Work and welfare: Towards a post-productivist welfare regime

British Journal of Political Science

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 13-39

  Goodin, Robert E ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039298651     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007123401000023     Document Type: Article

References (157)

1. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
2. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
3. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
4. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
5. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
6. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
7. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Making Work Pay: Taxation, Benefits, Employment and Unemployment (Paris: OECD, 1997). G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States Without Work: The Impasse of Labour Shedding and Familialism in Continental European Social Policy', in G. Esping-Andersen, ed., Welfare States in Transition (London: Sage, 1996), pp. 66-87, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). Parallel concerns with how to articulate the demands of paid and unpaid work are reflected in, e.g.: P. England and B. S. Kilbourne, 'Markets, Marriages and Other Mates', in R. Friedland and A. F. Robertson, eds, Beyond the Marketplace (New York: de Gruyter, 1990); J. B. Schor, The Overworked American (New York: Basic Books, 1991); and A. R. Hochschild, The Second Shift (New York: Viking, 1989), and The Time Bind (New York: Metropolitan Books, 1997).
8. K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Rinehart, 1944), Pt. 2; R. M. Titmuss, Social Policy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1974), p. 30. Tellingly, liberal welfare reformers take as their slogan 'making work pay'; see the 1997 OECD publication of that title and the account of recent US reforms in M. J. Bane and D. T. Ellwood, Welfare Realities (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994).
9. K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Rinehart, 1944), Pt. 2; R. M. Titmuss, Social Policy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1974), p. 30. Tellingly, liberal welfare reformers take as their slogan 'making work pay'; see the 1997 OECD publication of that title and the account of recent US reforms in M. J. Bane and D. T. Ellwood, Welfare Realities (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994).
10. K. Polanyi, The Great Transformation (New York: Rinehart, 1944), Pt. 2; R. M. Titmuss, Social Policy (London: Allen & Unwin, 1974), p. 30. Tellingly, liberal welfare reformers take as their slogan 'making work pay'; see the 1997 OECD publication of that title and the account of recent US reforms in M. J. Bane and D. T. Ellwood, Welfare Realities (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994).
11. Titmuss, Social Policy, p. 31. Feminists dub this a 'male breadwinner's welfare state'; H. Land, 'The Family Wage', Feminist Review, 6 (1980), 55-77; J. Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', Journal of European Social Policy, 2 (1992), 159-71; N. Fraser, 'After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 591-618; and D. Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
12. Titmuss, Social Policy, p. 31. Feminists dub this a 'male breadwinner's welfare state'; H. Land, 'The Family Wage', Feminist Review, 6 (1980), 55-77; J. Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', Journal of European Social Policy, 2 (1992), 159-71; N. Fraser, 'After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 591-618; and D. Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
13. Titmuss, Social Policy, p. 31. Feminists dub this a 'male breadwinner's welfare state'; H. Land, 'The Family Wage', Feminist Review, 6 (1980), 55-77; J. Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', Journal of European Social Policy, 2 (1992), 159-71; N. Fraser, 'After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 591-618; and D. Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
14. Titmuss, Social Policy, p. 31. Feminists dub this a 'male breadwinner's welfare state'; H. Land, 'The Family Wage', Feminist Review, 6 (1980), 55-77; J. Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', Journal of European Social Policy, 2 (1992), 159-71; N. Fraser, 'After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 591-618; and D. Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
15. Titmuss, Social Policy, p. 31. Feminists dub this a 'male breadwinner's welfare state'; H. Land, 'The Family Wage', Feminist Review, 6 (1980), 55-77; J. Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', Journal of European Social Policy, 2 (1992), 159-71; N. Fraser, 'After the Family Wage: Gender Equity and the Welfare State', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 591-618; and D. Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
16. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
17. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
18. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
19. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
20. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
21. Sweden, Esping-Andersen says, practises 'productivist social justice', wherein the 'welfare state invests in optimizing people's capacity to be productive citizens' (G. Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy', in N. J. Smelser and R. Swedberg, eds, The Handbook of Economic Sociology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994), pp. 711-32 at p. 722); see further Esping-Andersen, Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. A more formal analysis is set out in K. O. Moene and M. Wallerstein, 'How Social Democracy Worked: Labor-market Institutions', Politics & Society, 23 (1995), 185-212. It should come as no surprise that 'labourist' ideology animates social democratic welfare regimes, given their political roots in labour movements (W. Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1983); G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985); and F. G. Castles, The Social Democratic Image of Society (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1978)).
22. A term Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States and the Economy', p. 713) uses in a rather more specific way to characterize the Swedish model, in particular. Note that they all adopt a fairly narrow understanding of what might count as a 'productive' contribution, defining it in terms of paid but not unpaid labour (which is possibly equally productive, in some broader sense).
23. J. H. Drèze and E. Malinvaud, 'Growth and Employment: The Scope for a European Initiative', European Economy (Reports & Studies), No. 1 (1994), 77-106; T. Iversen and A. Wren, 'Equality, Employment and Budgetary Restraint: The Trilemma of the Service Economy', World Politics, 50 (1998), 507-46.
24. J. H. Drèze and E. Malinvaud, 'Growth and Employment: The Scope for a European Initiative', European Economy (Reports & Studies), No. 1 (1994), 77-106; T. Iversen and A. Wren, 'Equality, Employment and Budgetary Restraint: The Trilemma of the Service Economy', World Politics, 50 (1998), 507-46.
25. A. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1975); Iversen and Wren, 'Equality, Employment and Budgetary Restraint'. Of course, there may not be any need for tradeoffs, insofar as for example state welfare services serve as investments in human capital; see Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy' and A. B. Atkinson, The Economic Consequences of Rolling Back the Welfare State (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999).
26. A. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1975); Iversen and Wren, 'Equality, Employment and Budgetary Restraint'. Of course, there may not be any need for tradeoffs, insofar as for example state welfare services serve as investments in human capital; see Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy' and A. B. Atkinson, The Economic Consequences of Rolling Back the Welfare State (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999).
27. A. Okun, Equality and Efficiency: The Big Tradeoff (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1975); Iversen and Wren, 'Equality, Employment and Budgetary Restraint'. Of course, there may not be any need for tradeoffs, insofar as for example state welfare services serve as investments in human capital; see Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare States and the Economy' and A. B. Atkinson, The Economic Consequences of Rolling Back the Welfare State (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999).
28. The term adapted from C. Offe, 'A Non-productivist Design for Social Policies', in P. Van Parijs, ed., Arguing for Basic Income (London: Verso, 1992), pp. 61-80. My 'post-productivist' phrasing seems to get their emphasis more nearly right: post-productivists are not opposed, or even indifferent, to economic output (as the 'non-productivist' formulation might seem to imply); they have simply 'gotten over' being utterly fixated on it, as productivists have been (something the 'post-productivist' phrasing seems better at capturing).
29. To embrace what Esping-Andersen intended as an unflattering description of Continental European practices, when writing about 'Welfare states without work'.
30. 'Decommodified', in Esping-Andersen's famous phrase; G. Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Oxford: Polity, 1990).
31. Cf. J. Elster, 'Is There (or Should There Be) a Right to Work?' in A. Gutmann, ed., Democracy and the Welfare State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), pp. 52-78.
32. S. B. Linder, The Harried Leisure Class (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); G. Rehn, 'Towards a Society of Free Choice', in J. J. Wiatr and R. Rose, eds, Comparing Public Policies (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictow Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1977), pp. 121-57; M. White, Working Hours: Assessing the Potential for Reduction (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1987); A. Gorz, Critique of Economic Reason, trans. G. Handyside and C. Turner (London: Verso, 1989); P. Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
33. S. B. Linder, The Harried Leisure Class (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); G. Rehn, 'Towards a Society of Free Choice', in J. J. Wiatr and R. Rose, eds, Comparing Public Policies (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictow Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1977), pp. 121-57; M. White, Working Hours: Assessing the Potential for Reduction (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1987); A. Gorz, Critique of Economic Reason, trans. G. Handyside and C. Turner (London: Verso, 1989); P. Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
34. S. B. Linder, The Harried Leisure Class (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); G. Rehn, 'Towards a Society of Free Choice', in J. J. Wiatr and R. Rose, eds, Comparing Public Policies (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictow Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1977), pp. 121-57; M. White, Working Hours: Assessing the Potential for Reduction (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1987); A. Gorz, Critique of Economic Reason, trans. G. Handyside and C. Turner (London: Verso, 1989); P. Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
35. S. B. Linder, The Harried Leisure Class (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); G. Rehn, 'Towards a Society of Free Choice', in J. J. Wiatr and R. Rose, eds, Comparing Public Policies (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictow Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1977), pp. 121-57; M. White, Working Hours: Assessing the Potential for Reduction (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1987); A. Gorz, Critique of Economic Reason, trans. G. Handyside and C. Turner (London: Verso, 1989); P. Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
36. S. B. Linder, The Harried Leisure Class (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); G. Rehn, 'Towards a Society of Free Choice', in J. J. Wiatr and R. Rose, eds, Comparing Public Policies (Wroclaw: Zaklad Narodowy imienia Ossolinskich Wydawnictow Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1977), pp. 121-57; M. White, Working Hours: Assessing the Potential for Reduction (Geneva: International Labour Organisation, 1987); A. Gorz, Critique of Economic Reason, trans. G. Handyside and C. Turner (London: Verso, 1989); P. Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995).
37. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
38. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
39. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
40. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
41. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
42. F. Block, Postindustriell Possibilities (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); K. Hinrichs, W. Roche and C. Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition (Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 1991); B. Jessop, 'The Transition to Post-Fordism and the Schumpeterian Workfare State', in R. Burrows and B. Loader, eds, Towards a Post-Fordist Welfare State? (London: Routledge, 1994), pp. 13-37; J. Rifkin, The End of Work (New York: Tarcher/Putnam, 1995); C. Offe and R. G. Heinze, Beyond Employment, trans. A. Braley (Oxford: Polity, 1992); C. Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources', in OECD, Social Cohesion and the Globalizing Economy (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 81-108.
43. Hence post-productivist proposals of 'shorter hours' strategies aimed at spreading employment around; S.A. Levitan and R. S. Belous, Shorter Hours, Shorter Weeks (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); cf. G. Therborn, Why Some Peoples Are More Unemployed Than Others (London: Verso, 1986). See also proposals for 'sabbatical accounts' (Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources') and 'labour coupons' (B. Haminga, 'Demoralizing the Labor Market', Journal of Political Philosophy, 3 (1995), 23-35).
44. Hence post-productivist proposals of 'shorter hours' strategies aimed at spreading employment around; S.A. Levitan and R. S. Belous, Shorter Hours, Shorter Weeks (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); cf. G. Therborn, Why Some Peoples Are More Unemployed Than Others (London: Verso, 1986). See also proposals for 'sabbatical accounts' (Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources') and 'labour coupons' (B. Haminga, 'Demoralizing the Labor Market', Journal of Political Philosophy, 3 (1995), 23-35).
45. Hence post-productivist proposals of 'shorter hours' strategies aimed at spreading employment around; S.A. Levitan and R. S. Belous, Shorter Hours, Shorter Weeks (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); cf. G. Therborn, Why Some Peoples Are More Unemployed Than Others (London: Verso, 1986). See also proposals for 'sabbatical accounts' (Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources') and 'labour coupons' (B. Haminga, 'Demoralizing the Labor Market', Journal of Political Philosophy, 3 (1995), 23-35).
46. Hence post-productivist proposals of 'shorter hours' strategies aimed at spreading employment around; S.A. Levitan and R. S. Belous, Shorter Hours, Shorter Weeks (Baltimore, Md: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); cf. G. Therborn, Why Some Peoples Are More Unemployed Than Others (London: Verso, 1986). See also proposals for 'sabbatical accounts' (Offe, 'Towards a New Equilibrium of Citizens' Rights and Economic Resources') and 'labour coupons' (B. Haminga, 'Demoralizing the Labor Market', Journal of Political Philosophy, 3 (1995), 23-35).
47. Hence post-productivist proposals for 'basic income'. See J. E. Meade, 'Full Employment, New Technology and the Distribution of Income', Journal of Social Policy, 13 (1984), 129-46; and Van Parijs, Arguing for Basic Income and Real Freedom for All. A variation on 'basic income' is 'participation income', paid conditionally on participation in some socially-useful activity; see A. B. Atkinson, 'The Case for a Participation Income', Political Quarterly, 67 (1996), 67-70.
48. Hence post-productivist proposals for 'basic income'. See J. E. Meade, 'Full Employment, New Technology and the Distribution of Income', Journal of Social Policy, 13 (1984), 129-46; and Van Parijs, Arguing for Basic Income and Real Freedom for All. A variation on 'basic income' is 'participation income', paid conditionally on participation in some socially-useful activity; see A. B. Atkinson, 'The Case for a Participation Income', Political Quarterly, 67 (1996), 67-70.
49. Hence post-productivist proposals for 'basic income'. See J. E. Meade, 'Full Employment, New Technology and the Distribution of Income', Journal of Social Policy, 13 (1984), 129-46; and Van Parijs, Arguing for Basic Income and Real Freedom for All. A variation on 'basic income' is 'participation income', paid conditionally on participation in some socially-useful activity; see A. B. Atkinson, 'The Case for a Participation Income', Political Quarterly, 67 (1996), 67-70.
50. R. E. Goodin, B. Headey, R. Muffels and H-J. Dirven, Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), chap. 2.
51. One of the things we might, and on any sensible description of the good life should, autonomously choose to do is to render ourselves vulnerable to certain others in certain ways. To argue for autonomy is not to enshrine autarky but rather mutually-chosen interdependencies (R. E. Goodin, Protecting the Vulnerable (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), chap. 7).
52. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
53. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
54. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
55. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
56. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
57. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
58. R. Lindley, Autonomy (London: Macmillan, 1986); G. Dworkin, The Theory and Practice of Autonomy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); and T. E. Hill Jr, Autonomy and Self-respect (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991). The scope for debate over what constitutes 'real freedom' in respect of 'basic income', for example, can be surmised from Van Parijs, Real Freedom for All; B. Barry, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income', Journal of Political Philosophy, 4 (1996), 242-76; R. van der Veen, 'Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry', Journal of Political Philosophy, 5 (1997), 274-86, and 'Real Freedom Versus Reciprocity: Competing Views on the Justice of Unconditional Basic Income', Political Studies, 46 (1997), 140-63.
59. If what people lose when they have money taxed away is properly described as 'freedom', then what people gain when that tax money is redistributed to them must be properly describable in those same terms, as well; P. Jones, 'Freedom and the Redistribution of Resources', Journal of Social Policy, 11 (1982), 217-38.
60. Dworkin, Theory and Practice of Autonomy, p. 31. This strategy of focusing on negative rather than positive conditions of the good in view parallels that of B. Moore Jr, Reflections on the Causes of Human Misery (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 1970).
61. Dworkin, Theory and Practice of Autonomy, p. 31. This strategy of focusing on negative rather than positive conditions of the good in view parallels that of B. Moore Jr, Reflections on the Causes of Human Misery (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 1970).
62. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
63. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
64. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
65. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
66. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
67. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
68. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
69. Thus, post-productivists would share the social democratic impetus towards 'decommodification', making people's income streams independent of labour market participation; Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, pp. 21-2. They would also insist that those social benefits should come in the form of welfare rights, rather than discretionary payments; C. A. Reich, 'The New Property', Yale Law Journal, 73 (1964), 733-87, and R. E. Goodin, Reasons for Welfare (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988), chap. 7. They would also be anxious that women should have an independent claim in their own right; see Lewis, 'Gender and Welfare Regimes', and Sainsbury, Gender, Equality and Welfare States. This is the sense in which US feminists defend Aid to Families with Dependent Children as a contribution to the autonomy of women; see A. S. Orloff, 'Gender and the Social Rights of Citizenship: The Comparative Analysis of Gender Relations and Welfare States', American Sociological Review, 58 (1993), 303-28; Fraser, 'After the Family Wage'; and I. M. Young, 'Mothers, Citizenship and Independence: A Critique of Pure Family Values', Ethics, 105 (1995), 535-56.
70. G. S. Becker, 'A Theory of the Allocation of Time', Economic Journal, 75 (1965), 493-517; R. J. Zeckhauser, 'Time as the Ultimate Source of Utility', Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87 (1973), 668-75; J. N. Morgan, 'The Role of Time in the Measurement of Transfers and Well-being', in M. Moon, ed., Economic Transfers in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 199-238.
71. G. S. Becker, 'A Theory of the Allocation of Time', Economic Journal, 75 (1965), 493-517; R. J. Zeckhauser, 'Time as the Ultimate Source of Utility', Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87 (1973), 668-75; J. N. Morgan, 'The Role of Time in the Measurement of Transfers and Well-being', in M. Moon, ed., Economic Transfers in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 199-238.
72. G. S. Becker, 'A Theory of the Allocation of Time', Economic Journal, 75 (1965), 493-517; R. J. Zeckhauser, 'Time as the Ultimate Source of Utility', Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87 (1973), 668-75; J. N. Morgan, 'The Role of Time in the Measurement of Transfers and Well-being', in M. Moon, ed., Economic Transfers in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 199-238.
73. C. Vickery, 'The Time-poor: A New Look at Poverty', Journal of Human Resources, 12 (1977), 27-48. The 'time bind' which preoccupies Americans (Schor, The Overworked American; Hochschild, The Time Bind) is also felt in Britain, where fully a third of male manual workers report that they would prefer to work fewer hours in paid labour than they actually do (M. B. Stewart and J. K. Swaffield, 'Constraints on the Desired Hours of Work of British Men', Economic Journal, 107 (1997), 520-35).
74. C. Vickery, 'The Time-poor: A New Look at Poverty', Journal of Human Resources, 12 (1977), 27-48. The 'time bind' which preoccupies Americans (Schor, The Overworked American; Hochschild, The Time Bind) is also felt in Britain, where fully a third of male manual workers report that they would prefer to work fewer hours in paid labour than they actually do (M. B. Stewart and J. K. Swaffield, 'Constraints on the Desired Hours of Work of British Men', Economic Journal, 107 (1997), 520-35).
75. C. Vickery, 'The Time-poor: A New Look at Poverty', Journal of Human Resources, 12 (1977), 27-48. The 'time bind' which preoccupies Americans (Schor, The Overworked American; Hochschild, The Time Bind) is also felt in Britain, where fully a third of male manual workers report that they would prefer to work fewer hours in paid labour than they actually do (M. B. Stewart and J. K. Swaffield, 'Constraints on the Desired Hours of Work of British Men', Economic Journal, 107 (1997), 520-35).
76. C. Vickery, 'The Time-poor: A New Look at Poverty', Journal of Human Resources, 12 (1977), 27-48. The 'time bind' which preoccupies Americans (Schor, The Overworked American; Hochschild, The Time Bind) is also felt in Britain, where fully a third of male manual workers report that they would prefer to work fewer hours in paid labour than they actually do (M. B. Stewart and J. K. Swaffield, 'Constraints on the Desired Hours of Work of British Men', Economic Journal, 107 (1997), 520-35).
77. On work time and work discipline, see: E. P. Thompson, 'Time, Work Discipline and Industrial Capitalism', Past & Present, 38 (1967), 36-97; Moishe Postone, 'Necessity, Labour and Time: A Reinterpretation of the Marxian Critique of Capitalism', Social Research, 45 (1978), 739-88; and C. Sirianni, 'The Self-management of Time in Post-industrial Society', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition.
78. On work time and work discipline, see: E. P. Thompson, 'Time, Work Discipline and Industrial Capitalism', Past & Present, 38 (1967), 36-97; Moishe Postone, 'Necessity, Labour and Time: A Reinterpretation of the Marxian Critique of Capitalism', Social Research, 45 (1978), 739-88; and C. Sirianni, 'The Self-management of Time in Post-industrial Society', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition.
79. On work time and work discipline, see: E. P. Thompson, 'Time, Work Discipline and Industrial Capitalism', Past & Present, 38 (1967), 36-97; Moishe Postone, 'Necessity, Labour and Time: A Reinterpretation of the Marxian Critique of Capitalism', Social Research, 45 (1978), 739-88; and C. Sirianni, 'The Self-management of Time in Post-industrial Society', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition.
80. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
81. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
82. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague
83. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
84. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
85. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
86. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
87. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
88. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
89. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
90. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
91. Among Dutch scholars and policy makers, there was much discussion of the causes and consequences of the tendency towards 'early retirement' (which used to be effected largely through 'disability' benefits) and towards reduced working hours (which was in part the consequence of a formal agreement between business, labour and government, the 1982 Wassenaar Accord). See, e.g.: Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands (Deventer: Kluwer Law & Taxation Publishers, 1990); and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective (The Hague: Ministry of Social Affairs and Employment, 1996); R. H. Cox, The Development of the Dutch Welfare State (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993); C. de Neubourg, 'Where Have All the Hours Gone? Working-time Reduction Policies in the Netherlands', in Hinrichs, Roche and Sirianni, eds, Working Time in Transition, pp. 129-47; B. de Vroom and M. Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case', in M. Kohli, M. Rein, A. M. Guillemard and H. van Gunsteren, eds, Time for Retirement: Comparative Studies of Early Exit from the Labor Force (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 97-126; R. C. Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism? The Welfare State and the Post-Industrial Trajectory in the Netherlands after 1980', West European Politics, 17 (1994), 166-89; A. Hemerijck and K. van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model? Explaining the New Politics of the Welfare State in the Netherlands', Acta Politica, 23 (1997), 258-80; J. Visser and A. Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle: Job Growth, Welfare Reform and Corporatism in the Netherlands (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1997); A. Kapteyn and K. de Vos, 'Social Security and Labor Force Participation in the Netherlands', American Economic Review (Papers & Proceedings), 88 (No. 2) (May 1998), 164-7; and W. van Oorschot and R. Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work: Labour Market Participation Policies in the Netherlands, 1970-2000' (paper presented to Research Committee 19, International Sociological Association, Prague, September 1999). It is fair to say, however, that most of those authors join Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States Without Work') in bemoaning those tendencies rather than embracing them as leading to a positively-valued post-productivist future. Only the old report by M. Rein and R. Freeman, The Dutch Choice: A Plea for Social Policy Complementary To Work ('s-Gravenhage: HRWB adviescollege voor sociaal en cultureel beleid, 1988), positively embraces the changes, although even then not in unambiguously post-productivist terms.
92. As I have argued elsewhere, on the tax-transfer side of public policy the Netherlands is a close approximation to a social democratic welfare regime; Goodin et al., Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 14, and R. E. Goodin and A. Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States: The Netherlands as a Crucial Test Case', Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 2 (2000), 39-64. My argument here is that, when you look at the labour-market side of the equation, the Netherlands looks more like a post-productivist regime than an old-fashioned Continental corporatist one - contrary to the claims of Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare Without Work', p. 66, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. Given that this article is a follow-on from earlier collaborations, I ought especially to emphasize that none of my previous co-authors necessarily share any of the views expressed in the present article.
93. As I have argued elsewhere, on the tax-transfer side of public policy the Netherlands is a close approximation to a social democratic welfare regime; Goodin et al., Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 14, and R. E. Goodin and A. Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States: The Netherlands as a Crucial Test Case', Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 2 (2000), 39-64. My argument here is that, when you look at the labour-market side of the equation, the Netherlands looks more like a post-productivist regime than an old-fashioned Continental corporatist one - contrary to the claims of Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare Without Work', p. 66, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. Given that this article is a follow-on from earlier collaborations, I ought especially to emphasize that none of my previous co-authors necessarily share any of the views expressed in the present article.
94. As I have argued elsewhere, on the tax-transfer side of public policy the Netherlands is a close approximation to a social democratic welfare regime; Goodin et al., Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 14, and R. E. Goodin and A. Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States: The Netherlands as a Crucial Test Case', Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 2 (2000), 39-64. My argument here is that, when you look at the labour-market side of the equation, the Netherlands looks more like a post-productivist regime than an old-fashioned Continental corporatist one - contrary to the claims of Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare Without Work', p. 66, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. Given that this article is a follow-on from earlier collaborations, I ought especially to emphasize that none of my previous co-authors necessarily share any of the views expressed in the present article.
95. As I have argued elsewhere, on the tax-transfer side of public policy the Netherlands is a close approximation to a social democratic welfare regime; Goodin et al., Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 14, and R. E. Goodin and A. Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States: The Netherlands as a Crucial Test Case', Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis, 2 (2000), 39-64. My argument here is that, when you look at the labour-market side of the equation, the Netherlands looks more like a post-productivist regime than an old-fashioned Continental corporatist one - contrary to the claims of Esping-Andersen, 'Welfare Without Work', p. 66, and Social Foundations of Post-industrial Economics, chap. 4. Given that this article is a follow-on from earlier collaborations, I ought especially to emphasize that none of my previous co-authors necessarily share any of the views expressed in the present article.
96. For example, Esping-Andersen's measure of 'social democracy' is a composite of: average universalism of pensions and unemployment benefits; and average benefit equality of pensions, sickness and unemployment benefits. His 'liberalism' indicator combines measures of: means-tested benefits as a proportion of total public social expenditure; private pensions as a proportion of total pensions; and private spending on health as a proportion of the total. And his indicator of 'corporatism' combines the number of occupationally distinct public pension schemes and expenditure on pensions to government employees as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP). See Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Table 2.2, p. 70.
97. P. Cutright, 'Political Structure, Economic Development and National Social Security Programs', American Journal of Sociology, 70 (1965), 537-50; H. L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); R. Jackman, Politics and Social Equality (New York: Wiley, 1972); A. Hicks and D. H. Swank, 'Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992), 658-74. These data are famously incomplete, failing to count many things (like tax subsidies of mortgages) that really ought to count, but for the OECD do not, as social welfare transfer payments.
98. P. Cutright, 'Political Structure, Economic Development and National Social Security Programs', American Journal of Sociology, 70 (1965), 537-50; H. L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); R. Jackman, Politics and Social Equality (New York: Wiley, 1972); A. Hicks and D. H. Swank, 'Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992), 658-74. These data are famously incomplete, failing to count many things (like tax subsidies of mortgages) that really ought to count, but for the OECD do not, as social welfare transfer payments.
99. P. Cutright, 'Political Structure, Economic Development and National Social Security Programs', American Journal of Sociology, 70 (1965), 537-50; H. L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); R. Jackman, Politics and Social Equality (New York: Wiley, 1972); A. Hicks and D. H. Swank, 'Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992), 658-74. These data are famously incomplete, failing to count many things (like tax subsidies of mortgages) that really ought to count, but for the OECD do not, as social welfare transfer payments.
100. P. Cutright, 'Political Structure, Economic Development and National Social Security Programs', American Journal of Sociology, 70 (1965), 537-50; H. L. Wilensky, The Welfare State and Equality (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); R. Jackman, Politics and Social Equality (New York: Wiley, 1972); A. Hicks and D. H. Swank, 'Politics, Institutions, and Welfare Spending in Industrialized Democracies', American Political Science Review, 86 (1992), 658-74. These data are famously incomplete, failing to count many things (like tax subsidies of mortgages) that really ought to count, but for the OECD do not, as social welfare transfer payments.
101. Labour-force participation rates are taken from OECD, 'Statistical Annex', Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1995), Annex Table I, pp. 203-29, at p. 214. Social security expenditure as a percentage of GDP circa 1995 is taken from OECD, Historical Statistics, 1960-95 (Paris: OECD, 1997), Table 6.3, p. 71; for New Zealand, omitted from that series, I use 'central government expenditure on social security and welfare' as a percentage of GDP, based on OECD, OECD Economic Surveys 1997-98: New Zealand (Paris: OECD, 1998), Table G, p. 181, and Table C, p. 178.
102. Labour-force participation rates are taken from OECD, 'Statistical Annex', Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1995), Annex Table I, pp. 203-29, at p. 214. Social security expenditure as a percentage of GDP circa 1995 is taken from OECD, Historical Statistics, 1960-95 (Paris: OECD, 1997), Table 6.3, p. 71; for New Zealand, omitted from that series, I use 'central government expenditure on social security and welfare' as a percentage of GDP, based on OECD, OECD Economic Surveys 1997-98: New Zealand (Paris: OECD, 1998), Table G, p. 181, and Table C, p. 178.
103. Labour-force participation rates are taken from OECD, 'Statistical Annex', Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1995), Annex Table I, pp. 203-29, at p. 214. Social security expenditure as a percentage of GDP circa 1995 is taken from OECD, Historical Statistics, 1960-95 (Paris: OECD, 1997), Table 6.3, p. 71; for New Zealand, omitted from that series, I use 'central government expenditure on social security and welfare' as a percentage of GDP, based on OECD, OECD Economic Surveys 1997-98: New Zealand (Paris: OECD, 1998), Table G, p. 181, and Table C, p. 178.
104. Those cutoffs were chosen less to generate exactly the same number of countries in each category (the breakdown is 7/11 on both dimensions) and more to 'carve nature at its joints', maximizing consonance of the resulting Figure 1 with the standard categorizations of countries into regime clusters.
105. That is to say, according to the original categorization in Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Table 3.3, p. 74. There has since been much dissent, of course, and Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States and the Economy') has himself conceded the need for some adjustments.
106. That is to say, according to the original categorization in Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, Table 3.3, p. 74. There has since been much dissent, of course, and Esping-Andersen ('Welfare States and the Economy') has himself conceded the need for some adjustments.
107. Also in that cell are New Zealand, the United Kingdom - which Esping-Andersen (Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, p. 74) regards as impure cases - and (more anomalously) Norway, which he classifies as classically social democratic. Norway's social spending is very substantially below that of the other Scandinavian countries, however, which unambiguously forces it into the top-right cell in terms of this classificatory scheme.
108. Among Esping-Andersen's strongly social democratic countries, this leaves out only Norway (as discussed in the previous note) and the Netherlands, which Esping-Andersen has never been comfortable regarding as social democratic. See G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 145, and 'Welfare States Without Work', p. 66.
109. Among Esping-Andersen's strongly social democratic countries, this leaves out only Norway (as discussed in the previous note) and the Netherlands, which Esping-Andersen has never been comfortable regarding as social democratic. See G. Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985), p. 145, and 'Welfare States Without Work', p. 66.
110. Along with Ireland, which Esping-Andersen (Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, p. 74) treats as a mixed case. I will say more shortly about the other classically corporatist countries (Austria, Belgium and France) which are left out of this cell.
111. Therborn, '"Pillarization" and "popular movements"'.
112. The average across the eighteen countries of the 'old OECD' is 2.27. The Dutch rate is 2.35. The rates in the other countries are: Austria 2.11; Belgium 2.09; and France 1.92. See United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Information and Policy Analysis, Demographic Yearbook 1995 (New York: UN, 1997), Table 25.
113. Employment rates are different from labour-force participation rates, in that the latter also includes the unemployed (who are 'available for work', and hence in the work force). Because OECD statistics report part-time employment as a proportion of total employment, it is more convenient to use employment rates for these purposes. Figures 1 and 2 would have looked much the same had we used employment rates rather than labour-force participation rates. Data are from OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Annex Table A, p. 204, and Annex Table E, p. 210.
114. A fact that is, of course, widely noted elsewhere. See, e.g.: J. Bussemaker and K. van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State: A Four-nation Comparison' (paper presented to the 1996 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco); J. Plantenga, 'For Women Only? The Rise of Part-time Work in the Netherlands', Social Politics, 3 (1996), 57-71; and M. Van Berkel and N. D. De Graaf, 'Married Women's Economic Dependency in the Netherlands, 1979-1991', British Journal of Sociology, 49 (1998), 97-117.
115. A fact that is, of course, widely noted elsewhere. See, e.g.: J. Bussemaker and K. van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State: A Four-nation Comparison' (paper presented to the 1996 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco); J. Plantenga, 'For Women Only? The Rise of Part-time Work in the Netherlands', Social Politics, 3 (1996), 57-71; and M. Van Berkel and N. D. De Graaf, 'Married Women's Economic Dependency in the Netherlands, 1979-1991', British Journal of Sociology, 49 (1998), 97-117.
116. A fact that is, of course, widely noted elsewhere. See, e.g.: J. Bussemaker and K. van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State: A Four-nation Comparison' (paper presented to the 1996 Annual Meetings of the American Political Science Association, San Francisco); J. Plantenga, 'For Women Only? The Rise of Part-time Work in the Netherlands', Social Politics, 3 (1996), 57-71; and M. Van Berkel and N. D. De Graaf, 'Married Women's Economic Dependency in the Netherlands, 1979-1991', British Journal of Sociology, 49 (1998), 97-117.
117. 'Equivalent income' adjusts, through 'equivalence scales', for family size and associated economies of scale. 'Disposable income' is income net of government taxes and transfers. See Goodin et al., Real Worlds of Welfare Capitalism, chap. 6.
118. Poverty rates are as reported in OECD, 'Income Distribution and Poverty in Selected OECD Countries', Economic Outlook No. 62 (Paris: OECD, 1997), pp. 49-59 at p. 54.
119. Data on the average annual number of hours worked per person in the labour force is given in OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Annex Table C, p. 208; to get from that the average number of hours worked per person in the working-age population, whether or not they are in the labour-force, I multiply that by the labour force participation rate, given in Annex Table I, p. 214. Whereas all other data are for 1993, the Italian data are for 1983; there has been a steady decline in the number of working hours in most other countries over the intervening period, so as an estimate of 1993 work hours that figure for Italy might be anything up to 100 hours too high. Dutch data refers to 'dependent employment': for other countries for which statistics on both are reported, work hours in 'dependent employment' are marginally lower (by between 32 and 114 hours a year) than 'total employment', which is the more common statistic and hence the one reported here for all other countries.
120. Figure 5 is not just the mirror image of Figure 2 rotated around the y axis. High social security expenditures will not necessarily reduce poverty (it all depends on who gets the money). Neither do low labour-force participation rates necessarily translate into low average working hours (it all depends on how many hours are worked by those in work). Figure 5 shows that higher social security spending does actually pay off, in terms of reduced poverty rates, and that countries with fewer people in the labour force do not work them harder in consequence.
121. OECD, Household Production in OECD Countries (Paris: OECD, 1995); L. Goldschmidt-Clermont and E Pagnossin-Aligisakis, Measures of Unrecorded Economic Activities in Fourteen Countries, Occasional Paper No. 20, Human Development Report Office (New York: United Nations Development Program, 1995).
122. OECD, Household Production in OECD Countries (Paris: OECD, 1995); L. Goldschmidt-Clermont and E Pagnossin-Aligisakis, Measures of Unrecorded Economic Activities in Fourteen Countries, Occasional Paper No. 20, Human Development Report Office (New York: United Nations Development Program, 1995).
123. The data refer to: Australia 1992; Belgium 1965; Canada 1992; Denmark 1987: Finland 1987; France 1974; Germany 1965; Italy 1980; Netherlands 1985; Norway 1981; Sweden 1991; United Kingdom 1985; United States 1985.
124. Reported in M. Bittman and R. E. Goodin, 'An Equivalence Scale for Time', SPRC Discussion Paper No. 85 (Kensington, NSW: Social Policy Research Centre, University of New South Wales, 1998), forthcoming in Social Indicators Research.
125. That is not to say that all stay-at-home-mothers do so out of their own free choice: sometimes it is their partners who insist. That, though, is clearly something well beyond the ken ot any ordinary OECD statistics.
126. OECD, 'Supplementary Measures of Labour Market Slack: An Analysis of Discouraged and Involuntary Part-time Workers', Employment Outlook (1995), pp. 43-97.
127. Calculated from OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Annex Table A, p. 204.
128. Anyway, their not being employed in paid labour is not involuntary in the way that would be captured in the OECD definitions of 'unemployment' or 'discouraged worker'.
129. The exception which pulls the social-democratic oval way out to the right is Finland, which was suffering unprecedentedly high unemployment rates in 1993.
130. OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Table 2.18, pp. 76-7.
131. Calculated from OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Annex Table E, p. 210.
132. As reported in OECD, 'Income Distribution and Poverty in Selected OECD Countries', p. 55.
133. As reported in OECD, Employment Outlook (1995), Annex Table T, p. 222-9.
134. As nicely captured in K. van Kersbergen and U. Becker's title, 'The Netherlands: A Passive Social Democratic Welfare State in a Christian Democratic Ruled Society', Journal of Social Policy, 17 (1988), 477-99. See similarly Therborn, '"Pillarization" and "popular movements"'.
135. As nicely captured in K. van Kersbergen and U. Becker's title, 'The Netherlands: A Passive Social Democratic Welfare State in a Christian Democratic Ruled Society', Journal of Social Policy, 17 (1988), 477-99. See similarly Therborn, '"Pillarization" and "popular movements"'.
136. 'The post-productivist Left in the Netherlands' within the Labour Party (PvdA) is now explicitly calling for a 'relaxed organization of labour'; R. J. van der Veen, 'Participate or Sink: Threshold Equality Behind the Dykes', Acta Politica, 34 (1999), 351-81, at pp. 367-73.
137. See the famous exchange between Prime Minister Van Agt, Terlouw (D'66) and Den Uyl (PvdA) during the 1980 Budget debate quoted in Goodin and Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States'; see also Therborn, Why Some Peoples are More Unemployed than Others.
138. See the famous exchange between Prime Minister Van Agt, Terlouw (D'66) and Den Uyl (PvdA) during the 1980 Budget debate quoted in Goodin and Smitsman, 'Placing Welfare States'; see also Therborn, Why Some Peoples are More Unemployed than Others.
139. This has of course been true in high-spenders among corporatist regimes, as well. On France, for example, see: A. Favell, Philosopies of Integration (London: Macmillan, 1998), chap. 3; and M. Evans, S. Paugam and J. A. Prélis, 'Chunnel Vision: Poverty, Social Exclusion and the Debate on Social Welfare in France and Britain', Discussion Paper WSP/115 (London: Welfare State Programme, STICERD, London School of Economics, 1995).
140. This has of course been true in high-spenders among corporatist regimes, as well. On France, for example, see: A. Favell, Philosopies of Integration (London: Macmillan, 1998), chap. 3; and M. Evans, S. Paugam and J. A. Prélis, 'Chunnel Vision: Poverty, Social Exclusion and the Debate on Social Welfare in France and Britain', Discussion Paper WSP/115 (London: Welfare State Programme, STICERD, London School of Economics, 1995).
141. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
142. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
143. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
144. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
145. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
146. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
147. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
148. Netherlands Ministry of Social Affairs & Employment, Social Security in the Netherlands and The Dutch Welfare State from an International and Economic Perspective; R. van der Veen and W. Trommel, 'Managed Liberalization of the Dutch Welfare State: A Review and Analysis of the Reform of the Dutch Social Security System, 1985-98', Governance, 12 (1999), 289-310; de Vroom and Blomsma, 'The Netherlands: An Extreme Case'; Kloosterman, 'Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism?'; Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?'; Visser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle. While reforms to disability pensions officially took effect in 1987, the numbers of disability claimants continued to rise for another seven years (Hemerijck and van Kersbergen, 'A Miraculous Model?' pp. 270-4). Legislation which took effect in 1996 'requires single mothers to seek employment actively and obliges single mothers to work if day care or care-substitution is available … the responsibility for a child is not an argument any more to exit the labour market or to reject a job' (Bussemaker and van Kersbergen, 'Gender Inequality and the Conservative Welfare State', p. 14) - though those reforms, too, might take some while to have any real effect.
149. OECD, Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1997), Table F, p. 178.
150. Van Oorschot and Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work', p. 5.
151. R. Muffels and B. Steijn, Flexible and Permanent Jobs on the Dutch Labour Market, Research Paper 99/02. Netherlands School for Social and Economic Policy Research (Tilburg: AWSB/ TISSER, 1998), p. 5.
152. Van Oorschot and Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work'. The 'activation obligation' is an 'availability for work' requirement applying to anyone in receipt of income support, except for single parents of children under 5 and unemployed persons over 57.5 years of age; Viser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle, p. 148.
153. Van Oorschot and Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work'. The 'activation obligation' is an 'availability for work' requirement applying to anyone in receipt of income support, except for single parents of children under 5 and unemployed persons over 57.5 years of age; Viser and Hemerijck, A Dutch Miracle, p. 148.
154. Van der Veen, 'Participate or Sink', pp. 366-73. Whereas some 93 per cent of respondents say that the obligation to find paid employment should be applied 'strictly' to young unemployed persons, only 34 per cent think it should be applied strictly to the 'unemployed who are active in voluntary associations or community', only 16 per cent think it should be applied strictly to 'single parents with children aged 6-12, and less than half that many think it should be applied strictly to children younger than that (van Oorschot and Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work', p. 19). Notice that legislation has done much to facilitate this growth of part-time labour: part-time workers have rights to state pensions, social insurance and health care: and the Labour Time Act of 1996 directs employers to take into consideration employees' care-giving responsibilities.
155. Van der Veen, 'Participate or Sink', pp. 366-73. Whereas some 93 per cent of respondents say that the obligation to find paid employment should be applied 'strictly' to young unemployed persons, only 34 per cent think it should be applied strictly to the 'unemployed who are active in voluntary associations or community', only 16 per cent think it should be applied strictly to 'single parents with children aged 6-12, and less than half that many think it should be applied strictly to children younger than that (van Oorschot and Engerlfriet, 'Work, Work, Work', p. 19). Notice that legislation has done much to facilitate this growth of part-time labour: part-time workers have rights to state pensions, social insurance and health care: and the Labour Time Act of 1996 directs employers to take into consideration employees' care-giving responsibilities.
156. OECD, Historical Statistics, 1960-1994 (Paris: OECD, 1996), Table 3.1, p. 50.
157. Perhaps the explanation is that the 'flexibilization' of the workforce that comes with radically part-time post-productivist arrangements actually suits the needs of a post-modern service economy.