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Volumn 32, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 295-316

Who determines the self in the politics of self-determination? Identity and preference formation in Tatarstan's nationalist mobilization

(1)  Giuliano, Elise a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords


EID: 0039444745     PISSN: 00104159     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/422368     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (61)

References (58)
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    • Interview with Damir Iskhakov, historian and TOTs founder, Institute for the Study of Language, History and Literature, Kazan, June 10, 1997
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    • Sagitova, p. 31
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    • Interview with Raphael Khakhimov, Kazan, June 12, 1997
    • Interview with Raphael Khakhimov, Kazan, June 12, 1997.
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    • note
    • Another clear indicator of the status divide between urban and rural Tatars was the highly offended reaction of urban-born Tatars to my question: "Were you born in the countryside?"
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    • note
    • Aitmaitov is a famous Soviet writer and Russified Kazakh who led Kazakhstan's national revival, then left the nationalist movement. Interview with Akhat Mushinskii, Tatar PEN Club, Kazan, March 4, 1997.
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    • The zemlyachestvo system in Tatarstan might be compared to zhuz networks in Kazakhstan and patronage/nomenklatura networks in other republics. Although currently little information on this phenomenon is available, my findings on Tatarstan suggest that cross-cutting cleavages among republican titular elites hinder nationalist mobilization because varied interests and/or identities prevent easy construction of unified intragroup support for a nationalist party. Future research on nationalist mobilization in the Soviet Union and Russia should test this hypothesis.
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    • In another indicator of the government's successful creation of proautonomy Russians, a random survey of the general population conducted by the author (N=300) showed that most Russians consider themselves Tatarstan citizens before Russian citizens or citizens of both states equally.
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    • note
    • My survey results bear this out. Only 7 percent of Russian respondents voted against sovereignty in the 1992 referendum, while 47 percent voted for it (46 percent failed to vote).


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