Is robust globalism a mistake?

Review of International Studies

Volumn 23, Issue 2, 1997, Pages 211-239

  Spegele, Roger D ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0039460265     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210597002118     Document Type: Review

References (134)

1. For the distinguishing features of these conceptions, see my 'Theory and Practice in the Recent Study of International Relations', The Jerusalem Journal of International Relations, 7 (1985), pp. 1-27.
2. On this theme, see Theodor Adorno, Negative Dialectics (London, 1973); Martin Heidegger, 'The Word of Nietzsche, "God is Dead"', in The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays, tr. William Lovitt (New York, 1977); and Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism (New York, 1984).
3. On this theme, see Theodor Adorno, Negative Dialectics (London, 1973); Martin Heidegger, 'The Word of Nietzsche, "God is Dead"', in The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays, tr. William Lovitt (New York, 1977); and Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism (New York, 1984).
4. On this theme, see Theodor Adorno, Negative Dialectics (London, 1973); Martin Heidegger, 'The Word of Nietzsche, "God is Dead"', in The Question Concerning Technology and Other Essays, tr. William Lovitt (New York, 1977); and Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism (New York, 1984).
5. For an anthology containing many articles falling into this category, see Richard Falk, S. Kim and Saul H Mendlovitz (eds.), Toward a Just World Order (Boulder, CO, 1982). See also Ronnie D. Lipschutz, 'Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society', Millennium, 21 (1992), pp. 389-420. This special number of Millennium contains a number of articles relevant to the issues raised in the first section of this article. For another expression of this view, see Mel Gurtov, Global Politics in the Human Interest, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO, 1991).
6. For an anthology containing many articles falling into this category, see Richard Falk, S. Kim and Saul H Mendlovitz (eds.), Toward a Just World Order (Boulder, CO, 1982). See also Ronnie D. Lipschutz, 'Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society', Millennium, 21 (1992), pp. 389-420. This special number of Millennium contains a number of articles relevant to the issues raised in the first section of this article. For another expression of this view, see Mel Gurtov, Global Politics in the Human Interest, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO, 1991).
7. For an anthology containing many articles falling into this category, see Richard Falk, S. Kim and Saul H Mendlovitz (eds.), Toward a Just World Order (Boulder, CO, 1982). See also Ronnie D. Lipschutz, 'Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society', Millennium, 21 (1992), pp. 389-420. This special number of Millennium contains a number of articles relevant to the issues raised in the first section of this article. For another expression of this view, see Mel Gurtov, Global Politics in the Human Interest, 2nd edn (Boulder, CO, 1991).
8. Political Theory, 20 (1992), pp. 8-37; see also A. Gilbert, 'Marx on Internationalism and War', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 7 (1978), pp. 346-69, and Democratic Individuality (Cambridge, 1990).
9. Political Theory, 20 (1992), pp. 8-37; see also A. Gilbert, 'Marx on Internationalism and War', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 7 (1978), pp. 346-69, and Democratic Individuality (Cambridge, 1990).
10. Political Theory, 20 (1992), pp. 8-37; see also A. Gilbert, 'Marx on Internationalism and War', Philosophy and Public Affairs, 7 (1978), pp. 346-69, and Democratic Individuality (Cambridge, 1990).
11. Gilbert, 'Must Global Politics', p. 10.
12. Ibid.
13. For some reasons why, see Richard J. Bernstein, Beyond Objectivism ami Relativism (Oxford, 1983);
14. John Rajchman and Cornel West (eds.), Post-Analytic Philosophy (New York, 1985);
15. and Peter Dews, Logics of Disintegration (London, 1987).
16. Gilbert, 'Must Global Politics', p. 11
17. On this point, and much else, I agree with Janna Thompson, Justice and World Order: A Philosophical Inquiry (London, 1992), esp. pp. 1-23.
18. Stephen Gill, 'Historical Materialism, Gramsci, and International Political Economy', in Craig N. Murphy and Roger Tooze (eds.), The New International Political Economy (Boulder, CO, 1991), p. 57.
19. G. A. Cohen, Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence (Oxford, 1978). See also his History, Labour, and Freedom (Oxford, 1988), esp. pp. 14-20.
20. G. A. Cohen, Karl Marx's Theory of History: A Defence (Oxford, 1978). See also his History, Labour, and Freedom (Oxford, 1988), esp. pp. 14-20.
21. For an example of this view, see Jonathan Rée, 'Internationality', Radical Philosophy, 60 (Spring 1992), pp. 3-11. For a balanced response, see Ross Poole, 'On National Identity: A Response to Jonathan Rée', Radical Philosophy, 62 (Autumn 1992), pp. 14-19.
22. For an example of this view, see Jonathan Rée, 'Internationality', Radical Philosophy, 60 (Spring 1992), pp. 3-11. For a balanced response, see Ross Poole, 'On National Identity: A Response to Jonathan Rée', Radical Philosophy, 62 (Autumn 1992), pp. 14-19.
23. Z. Hegedus, 'Social Movements and Social Change in Self-Creative Society: New Civil Initiatives in the International Arena', International Sociology, 4 (1989), pp. 19-36, p. 19.
24. See, for example, Fred Halliday, 'Three Concepts of Internationalism', International Affairs, 64 (1988), pp. 187-98, pp. 188, 194-8. Halliday seems to hold that revolutionary internationalism has 'validity' because it exists. This version of the real being rational is obvious in its absurdity. Would one say that concentration camps have validity because they exist? Clearly not. But perhaps I've misread him.
25. See Thomas Pogge, 'Rawls and Social Justice', Canadian Journal of Philosophy, 18 (1988), pp. 227-56; and Thompson, Justice and World Order.
26. See Thomas Pogge, 'Rawls and Social Justice', Canadian Journal of Philosophy, 18 (1988), pp. 227-56; and Thompson, Justice and World Order.
27. That to be found, for example, in Andrew Linklater. See n.21 below.
28. See Jürgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, tr. Jeremy J. Shapiro (London, 1972); and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Democratic Politics (London, 1985).
29. See Jürgen Habermas, Knowledge and Human Interests, tr. Jeremy J. Shapiro (London, 1972); and Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Democratic Politics (London, 1985).
30. See Ken Booth, 'Security and Emancipation', Review of International Studies, 17 (1991), pp. 313-26.
31. V. Spike Peterson, 'Transgressing Boundaries: Theories of Knowledge, Gender and International Relations', Millennium, 21 (1992), pp. 183-206, pp. 2034.
32. James N. Rosenau (ed.), Global Voices: Dialogues in International Relations (Boulder, CO, 1993).
33. Andrew Linklater, Men and Citizens (London, 1982), and Beyond Realism and Marxism (New York, 1989). Although it could be held, with considerable justice, that Linklater's views, as expressed in Beyond Realism and Marxism, are not vulnerable to the main criticisms in this section, this only shows that Linklater has given up trying to defend a necessary link between theory and practice. But the consequence of this is that although it makes his views more plausible, it puts an even greater gap between these views and any emancipatory understanding of international relations.
34. Andrew Linklater, Men and Citizens (London, 1982), and Beyond Realism and Marxism (New York, 1989). Although it could be held, with considerable justice, that Linklater's views, as expressed in Beyond Realism and Marxism, are not vulnerable to the main criticisms in this section, this only shows that Linklater has given up trying to defend a necessary link between theory and practice. But the consequence of this is that although it makes his views more plausible, it puts an even greater gap between these views and any emancipatory understanding of international relations.
35. Linklater, Men and Citizens, p. 160.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid., p. 166.
38. Ibid., p. 199.
39. Ibid., p. 140.
40. Ibid., p. 147.
41. Ibid.
42. Linklater, Beyond Realism and Marxism, pp. 16-17.
43. Robert W. Cox, 'Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory', Millennium, 10 (1981), pp. 126-54.
44. Ibid., p. 127.
45. Ibid., p. 129.
46. Ibid.
47. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
49. Ibid., p. 130; emphasis added.
50. Ibid.
51. Robert W. Cox, Production, Power, and World Order (New York, 1987).
52. Ibid., p. ix.
53. Ibid., p. 1, emphasis added.
54. Ibid., p. ix.
55. Ibid., p. x.
56. See R. N. D. Martin and Stuart Brown (eds.), 'Introduction', in G. W. F. Leibniz: Discourse on Metaphysics and Related Writings (Manchester, 1988), p. 8.
57. On this point, see Nicholas Rescher, The Philosophy of Leibniz (Enalewood Cliffs, NJ, 1967), pp. 59-60.
58. Cox, Production, p. 393.
59. Ibid., p. 394.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid., p. 396.
62. Ibid., p. 403.
63. Remember Oscar Wilde's witticism: 'How many free nights does one have to give up to be a good socialist?' To show that this claim arises not only from outside the Marxian legacy, see Cohen, History, Labour, and Freedom, ch. 8, and Jon Elster, Making Sense of Marx (Cambridge, 1985), ch. 9.
64. Remember Oscar Wilde's witticism: 'How many free nights does one have to give up to be a good socialist?' To show that this claim arises not only from outside the Marxian legacy, see Cohen, History, Labour, and Freedom, ch. 8, and Jon Elster, Making Sense of Marx (Cambridge, 1985), ch. 9.
65. Cox, Production, p. 403.
66. Ibid.
67. On this point, see Perry Anderson, In the Tracks of Historical Materialism (London, 1983), pp. 9-14.
68. Cox, Production, p. 403. It is worth noting that Antonio Gramsci, upon whom Cox is said to rely for his own view, seems to have believed that such sacrifices were justified given the 'truth' of historical materialism. See Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Prison Notebooks (London, 1971), pp. 454ff. Cox evidently disagrees.
69. Cox, Production, p. 403. It is worth noting that Antonio Gramsci, upon whom Cox is said to rely for his own view, seems to have believed that such sacrifices were justified given the 'truth' of historical materialism. See Antonio Gramsci, Selections from Prison Notebooks (London, 1971), pp. 454ff. Cox evidently disagrees.
70. Linklater, Men and Citizens, esp. p. 198, and Beyond Realism and Marxism.
71. N. Scott Arnold, Marx's Radical Critique of Capitalist Society: A Reconstruction and Critical Evaluation (New York, 1990), p. 225.
72. This interpretation of Lyotard owes a good deal to Richard Rorty. See his illuminating essay, 'Habermas and Lyotard on Postmodernity', in Richard Rorty (ed.), Essays on Heidegger and Others, vol. 2, Philosophical Papers, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 164-76.
73. Rorty, 'Habermas and Lyotard', p. 174.
74. Justin Rosenberg, 'What's the Matter with Realism?', Review of International Studies, 16 (1990), pp. 285-303, p. 285.
75. Richard Ashley, 'The Geopolitics of Geopolitical Space: Toward a Critical Social Theory of International Politics', Alternatives, 12:4 (1987), pp. 403-34.
76. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
77. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
78. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
79. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
80. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
81. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939);
82. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
83. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
84. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
85. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
86. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
87. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
88. The locus classicus of neorealism is to be found in Kenneth N. Waltz, Theory of International Politics (Reading, MA, 1979), and 'Reflections on Theory of International Politics: A Response to My Critics', in Robert Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics (New York, 1986); and Robert Gilpin, War and Change in World Politics (Cambridge, 1981), and 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also David A. Baldwin (ed.), Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate (New York, 1993). For a variety of quite understandable reasons, neorealists often picture their position as the natural successor of the classical Realist tradition, including, in particular, Hans J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle For Power and Peace (New York, 1948 and later edns); E. H. Carr, The Twenty Years' Crisis: An Introduction to the Study of International Relations (London, 1939); Martin Wight, Power Politics (Harmondsworth, 1978); and Henry Kissinger, A World Restored: Castlereagh, Metternich, and the Problem of Peace, 1812-1822 (Boston, 1957). Those familiar with the traditional methodologies employed by these earlier Realists might wonder whether they would accept the neorealist effort to link up with classical versions of this school of thought. For reasons why they might not find these bedfellows to their liking, see Hedley Bull, 'International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach', in Klaus Knorr and James Rosenau (eds.), Contending Approaches to International Politics (Princeton, 1969); and Richard Ashley, 'The Poverty of Neorealism', in Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and Its Critics. See also my article, 'Three Forms of Political Realism', Political Studies, 35 (1987), pp. 189-210, and my book, Political Realism in International Theory (Cambridge, 1996).
89. The idea of a pragmatic version of Realism as a conception of science has been shaped in many different ways by the remarkable writings of Hilary Putnam. See, in particular, Words and Life (Cambridge, MA, 1994), part 3, and Pragmatism: An Open Question (Oxford, 1995). In my view, but evidently contrary to Putnam's, however, Lyotard's project may be seen as at least partially consistent with the pragmatist's goal of drawing out the implications of the demise of foundationalist understandings of politics, including, in particular, that to be found in robust globalism.
90. The idea of a pragmatic version of Realism as a conception of science has been shaped in many different ways by the remarkable writings of Hilary Putnam. See, in particular, Words and Life (Cambridge, MA, 1994), part 3, and Pragmatism: An Open Question (Oxford, 1995). In my view, but evidently contrary to Putnam's, however, Lyotard's project may be seen as at least partially consistent with the pragmatist's goal of drawing out the implications of the demise of foundationalist understandings of politics, including, in particular, that to be found in robust globalism.
91. John Rawls' ideas on considered judgments may be found in A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA, 1971), pp. 19-21, 48-51, 577-87, and John Rawls, 'The Independence of Moral Theory', Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, 47 (1974/5), pp. 7-10.
92. John Rawls' ideas on considered judgments may be found in A Theory of Justice (Cambridge, MA, 1971), pp. 19-21, 48-51, 577-87, and John Rawls, 'The Independence of Moral Theory', Proceedings and Addresses of the American Philosophical Association, 47 (1974/5), pp. 7-10.
93. On this point, see Brian Fay, Critical Social Science (Ithaca, NY, 1987).
94. This idea has its fullest expression in Carl Hempel's 'Studies in the Logic of Confirmation', in Carl Hempel (ed.), Aspects of Scientific Explanation (New York, 1965), p. 10. It has found a resonance in John A. Vasquez, The Power of Power Politics: A Critique (London, 1983), and 'The Post-Positivist Debate: Reconstructing Scientific Enquiry and International Relations Theory after Enlightenment's Fall', in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International Relations Theory Today (Oxford, 1995), pp. 217-40. Notwithstanding efforts to put some distance between his views and classical positivism, Vasquez makes it clear that there is a set of criteria, six in number, which will enable us to identify 'good' theories of international relations. Since one of the most important characteristics of positivism is precisely this idea, it is hard to see why Vasquez should shrink from identifying his view as 'positivist'. This is worth mentioning here to illustrate a pervasive tendency to avoid identification with 'unfashionable' views. My view is that if the shoe fits, one has to wear it, even if it pinches from time to time.
95. This idea has its fullest expression in Carl Hempel's 'Studies in the Logic of Confirmation', in Carl Hempel (ed.), Aspects of Scientific Explanation (New York, 1965), p. 10. It has found a resonance in John A. Vasquez, The Power of Power Politics: A Critique (London, 1983), and 'The Post-Positivist Debate: Reconstructing Scientific Enquiry and International Relations Theory after Enlightenment's Fall', in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International Relations Theory Today (Oxford, 1995), pp. 217-40. Notwithstanding efforts to put some distance between his views and classical positivism, Vasquez makes it clear that there is a set of criteria, six in number, which will enable us to identify 'good' theories of international relations. Since one of the most important characteristics of positivism is precisely this idea, it is hard to see why Vasquez should shrink from identifying his view as 'positivist'. This is worth mentioning here to illustrate a pervasive tendency to avoid identification with 'unfashionable' views. My view is that if the shoe fits, one has to wear it, even if it pinches from time to time.
96. This idea has its fullest expression in Carl Hempel's 'Studies in the Logic of Confirmation', in Carl Hempel (ed.), Aspects of Scientific Explanation (New York, 1965), p. 10. It has found a resonance in John A. Vasquez, The Power of Power Politics: A Critique (London, 1983), and 'The Post-Positivist Debate: Reconstructing Scientific Enquiry and International Relations Theory after Enlightenment's Fall', in Ken Booth and Steve Smith (eds.), International Relations Theory Today (Oxford, 1995), pp. 217-40. Notwithstanding efforts to put some distance between his views and classical positivism, Vasquez makes it clear that there is a set of criteria, six in number, which will enable us to identify 'good' theories of international relations. Since one of the most important characteristics of positivism is precisely this idea, it is hard to see why Vasquez should shrink from identifying his view as 'positivist'. This is worth mentioning here to illustrate a pervasive tendency to avoid identification with 'unfashionable' views. My view is that if the shoe fits, one has to wear it, even if it pinches from time to time.
97. Consider, for example, the debate between Markus Fischer, 'Feudal Europe, 800-1300: Communal Discourses and Conflictual Practices', International Organization, 46 (1992), pp. 426-66, and 'On Context, Facts, and Norms: Response to Hall and Kratochwil', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 493-500, in defence of neorealism, and Rodney Bruce Hall and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, 'Medieval Tales: Neorealist "Science" and the Abuse of History', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 479-91, ostensibly supporting critical theory. Although the central question whether such entities as independently knowable, non-conceptualized facts can exist was raised during the debate, no attempt to resolve this or any other genuine philosophical issue was made by the discussants. The reason for this may lie in the (still) widely shared positivist idea that experience alone is the ultimate source of knowledge.
98. Consider, for example, the debate between Markus Fischer, 'Feudal Europe, 800-1300: Communal Discourses and Conflictual Practices', International Organization, 46 (1992), pp. 426-66, and 'On Context, Facts, and Norms: Response to Hall and Kratochwil', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 493-500, in defence of neorealism, and Rodney Bruce Hall and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, 'Medieval Tales: Neorealist "Science" and the Abuse of History', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 479-91, ostensibly supporting critical theory. Although the central question whether such entities as independently knowable, non-conceptualized facts can exist was raised during the debate, no attempt to resolve this or any other genuine philosophical issue was made by the discussants. The reason for this may lie in the (still) widely shared positivist idea that experience alone is the ultimate source of knowledge.
99. Consider, for example, the debate between Markus Fischer, 'Feudal Europe, 800-1300: Communal Discourses and Conflictual Practices', International Organization, 46 (1992), pp. 426-66, and 'On Context, Facts, and Norms: Response to Hall and Kratochwil', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 493-500, in defence of neorealism, and Rodney Bruce Hall and Friedrich V. Kratochwil, 'Medieval Tales: Neorealist "Science" and the Abuse of History', International Organization, 47 (1993), pp. 479-91, ostensibly supporting critical theory. Although the central question whether such entities as independently knowable, non-conceptualized facts can exist was raised during the debate, no attempt to resolve this or any other genuine philosophical issue was made by the discussants. The reason for this may lie in the (still) widely shared positivist idea that experience alone is the ultimate source of knowledge.
100. Chris Brown, International Relations Theory: New Normative Approaches (Hemel Hempstead, 1992), shows in a lucid and appealing way the extent to which moral issues are in thrall to the cosmopolitan-communitarian debate. I am not suggesting that Brown commits himself to communitarianism; only that he does not beg the question against it.
101. For some recent arguments from a pragmatist perspective concerning why we should give up the fact/value dichotomy, see Putnam, Words and Life, pp. 205-15.
102. Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Condition - A Report on Knowledge (Manchester, 1986), p. 60.
103. For good reasons for rejecting utopianism which apply to present arguments, see Thomas Nagel, Equality and Partiality (New York, 1991), ch. 3.
104. Jean-François Lyotard, The Postmodern Explained to Children: Correspondence 1982-1985 (Sydney, 1992), pp. 110-11.
105. Ibid., p. 45.
106. Ibid., p. 46.
107. Jean-François Lyotard and Jean-Loup Thébaud, Just Gaming, tr. Wlad Godzich (Minneapolis, 1985), p. 23.
108. As indicated above, Evaluative Political Realism rejects sharp distinctions between the normative and the prescriptive. However, it does not deny that there is a logical distinction between the two modes of discourse.
109. Lyotard and Thébaud, Just Gaming, pp. 71-2.
110. For an excellent discussion of the sources of pluralism, see Isaiah Berlin, 'The Originality of Machiavelli', in Against the Current (Oxford, 1981), pp. 25-79.
111. For a powerful argument which shows that pluralism, at least in certain cases, need not collapse into relativism, see Susan Wolf, 'Two Levels of Pluralism', Ethics, 102 (1992), pp. 785-98.
112. Jean-François Lyotard, The Differend (Manchester, 1988), p. 14.
113. Lyotard, Postmodern Explained, p. 54.
114. Lyotard, Differend, p. 129.
115. Ibid., p. 130.
116. Ibid., p. 135.
117. Lyotard, Postmodern Condition, p. 60.
118. Attacks on the general are not confined to French postmodernist philosophers. For example, see the attack on 'generalism' in the work of the analytical philosopher Richard W. Miller, Moral Differences: Truth, Justice and Conscience in a World of Conflict (Princeton, 1992), ch. 4.
119. Lyotard, Postmodern Explained, p. 44.
120. Lyotard and Thébaud, Just Gaming, p. 25.
121. If Rorty is correct, this would make Lyotard's view of theory and practice consistent with John Dewey's. See Richard Rorty, Consequences of Pragmatism (Brighton, 1982), pp. 43ff.
122. Lyotard and Thébaud, Just Gaming, p. 25.
123. Ibid., p. 26.
124. Ibid.
125. On this point, see Elster, Making Sense of Marx, p. 515.
126. Lyotard, Postmodern Explained, p. 61.
127. Ibid.
128. Ibid.
129. These are, I take it, the projects of Linklater and Robert W. Cox respectively. For the former, see Men and Citizens and Beyond Realism and Marxism. For the latter, see Production, Power and World Order.
130. These are, I take it, the projects of Linklater and Robert W. Cox respectively. For the former, see Men and Citizens and Beyond Realism and Marxism. For the latter, see Production, Power and World Order.
131. Lyotard, Postmodern Explained, p. 65.
132. Lyotard, Differend, p. 157.
133. Ibid.
134. Although interpretations of Wittgenstein's understanding of language game are controversial, some textual support for Lyotard's position may be found in Ludwig Wittgenstein, On Certainty, paras. 608-12.