Forrestal memorandum for W. Averell Harriman, 20 May, 1963, NSF, box 319, M and M. See also memorandum of MONGOOSE Meeting, 4 October 1962, doc. 1520, in The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, National Security Archive, Washington, DC (Alexandria, VA, 1990). This document reveals that Robert Kennedy expressed the president's "dissatisfaction in the sabotage field," because "nothing was moving forward"; after "a sharp exchange" with the members of the Special Group (Augmented), "General Lansdale's authority over the entire MONGOOSE operation" was "clarified." Kennedy was so enamored of the legend of anti-bureaucratic derring-do surrounding Lansdale that early in his administration he wanted Lansdale as ambassador to South Vietnam, or failing that, as chief of the Military Assistance and Advisory Group to Saigon. Lansdale's appointment was blocked by Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (men of middle-class origin recruited into the administration through the certification of patrician wise man Robert Lovett), who were not so taken with Lansdale's style. Because of their opposition, and despite his "empathy" with the patrician Roswell Gilpatric (deputy secretary of defense), Lansdale found himself increasingly cut off from policy on Vietnam. Kennedy continued as a patron of Lansdale, who he apparently admiringly regarded as the "American counterpart of Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond." Lansdale continued cooking up elaborate psywar schemes and sabotage and assassination plots for MONGOOSE until Desmond FitzGerald took over Kennedy administration efforts to eliminate Castro in 1963. See Currey, Unquiet American, 227-30, 236-56; Samuel Halpern, "Revisiting the Cuban Missile Crisis," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Newsletter 24 (December 1993): 21; General Lansdale memorandum to General Johnson, Subject: Illumination by Submarine, 15 October 1962, and memorandum for the record, Minutes of the Meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) on Operation Mongoose, 26 October 1962, Mandatory Review Case NLK-90-51, JFKL.
114. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL. Michael V. Forrestal, interviewed by Jean Stein, American Journey: The Times of Robert Kennedy, ed. George Plimpton (New York, 1970), 205-7; McGeorge Bundy memorandum for the attorney general, 14 March, 1963, National Security File, box 319, Meetings and Memos, JFKL; Michael V. Forrestal memorandum for W. Averell Harriman, 20 May, 1963, NSF, box 319, M and M. See also memorandum of MONGOOSE Meeting, 4 October 1962, doc. 1520, in The Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962, National Security Archive, Washington, DC (Alexandria, VA, 1990). This document reveals that Robert Kennedy expressed the president's "dissatisfaction in the sabotage field," because "nothing was moving forward"; after "a sharp exchange" with the members of the Special Group (Augmented), "General Lansdale's authority over the entire MONGOOSE operation" was "clarified." Kennedy was so enamored of the legend of anti-bureaucratic derring-do surrounding Lansdale that early in his administration he wanted Lansdale as ambassador to South Vietnam, or failing that, as chief of the Military Assistance and Advisory Group to Saigon. Lansdale's appointment was blocked by Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara (men of middle-class origin recruited into the administration through the certification of patrician wise man Robert Lovett), who were not so taken with Lansdale's style. Because of their opposition, and despite his "empathy" with the patrician Roswell Gilpatric (deputy secretary of defense), Lansdale found himself increasingly cut off from policy on Vietnam. Kennedy continued as a patron of Lansdale, who he apparently admiringly regarded as the "American counterpart of Ian Fleming's fictional character James Bond." Lansdale continued cooking up elaborate psywar schemes and sabotage and assassination plots for MONGOOSE until Desmond FitzGerald took over Kennedy administration efforts to eliminate Castro in 1963. See Currey, Unquiet American, 227-30, 236-56; Samuel Halpern, "Revisiting the Cuban Missile Crisis," Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations Newsletter 24 (December 1993): 21; General Lansdale memorandum to General Johnson, Subject: Illumination by Submarine, 15 October 1962, and memorandum for the record, Minutes of the Meeting of the Special Group (Augmented) on Operation Mongoose, 26 October 1962, Mandatory Review Case NLK-90-51, JFKL.
115. Beschloss, Crisis Years, 225, 297, 375-77; Roswell L. Gilpatric, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 5 May 1970, pp. 8-9, 36, 99-100, JFKL.
116. Memorandum to the president from W.W.R. [Walt Whitman Rostow], 23 February 1961, and memorandum for the president, from: WWR, 27 March 1961, NSF, box 325, M and M; Joseph Kraft, "Hot Weapon in the Cold War," Saturday Evening Post, 28 April 1962, 87-91; Theodore Sorensen, Kennedy (New York, 1965), 632-33. For another example of media representations of the Green Berets see George W. Goodman, "The Unconventional Warriors," Esquire, November 1961. For an example of the military thinking that Kennedy favored see Lieutenant Colonel T. N. Greene, ed., The Guerrilla - And How to Fight Him: Selections from the Marine Corps Gazette (New York, 1962). It should be noted that Edward Lansdale was intimately involved in the genesis and promotion of a series of books on counterinsurgency published by Praeger; the publisher advocated the creation of a "somewhat different American soldier and officer, frugal, tough, adjusted to tropical climate, mentally attuned to long stretches of jungle life." Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 10 July 1962, Lansdale Papers, box 48. See also letters by Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 8 March and 17 and 18 July 1962, and Lansdale to Praeger, 26 March and 22 October 1962, Landsale Papers, box 6.
117. Memorandum to the president from W.W.R. [Walt Whitman Rostow], 23 February 1961, and memorandum for the president, from: WWR, 27 March 1961, NSF, box 325, M and M; Joseph Kraft, "Hot Weapon in the Cold War," Saturday Evening Post, 28 April 1962, 87-91; Theodore Sorensen, Kennedy (New York, 1965), 632-33. For another example of media representations of the Green Berets see George W. Goodman, "The Unconventional Warriors," Esquire, November 1961. For an example of the military thinking that Kennedy favored see Lieutenant Colonel T. N. Greene, ed., The Guerrilla - And How to Fight Him: Selections from the Marine Corps Gazette (New York, 1962). It should be noted that Edward Lansdale was intimately involved in the genesis and promotion of a series of books on counterinsurgency published by Praeger; the publisher advocated the creation of a "somewhat different American soldier and officer, frugal, tough, adjusted to tropical climate, mentally attuned to long stretches of jungle life." Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 10 July 1962, Lansdale Papers, box 48. See also letters by Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 8 March and 17 and 18 July 1962, and Lansdale to Praeger, 26 March and 22 October 1962, Landsale Papers, box 6.
118. Memorandum to the president from W.W.R. [Walt Whitman Rostow], 23 February 1961, and memorandum for the president, from: WWR, 27 March 1961, NSF, box 325, M and M; Joseph Kraft, "Hot Weapon in the Cold War," Saturday Evening Post, 28 April 1962, 87-91; Theodore Sorensen, Kennedy (New York, 1965), 632-33. For another example of media representations of the Green Berets see George W. Goodman, "The Unconventional Warriors," Esquire, November 1961. For an example of the military thinking that Kennedy favored see Lieutenant Colonel T. N. Greene, ed., The Guerrilla - And How to Fight Him: Selections from the Marine Corps Gazette (New York, 1962). It should be noted that Edward Lansdale was intimately involved in the genesis and promotion of a series of books on counterinsurgency published by Praeger; the publisher advocated the creation of a "somewhat different American soldier and officer, frugal, tough, adjusted to tropical climate, mentally attuned to long stretches of jungle life." Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 10 July 1962, Lansdale Papers, box 48. See also letters by Frederick A. Praeger to Lansdale, 8 March and 17 and 18 July 1962, and Lansdale to Praeger, 26 March and 22 October 1962, Landsale Papers, box 6.
119. Roger Hilsman, "Internal War: The New Communist Tactic," in Greene, ed., Guerrilla, 29.; Hilsman, American Guerrilla: My War Behind Japanese Lines (Washington, 1990), 253-80. Hilsman, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 14 August 1970, p. 18, JFKL.
120. Roger Hilsman, "Internal War: The New Communist Tactic," in Greene, ed., Guerrilla, 29.; Hilsman, American Guerrilla: My War Behind Japanese Lines (Washington, 1990), 253-80. Hilsman, oral history interview by Dennis J. O'Brien, 14 August 1970, p. 18, JFKL.
121. Blaufarb, Counterinsurgency Era, 76-77, 71-74; George Ball, interview in Stein and Plimpton, American Journey, 207-8.
122. Blaufarb, Counterinsurgency Era, 76-77, 71-74; George Ball, interview in Stein and Plimpton, American Journey, 207-8.
123. Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 1238-39; Gary May, "Passing the Torch and Lighting Fires: The Peace Corps," in Kennedy's Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy, 1961-1963, ed. Thomas G. Paterson (New York, 1989), 285-87.
124. Freedom of Communications: Part I, Speeches of Kennedy, 1238-39; Gary May, "Passing the Torch and Lighting Fires: The Peace Corps," in Kennedy's Quest for Victory: American Foreign Policy, 1961-1963, ed. Thomas G. Paterson (New York, 1989), 285-87.
125. "Author Backs Kennedy Plan," UPI, 6 November 1960 (see the New York Times, 7 November 1960, 35); Gerard T. Rice, The Bold Experiment: JFK's Peace Corps (Notre Dame, 1985), 33, 86-87. Rice provides a serviceable institutional history of the Peace Corps. During the presidential campaign, Nixon had attacked Kennedy's Peace Corps proposal as an "escape hatch" for upper-class draft evaders; see Freedom of Communication: Part II, Speeches of Nixon, 1061.
126. "Author Backs Kennedy Plan," UPI, 6 November 1960 (see the New York Times, 7 November 1960, 35); Gerard T. Rice, The Bold Experiment: JFK's Peace Corps (Notre Dame, 1985), 33, 86-87. Rice provides a serviceable institutional history of the Peace Corps. During the presidential campaign, Nixon had attacked Kennedy's Peace Corps proposal as an "escape hatch" for upper-class draft evaders; see Freedom of Communication: Part II, Speeches of Nixon, 1061.
127. "Author Backs Kennedy Plan," UPI, 6 November 1960 (see the New York Times, 7 November 1960, 35); Gerard T. Rice, The Bold Experiment: JFK's Peace Corps (Notre Dame, 1985), 33, 86-87. Rice provides a serviceable institutional history of the Peace Corps. During the presidential campaign, Nixon had attacked Kennedy's Peace Corps proposal as an "escape hatch" for upper-class draft evaders; see Freedom of Communication: Part II, Speeches of Nixon, 1061.
128. "The Peace Corps: A U.S. Ideal Abroad," Time, 5 July 1963, 20-21; Peter Braestrup, "Peace Corpsman No. 1 - A Progress Report," New York Times Magazine, 17 December 1961; Rice, Bold Experiment, 138-39. Adam Yarmolinsky, oral history interview by Daniel Ellsberg, 11 November 1964, p. 20, JFKL.
129. "The Peace Corps: A U.S. Ideal Abroad," Time, 5 July 1963, 20-21; Peter Braestrup, "Peace Corpsman No. 1 - A Progress Report," New York Times Magazine, 17 December 1961; Rice, Bold Experiment, 138-39. Adam Yarmolinsky, oral history interview by Daniel Ellsberg, 11 November 1964, p. 20, JFKL.
130. "The Peace Corps: A U.S. Ideal Abroad," Time, 5 July 1963, 20-21; Peter Braestrup, "Peace Corpsman No. 1 - A Progress Report," New York Times Magazine, 17 December 1961; Rice, Bold Experiment, 138-39. Adam Yarmolinsky, oral history interview by Daniel Ellsberg, 11 November 1964, p. 20, JFKL.
131. "The Peace Corps: A U.S. Ideal Abroad," Time, 5 July 1963, 20-21; Peter Braestrup, "Peace Corpsman No. 1 - A Progress Report," New York Times Magazine, 17 December 1961; Rice, Bold Experiment, 138-39. Adam Yarmolinsky, oral history interview by Daniel Ellsberg, 11 November 1964, p. 20, JFKL.
132. Occasionally the Peace Corps served as a theater of last resort for liberals squeezed out of the White House foreign policy apparatus; Dick Goodwin, removed from proximity to the president in 1962, resolved that he was not "going to let them cut off [his] balls" and was welcomed into the Peace Corps as personal assistant to Sargent Shriver, replicating in some ways his former relation to Kennedy. Goodwin, Remembering America, 216.
133. Charles E. Wingenbach, The Peace Corps - Who, How, and Where (New York, 1963), 64-67; Coates Redmon, Come as You Are: The Peace Corps Story (San Diego, 1986), 96-97.
134. Charles E. Wingenbach, The Peace Corps - Who, How, and Where (New York, 1963), 64-67; Coates Redmon, Come as You Are: The Peace Corps Story (San Diego, 1986), 96-97.
135. Kann, On the Man Question, 75; Wingenbach, The Peace Corps, 65; memorandum, "Orientation for Peace Corps Staff Wives," 2 July 1962, Gerald W. Bush Papers, box 6, JFKL. This brief discussion does not begin to explore the complexity and variety of women's experience in the Peace Corps, or the ramifications of that experience to the women's movement in the later 1960s, all of which lie outside the scope of this study. However, it is worth quoting Betty Harris (founder of Ms. magazine) on her experience as deputy associate director of the Office of Peace Corps Volunteers: "People ask me, how did I get involved in the women's movement? I tell them: at the Peace Corps. For the first time, I had come to realize fully the very discriminatory nature of men's attitudes toward women," Redmon, Come as You Are, 97.
136. Kann, On the Man Question, 75; Wingenbach, The Peace Corps, 65; memorandum, "Orientation for Peace Corps Staff Wives," 2 July 1962, Gerald W. Bush Papers, box 6, JFKL. This brief discussion does not begin to explore the complexity and variety of women's experience in the Peace Corps, or the ramifications of that experience to the women's movement in the later 1960s, all of which lie outside the scope of this study. However, it is worth quoting Betty Harris (founder of Ms. magazine) on her experience as deputy associate director of the Office of Peace Corps Volunteers: "People ask me, how did I get involved in the women's movement? I tell them: at the Peace Corps. For the first time, I had come to realize fully the very discriminatory nature of men's attitudes toward women," Redmon, Come as You Are, 97.
137. Kann, On the Man Question, 75; Wingenbach, The Peace Corps, 65; memorandum, "Orientation for Peace Corps Staff Wives," 2 July 1962, Gerald W. Bush Papers, box 6, JFKL. This brief discussion does not begin to explore the complexity and variety of women's experience in the Peace Corps, or the ramifications of that experience to the women's movement in the later 1960s, all of which lie outside the scope of this study. However, it is worth quoting Betty Harris (founder of Ms. magazine) on her experience as deputy associate director of the Office of Peace Corps Volunteers: "People ask me, how did I get involved in the women's movement? I tell them: at the Peace Corps. For the first time, I had come to realize fully the very discriminatory nature of men's attitudes toward women," Redmon, Come as You Are, 97.
138. "Peace Corps: U.S. Ideal Abroad," 20.
139. Rice, Bold Experiment, 153-54; Renate Wilson, Inside Outward Bound (Charlotte, NC, 1981), 9; Redmon, Come as You Are, 58. Brainchild of Kurt Hahn, the founder and headmaster of the public school Gordonstoun, the Outward Bound Schools began in Britain during World War II as an effort to "re-masculinize" soft British (working-class) youth. Apparently, one intent of the schools was to expose working-class males to the kinds of neostoic physical and moral ordeals upper-class boys experienced in public school. See Wilson, Inside, 7-34; and J. M. Hogan, Impelled into Experiences: The Story of the Outward Bound Schools (Wakefield, Yorkshire, 1968).
140. Rice, Bold Experiment, 153-54; Renate Wilson, Inside Outward Bound (Charlotte, NC, 1981), 9; Redmon, Come as You Are, 58. Brainchild of Kurt Hahn, the founder and headmaster of the public school Gordonstoun, the Outward Bound Schools began in Britain during World War II as an effort to "re-masculinize" soft British (working-class) youth. Apparently, one intent of the schools was to expose working-class males to the kinds of neostoic physical and moral ordeals upper-class boys experienced in public school. See Wilson, Inside, 7-34; and J. M. Hogan, Impelled into Experiences: The Story of the Outward Bound Schools (Wakefield, Yorkshire, 1968).
141. Rice, Bold Experiment, 153-54; Renate Wilson, Inside Outward Bound (Charlotte, NC, 1981), 9; Redmon, Come as You Are, 58. Brainchild of Kurt Hahn, the founder and headmaster of the public school Gordonstoun, the Outward Bound Schools began in Britain during World War II as an effort to "re-masculinize" soft British (working-class) youth. Apparently, one intent of the schools was to expose working-class males to the kinds of neostoic physical and moral ordeals upper-class boys experienced in public school. See Wilson, Inside, 7-34; and J. M. Hogan, Impelled into Experiences: The Story of the Outward Bound Schools (Wakefield, Yorkshire, 1968).
142. Rice, Bold Experiment, 153-54; Renate Wilson, Inside Outward Bound (Charlotte, NC, 1981), 9; Redmon, Come as You Are, 58. Brainchild of Kurt Hahn, the founder and headmaster of the public school Gordonstoun, the Outward Bound Schools began in Britain during World War II as an effort to "re-masculinize" soft British (working-class) youth. Apparently, one intent of the schools was to expose working-class males to the kinds of neostoic physical and moral ordeals upper-class boys experienced in public school. See Wilson, Inside, 7-34; and J. M. Hogan, Impelled into Experiences: The Story of the Outward Bound Schools (Wakefield, Yorkshire, 1968).
143. Rice, Bold Experiment, 153-54; Renate Wilson, Inside Outward Bound (Charlotte, NC, 1981), 9; Redmon, Come as You Are, 58. Brainchild of Kurt Hahn, the founder and headmaster of the public school Gordonstoun, the Outward Bound Schools began in Britain during World War II as an effort to "re-masculinize" soft British (working-class) youth. Apparently, one intent of the schools was to expose working-class males to the kinds of neostoic physical and moral ordeals upper-class boys experienced in public school. See Wilson, Inside, 7-34; and J. M. Hogan, Impelled into Experiences: The Story of the Outward Bound Schools (Wakefield, Yorkshire, 1968).
144. R. Sargent Shriver, "The Peace Corps' First Two Years," draft article submitted to Foreign Affairs, 14 May 1963, p. 28, President's Office Files (POF), box 86, JFKL.
145. Rice, Bold Experiment, 142, 160; Who's Who in the Peace Corps: Washington [1963], p. 46, Bush Papers, box 9; Bradley H. Patterson memorandum, 10 August 1961, Bush Papers, box 6. The psychologist was Lowell Kelly, former chairman of the psychology department at the University of Michigan. On the Cold War discourses of homosexuality, disease, and subversion, see Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation."
146. Rice, Bold Experiment, 142, 160; Who's Who in the Peace Corps: Washington [1963], p. 46, Bush Papers, box 9; Bradley H. Patterson memorandum, 10 August 1961, Bush Papers, box 6. The psychologist was Lowell Kelly, former chairman of the psychology department at the University of Michigan. On the Cold War discourses of homosexuality, disease, and subversion, see Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation."
147. R. Sargent Shriver memorandum to the president, 7 December 1961, POF, box 85. "Biodata" sheet on Robert Hicks Bates, POF, box 86. For a representative sample of the publicity about the staff see Who's Who in the Peace Corps, Bush Papers, box 9. On standards of "service and volunteerism" see R. Sargent Shriver to overseas staff, n.d. [1961], POF, box 85.
148. Rice, Bold Experiment, 155, 195, 207.
149. William J. Lederer to William Haddad, 14 January and 3 February 1962, Lederer Papers; author's telephone interview with William J. Lederer, 29 January 1997.
150. William Lederer, rough draft, Evaluation Report on Philippines VIII Project at Hilo, Hawaii [n.d.], and W. J. Lederer to Colonel E. G. Lansdale, 3 December 1957, Lederer Papers.
151. RSS [Shriver] to the president, 7 June 1962, POF, box 86; clipping, AP story dateline 6 June 1962, "Thai boxer Held to Draw by U.S. Peace Corpsman," POF, box 86; Bill D. Moyers, acting director, memorandum to the president, 12 March 1963, NSF, box 284; Shriver to the president, 27 October 1961, POF, box 85.
152. Kennedy-Shriver conversation on the Peace Corps, 2 April 1963, belt 17B, p. 2, Presidential Recordings Transcripts, POF; John F. Kennedy, "Remarks of the President at Peace Corps Meeting in the Chamber of Commerce Auditorium, Washington, DC," 14 June 1961, POF, box 86; Rice, Bold Experiment, 292-93.
153. Sargent Shriver memorandum to the president, 20 June 1961, cited in Rice, Bold Experiment, 264.
154. Harris Wofford memorandum to the president, 25 May 1961, and R. Sargent Shriver to the president, 27 October 1961, POF, box 85; R. Sargent Shriver to Eunice Shriver, n.d. [1962], and "The Secrets of its Success: The Hearst Panel interview with Sargent Shriver," clipping, POF, box 86.
155. Sargent Shriver, Commencement Address, University of Notre Dame, 4 June 1961, and HHS [Harold Saunders] memorandum to McGB [Bundy], 18 January 1963, NSF, box 284: transcript, Kennedy-Shriver conversation on the Peace Corps, 2 April 1963, belt 17A, p. 1, POF; Dean Rusk, Airgram to overseas Missions, 25 March 1963, NSF, box 284.
156. HHS memorandum to McGB, 18 January 1963, NSF, box 284 (emphasis in original).
157. McGeorge Bundy memorandum to Shriver, 19 January 1963, NSF, box 284.
158. Shriver, Commencement Address, Notre Dame, 4 June 1961, NSF, box 284.
159. Dallas Morning News editor E. M. Dealy, quoted in Beschloss, Crisis Years, 327.
160. Dallas Morning News editor E. M. Dealy, quoted in Beschloss, Crisis Years, 327.