The people's houses and the cult of the peasant in Turkey

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 4, 1998, Pages 67-91

  Karaömerlioǧlu, M Asim ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0039003901     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263209808701244     Document Type: Review

References (184)

1. E. Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991 (New York, 1994), p.291.
2. See, for instance, The World Bank, Workers in an Integrating World, World Development Report 1995 (New York, 1995), pp.222-3 and pp.147-148, a database compiled by the World Bank for the post-Second World War period.
3. Throughout the 1930s, 379 People's Houses were established in most of the major cities and towns of Turkey, and this number increased to 455 by 1946 in addition to 4,066 People's Rooms (village version of the Houses), llhan Başgöz, Türkiye'nin Eǧitim Çikmazi ve Atatürk (Ankara, 1995), p.198.
4. Sevket Süreyya Aydemir, İkinci Adam Vol.I (Istanbul, 1968), p.403.
5. Aydemir, İkinci Adam Vol. I, p.403.
6. The rhetoric of 'unifying the forces' can be seen all through the official publications of the 1930s such as Ülkü. See for example, Necip Ali. 'İsmet Paşa ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.18 (1934), p.403. Istanbul Teacher's Union 'terminated' its existence by criticizing itself for its particularistic activities and decided to join the People's Houses. See a news item that appeared in Ülkü, Vol.6, No.36 (1936), pp.462-3. In the same vein, the Women's Association was closed. The reason for closing this association was that because the state had officially granted women the right to votes, there was no need for such an organization to exist! Ç. Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (Istanbul, 1983), p.86.
7. The rhetoric of 'unifying the forces' can be seen all through the official publications of the 1930s such as Ülkü. See for example, Necip Ali. 'İsmet Paşa ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.18 (1934), p.403. Istanbul Teacher's Union 'terminated' its existence by criticizing itself for its particularistic activities and decided to join the People's Houses. See a news item that appeared in Ülkü, Vol.6, No.36 (1936), pp.462-3. In the same vein, the Women's Association was closed. The reason for closing this association was that because the state had officially granted women the right to votes, there was no need for such an organization to exist! Ç. Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (Istanbul, 1983), p.86.
8. The rhetoric of 'unifying the forces' can be seen all through the official publications of the 1930s such as Ülkü. See for example, Necip Ali. 'İsmet Paşa ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.18 (1934), p.403. Istanbul Teacher's Union 'terminated' its existence by criticizing itself for its particularistic activities and decided to join the People's Houses. See a news item that appeared in Ülkü, Vol.6, No.36 (1936), pp.462-3. In the same vein, the Women's Association was closed. The reason for closing this association was that because the state had officially granted women the right to votes, there was no need for such an organization to exist! Ç. Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (Istanbul, 1983), p.86.
9. More information on Türk Ocaklari can be found in Y. Akçuraoǧlu, Türkçülük (Istanbul, 1990), pp.176-81; M. Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden, 1992), pp.71-5; İ. Karaer, Türk Ocaklari: 1912-1931 (Ankara, 1992); and F. Üstel, İmparatorluktan Ulus-Devlete Türk Milliyetçiliǧi: Türk Ocaklari, 1912-1931 (Istanbul, 1997).
10. More information on Türk Ocaklari can be found in Y. Akçuraoǧlu, Türkçülük (Istanbul, 1990), pp.176-81; M. Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden, 1992), pp.71-5; İ. Karaer, Türk Ocaklari: 1912-1931 (Ankara, 1992); and F. Üstel, İmparatorluktan Ulus-Devlete Türk Milliyetçiliǧi: Türk Ocaklari, 1912-1931 (Istanbul, 1997).
11. More information on Türk Ocaklari can be found in Y. Akçuraoǧlu, Türkçülük (Istanbul, 1990), pp.176-81; M. Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden, 1992), pp.71-5; İ. Karaer, Türk Ocaklari: 1912-1931 (Ankara, 1992); and F. Üstel, İmparatorluktan Ulus-Devlete Türk Milliyetçiliǧi: Türk Ocaklari, 1912-1931 (Istanbul, 1997).
12. More information on Türk Ocaklari can be found in Y. Akçuraoǧlu, Türkçülük (Istanbul, 1990), pp.176-81; M. Arai, Turkish Nationalism in the Young Turk Era (Leiden, 1992), pp.71-5; İ. Karaer, Türk Ocaklari: 1912-1931 (Ankara, 1992); and F. Üstel, İmparatorluktan Ulus-Devlete Türk Milliyetçiliǧi: Türk Ocaklari, 1912-1931 (Istanbul, 1997).
13. D. E. Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation (Philadelphia, 1939), p.186; K. H. Karpat, 'The People's Houses in Turkey, Establishment and Growth', Middle East Journal, Vol.17 (1963), p.59.
14. D. E. Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk; Social Process in the Turkish Reformation (Philadelphia, 1939), p.186; K. H. Karpat, 'The People's Houses in Turkey, Establishment and Growth', Middle East Journal, Vol.17 (1963), p.59.
15. Hamdullah Suphi Tanriöver quoted in S. Aydin, 'Türk Tarih Tezi ve Halkevleri', Kebikeç, Vol.2, No.3 (1996), p.109.
16. For a very good story of the mood among the ruling circles of the time see A. H. Başar's Atatürk'le Üç Ay ve 1930'dan Sonra Türkiye (Ankara, 1981).
17. For the propagandistic expectations from the People's Houses see A. A. Kolesnikov, Narodnye Doma v Obshchestvenno-politicheskoi i Kulturnoi Zhizni Turetskoi Respubliki (Moscow, 1984), pp. 76-9; and Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk, pp.186-96.
18. For the propagandistic expectations from the People's Houses see A. A. Kolesnikov, Narodnye Doma v Obshchestvenno-politicheskoi i Kulturnoi Zhizni Turetskoi Respubliki (Moscow, 1984), pp. 76-9; and Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk, pp.186-96.
19. The official statements regarding the primary role of the People's Houses in reaching the hearts and minds of people can be found in many articles in Ülkü. See, for instance, İsmet İnönü, 'Halkevleri Yil Dönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.100; Atatürk quoted in Nafi Kansu, 'Halkevlerimiz', Ülkü, Vol.12, No.68 (1938), p.213; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.60 (1938), p.550; A. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.107 for clear examples of the intention to spread the ideology of the regime to the masses. As Tütengil and many intellectuals who wrote in the publications of the People's Houses pointed out the peasantist activities of the People's Houses was an attempt to reach the people. C. O. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1983), p.87.
20. The official statements regarding the primary role of the People's Houses in reaching the hearts and minds of people can be found in many articles in Ülkü. See, for instance, İsmet İnönü, 'Halkevleri Yil Dönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.100; Atatürk quoted in Nafi Kansu, 'Halkevlerimiz', Ülkü, Vol.12, No.68 (1938), p.213; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.60 (1938), p.550; A. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.107 for clear examples of the intention to spread the ideology of the regime to the masses. As Tütengil and many intellectuals who wrote in the publications of the People's Houses pointed out the peasantist activities of the People's Houses was an attempt to reach the people. C. O. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1983), p.87.
21. The official statements regarding the primary role of the People's Houses in reaching the hearts and minds of people can be found in many articles in Ülkü. See, for instance, İsmet İnönü, 'Halkevleri Yil Dönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.100; Atatürk quoted in Nafi Kansu, 'Halkevlerimiz', Ülkü, Vol.12, No.68 (1938), p.213; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.60 (1938), p.550; A. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.107 for clear examples of the intention to spread the ideology of the regime to the masses. As Tütengil and many intellectuals who wrote in the publications of the People's Houses pointed out the peasantist activities of the People's Houses was an attempt to reach the people. C. O. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1983), p.87.
22. The official statements regarding the primary role of the People's Houses in reaching the hearts and minds of people can be found in many articles in Ülkü. See, for instance, İsmet İnönü, 'Halkevleri Yil Dönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.100; Atatürk quoted in Nafi Kansu, 'Halkevlerimiz', Ülkü, Vol.12, No.68 (1938), p.213; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.60 (1938), p.550; A. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.107 for clear examples of the intention to spread the ideology of the regime to the masses. As Tütengil and many intellectuals who wrote in the publications of the People's Houses pointed out the peasantist activities of the People's Houses was an attempt to reach the people. C. O. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1983), p.87.
23. The official statements regarding the primary role of the People's Houses in reaching the hearts and minds of people can be found in many articles in Ülkü. See, for instance, İsmet İnönü, 'Halkevleri Yil Dönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.100; Atatürk quoted in Nafi Kansu, 'Halkevlerimiz', Ülkü, Vol.12, No.68 (1938), p.213; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.60 (1938), p.550; A. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.107 for clear examples of the intention to spread the ideology of the regime to the masses. As Tütengil and many intellectuals who wrote in the publications of the People's Houses pointed out the peasantist activities of the People's Houses was an attempt to reach the people. C. O. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari (Istanbul, 1983), p.87.
24. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.91; Aydin, 'Türk Tarih Tezi..., pp.108-9.
25. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.91; Aydin, 'Türk Tarih Tezi..., pp.108-9.
26. Selim Sirri Tarcan was sent to Sweden and Vildan Savaşir to Central Europe to examine adult education. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.95. According to Başgöz and Howard 'it was alleged that the formation of Halkevleri program was strongly influenced by both the Soviet and Fascist (Italian) practices.' İ. Başgöz and H. E. Wilson, Educational Problems in Turkey, 1920-1940 (Bloomington, 1968), p.152.
27. Selim Sirri Tarcan was sent to Sweden and Vildan Savaşir to Central Europe to examine adult education. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.95. According to Başgöz and Howard 'it was alleged that the formation of Halkevleri program was strongly influenced by both the Soviet and Fascist (Italian) practices.' İ. Başgöz and H. E. Wilson, Educational Problems in Turkey, 1920-1940 (Bloomington, 1968), p.152.
28. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87. The emphasis on the necessity of adult education continued all through the 1930s. See N. A. Kansu. 'Halk Terbiyesi ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.3; N. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.358; N. Köymen, Halkçilik ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1934), p.18.
29. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87. The emphasis on the necessity of adult education continued all through the 1930s. See N. A. Kansu. 'Halk Terbiyesi ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.3; N. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.358; N. Köymen, Halkçilik ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1934), p.18.
30. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87. The emphasis on the necessity of adult education continued all through the 1930s. See N. A. Kansu. 'Halk Terbiyesi ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.3; N. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.358; N. Köymen, Halkçilik ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1934), p.18.
31. Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87. The emphasis on the necessity of adult education continued all through the 1930s. See N. A. Kansu. 'Halk Terbiyesi ve Halkevleri', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.3; N. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.358; N. Köymen, Halkçilik ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1934), p.18.
32. See, for example, Recep Peker, the general secretary of the RPP in the first issue of Ülkü. R. Peker, 'Halkevleri Açilma Nutku (Parçalar)', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.1 (1933), p.6.
33. Peker, 'Halkevleri Açilma Nutku', p.7.
34. Atay quoted in K. Alemdar, 'Basinda Kadro Dergisi ve Kadro Hareketi ile İlgili Bazi Görüşler', published in the reprint of Kadro, Vol.1 (1932), p.26.
35. Yakup Kadri (Karaosmanoǧlu), 'Moda ve Sakarya', Kadro, No.28 (1934), p.103.
36. B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.57 (1937), p.282; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.469.
37. B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.57 (1937), p.282; B. K. Çaǧlar, 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.469.
38. Hâmit Zübeyir, 'Halk Terbiyesi Vasitalari', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.159.
39. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.123.
40. In order to found a People's House in a city or town, at least three of the nine divisions had to exist. These included 1) Language, Literature, and History, 2) Fine Arts, 3) Dramatics, 4) Sports, 5) Social Assistance, 6) Folk Schools and Courses, 7) Library and Publishing, 8) Peasantism, and 9) Museums and Exhibits. K. Ünal, 'Halkodalari', Ülkü, Vol.14, No.79 (1939), p.13.
41. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.127.
42. 'Köycüler Bölümü', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.2, No.7 (1933), p.63.
43. 'Ülkü'nün Yazi Bölümleri', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.1, No.1 (1933), p.93.
44. N. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.113; '1940 Yili Halkevleri ve Halkodalari Çalişmalari', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.71 and Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.195.
45. N. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.113; '1940 Yili Halkevleri ve Halkodalari Çalişmalari', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.71 and Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.195.
46. N. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), p.113; '1940 Yili Halkevleri ve Halkodalari Çalişmalari', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.17, No.97 (1941), p.71 and Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.195.
47. B. K. Çaǧlar. 'Halkevlerinde Göze Çarpan Çalişmalar ve Beliren Deǧerler', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.66 (1938), p.558.
48. Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.123 and p.162.
49. C. O. Tütengil, Türkiye'de Köy Sorunu (Istanbul, 1969), pp.11-12.
50. Kolesnikov, Narodnye Doma v Obshchestvenno-politicheskoi .., pp.124-8.
51. Ünal, 'Halkodalari', p.15; Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.179.
52. Ünal, 'Halkodalari', p.15; Çeçen, Halkevleri, p.179.
53. Ünal, 'Halkodalari', pp.13-15; 'Halkevleri Postasi', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.14, No.79 (1939), p.78.
54. Ünal, 'Halkodalari', pp.13-15; 'Halkevleri Postasi', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.14, No.79 (1939), p.78.
55. Başgöz recalls that many of the projects initiated during the village visits were consciously ignored by the peasants after the visitors left the village. Interview with Dr İlhan Başgöz, Bloomington, Indiana, 4 May 1997.
56. 'I have found it impossible to form any impression regarding this division's work... If there is a question as to the value of these efforts to the village people, there is no doubt that it is good for city and town dwellers who serve in the Village Welfare Division. They cannot make excursions into the country without learning a few things of value to their social and political thinking ... Whenever I talked with Party and Halkevi officials I asked about the success of this element of the program: always the replies were anything but informing.' Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk, p.191.
57. Fay Kirby. Türkiye'de Köy Enstitüleri (Ankara, 1962), p.60.
58. Tütengil, Türkiye'de Köy Sorunu, p.93.
59. See H. R. Buxton, Turkey in Revolution (London, 1909), p.36, p.56 for the interest of Committee of Union and Progress in peasants.
60. Parvus or Alexander Helphand actively participated as one of the leaders in the activities of both the Russian and German Social Democratic Party. He lived in Istanbul from 1910 through 1915 and wrote in several Young Turk journals and newspapers on the peasantry, imperialism, and the fiscal problems of the Ottoman state. For more information on Parvus see Z.A.B. Zeman and S.B. Winfried, The Merchant of Revolution; the Life of Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus) 1867-1924 (New York, 1965) and O. F. Solov'ev, 'Parvus: Politicheskii Portret', Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, No.1 (1991), pp.162-85.
61. Parvus or Alexander Helphand actively participated as one of the leaders in the activities of both the Russian and German Social Democratic Party. He lived in Istanbul from 1910 through 1915 and wrote in several Young Turk journals and newspapers on the peasantry, imperialism, and the fiscal problems of the Ottoman state. For more information on Parvus see Z.A.B. Zeman and S.B. Winfried, The Merchant of Revolution; the Life of Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus) 1867-1924 (New York, 1965) and O. F. Solov'ev, 'Parvus: Politicheskii Portret', Novaia i Noveishaia Istoriia, No.1 (1991), pp.162-85.
62. See the following articles related to the Ottoman peasantry by Parvus: 'Köylüler ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.1, No.9 (1912), pp.264-5; 'Köylü ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.4, No.10 (1913), pp.1158-62; 'İs İşten Geçmeden Gözünüzü Açiniz', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.12 (1913), pp.363-4; 'Devlet ve Millet', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.3 (1913), p.85; 'Esaret-i Maliyeden Kurtulmanm Yolu', Türk Yurdu, II, no 7, 1328, p.587 (all in Ottoman Turkish).
63. See the following articles related to the Ottoman peasantry by Parvus: 'Köylüler ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.1, No.9 (1912), pp.264-5; 'Köylü ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.4, No.10 (1913), pp.1158-62; 'İs İşten Geçmeden Gözünüzü Açiniz', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.12 (1913), pp.363-4; 'Devlet ve Millet', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.3 (1913), p.85; 'Esaret-i Maliyeden Kurtulmanm Yolu', Türk Yurdu, II, no 7, 1328, p.587 (all in Ottoman Turkish).
64. See the following articles related to the Ottoman peasantry by Parvus: 'Köylüler ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.1, No.9 (1912), pp.264-5; 'Köylü ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.4, No.10 (1913), pp.1158-62; 'İs İşten Geçmeden Gözünüzü Açiniz', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.12 (1913), pp.363-4; 'Devlet ve Millet', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.3 (1913), p.85; 'Esaret-i Maliyeden Kurtulmanm Yolu', Türk Yurdu, II, no 7, 1328, p.587 (all in Ottoman Turkish).
65. See the following articles related to the Ottoman peasantry by Parvus: 'Köylüler ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.1, No.9 (1912), pp.264-5; 'Köylü ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.4, No.10 (1913), pp.1158-62; 'İs İşten Geçmeden Gözünüzü Açiniz', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.12 (1913), pp.363-4; 'Devlet ve Millet', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.3 (1913), p.85; 'Esaret-i Maliyeden Kurtulmanm Yolu', Türk Yurdu, II, no 7, 1328, p.587 (all in Ottoman Turkish).
66. See the following articles related to the Ottoman peasantry by Parvus: 'Köylüler ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.1, No.9 (1912), pp.264-5; 'Köylü ve Devlet,' Türk Yurdu, Vol.4, No.10 (1913), pp.1158-62; 'İs İşten Geçmeden Gözünüzü Açiniz', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.12 (1913), pp.363-4; 'Devlet ve Millet', Türk Yurdu, Vol.3, No.3 (1913), p.85; 'Esaret-i Maliyeden Kurtulmanm Yolu', Türk Yurdu, II, no 7, 1328, p.587 (all in Ottoman Turkish).
67. See Ş. Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara, 1953), pages 12-15, 19, 21, 28, 37-38, 48-50, 109, 133, 187-8 for Galip's life, career and peasantst activities. See also Halide Edip Adivar, Türkün Ateşle İmtihani (Istanbul, 1973), p.15; and U. Iǧdemir, Yillarin İçinden (Ankara, 1976), pp.292-3 for the Peasantist Association.
68. See Ş. Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara, 1953), pages 12-15, 19, 21, 28, 37-38, 48-50, 109, 133, 187-8 for Galip's life, career and peasantst activities. See also Halide Edip Adivar, Türkün Ateşle İmtihani (Istanbul, 1973), p.15; and U. Iǧdemir, Yillarin İçinden (Ankara, 1976), pp.292-3 for the Peasantist Association.
69. See Ş. Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara, 1953), pages 12-15, 19, 21, 28, 37-38, 48-50, 109, 133, 187-8 for Galip's life, career and peasantst activities. See also Halide Edip Adivar, Türkün Ateşle İmtihani (Istanbul, 1973), p.15; and U. Iǧdemir, Yillarin İçinden (Ankara, 1976), pp.292-3 for the Peasantist Association.
70. Ömer Lütfi Barkan's assessment of the issue regarding the early Republican era is interesting: 'In our country, leave aside the practical side of the matter, even theoretically as an idea or problem, land issues had not occupied significant a place as they deserved among intellectuals and academics.' Ö. Lütfi Barkan, 'Balkan Memleketlerinin Ziraî Reform Tecrübeleri,' in Ö.L. Barkan (ed.), Türkiye'de Toprak Meselesi, Toplu Eserler I (Istanbul, 1980), p.377.
71. Just to give an idea of the writers, the leading statesmen included K. Atatürk, İ. İnönü, Ş. Kaya, R. Peker, C. Bayar, A. Çetinkaya, academics included F. Köprülü, N. Berkes, Î. Uzunçarşili, Ö. L. Barkan, P. Boratav, Ş. Kansu, N. Kansu, P. Wittek, V. V. Bartold. Needless to say, the prominent peasatists N. Köymen, İ. H. Tonguç, M. Saffet, S. Aydoslu and the like contributed to the journal.
72. In an article in Kadro evaluating Ülkü, the Kadro contributors argued that what Ülkü was lacking was the ideological consistency and the authority of 'Ziya Gökalp.' By this, they meant the lack of homogeneity of the journal. See 'Mecmualarimiz', no author given, Kadro, No.26 (1934), p.47. Unlike Ülkü, the famous periodical Kadro which was published at around the same time with Ülkü but forced to terminate itself in late 1934 had a strictly homogeneous theoretical and ideological position.
73. Barkan, Türkiye'de Toprak Meselesi, p.26.
74. For the emerging interest in villages of the time see Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.361; N. Köymen, 'Bir Köycülük Projesi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.8 (1933), p.57; N. Köymen, 'Köylü Hani', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.16 (1934), p.319; N. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari (Ankara, 1934), p.6 and p.19.
75. For the emerging interest in villages of the time see Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.361; N. Köymen, 'Bir Köycülük Projesi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.8 (1933), p.57; N. Köymen, 'Köylü Hani', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.16 (1934), p.319; N. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari (Ankara, 1934), p.6 and p.19.
76. For the emerging interest in villages of the time see Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.361; N. Köymen, 'Bir Köycülük Projesi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.8 (1933), p.57; N. Köymen, 'Köylü Hani', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.16 (1934), p.319; N. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari (Ankara, 1934), p.6 and p.19.
77. For the emerging interest in villages of the time see Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.361; N. Köymen, 'Bir Köycülük Projesi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.8 (1933), p.57; N. Köymen, 'Köylü Hani', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.16 (1934), p.319; N. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari (Ankara, 1934), p.6 and p.19.
78. Aydoslu Sait, 'Köycülük Esaslari', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.22 (1934), p.300.
79. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, pp.19-20.
80. N. Köymen, 'Sanayide Yayicilik', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.39 (1936), p.175.
81. A. Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.7 (1933), p.38. One of the characteristics that Ülkü announced as a criteria for publication was that they had to show the damages of immigration into the cities. 'Ülkü'nün Yazi Bölümleri', no author given, Ülkü, Vol.3, No.13 (1934), p.79.
82. A. Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', Ülkü, Vol.2, No.7 (1933), p.38. One of the characteristics that Ülkü announced as a criteria for publication was that they had to show the damages of immigration into the cities. 'Ülkü'nün Yazi Bölümleri', no author given, Ülkü, Vol.3, No.13 (1934), p.79.
83. S. Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.23 (1935), p.356.
84. B. R. Dülger, 'Köyün Gücü', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.37 (1936), p.53; A. S. İşgör, 'Giresun Zihar Köyü', Ülkü, Vol.8, No.48 (1937), p.451.
85. B. R. Dülger, 'Köyün Gücü', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.37 (1936), p.53; A. S. İşgör, 'Giresun Zihar Köyü', Ülkü, Vol.8, No.48 (1937), p.451.
86. For an example supporting the existence of such a discriminatory exploitation of the rural people, see F. Madarah, Tonguç Işiǧi, No further information, p.107.
87. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, p.13.
88. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.355.
89. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, p.23; Dr M. Celâl Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalari Çalişmalari', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.102 (1941), pp.541-543.
90. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, p.23; Dr M. Celâl Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalari Çalişmalari', Ülkü, Vol.17, No.102 (1941), pp.541-543.
91. H. A. Malik, 'Kişla ve Köy Terbiyesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.3 (1933), p.237;
92. M. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.6 (1933), p.424; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.15; M. C. Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1940), p.7; Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalan Çalişmalari', p.541.
93. M. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.6 (1933), p.424; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.15; M. C. Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1940), p.7; Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalan Çalişmalari', p.541.
94. M. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.6 (1933), p.424; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.15; M. C. Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1940), p.7; Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalan Çalişmalari', p.541.
95. M. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.6 (1933), p.424; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.15; M. C. Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy ve Köycülük (Ankara, 1940), p.7; Duru, 'Halkevleri ve Halkodalan Çalişmalari', p.541.
96. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), pp.108-9; Kadri Kemal, 'Anadolu'nun Doǧusunda Dil Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.406; Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', p.37; 'İnkilap Kürsüsünde İsmet Paşanin Dersi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.14 (1934), p.83; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.78.
97. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), pp.108-9; Kadri Kemal, 'Anadolu'nun Doǧusunda Dil Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.406; Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', p.37; 'İnkilap Kürsüsünde İsmet Paşanin Dersi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.14 (1934), p.83; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.78.
98. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), pp.108-9; Kadri Kemal, 'Anadolu'nun Doǧusunda Dil Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.406; Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', p.37; 'İnkilap Kürsüsünde İsmet Paşanin Dersi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.14 (1934), p.83; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.78.
99. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), pp.108-9; Kadri Kemal, 'Anadolu'nun Doǧusunda Dil Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.406; Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', p.37; 'İnkilap Kürsüsünde İsmet Paşanin Dersi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.14 (1934), p.83; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.78.
100. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.2 (1933), pp.108-9; Kadri Kemal, 'Anadolu'nun Doǧusunda Dil Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.406; Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi', p.37; 'İnkilap Kürsüsünde İsmet Paşanin Dersi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.14 (1934), p.83; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.78.
101. H. Raşit, 'Köy Muhiti ve Çoçuk Terbiyesi', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1934), p.154; and Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III', p.358.
102. H. Raşit, 'Köy Muhiti ve Çoçuk Terbiyesi', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1934), p.154; and Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III', p.358.
103. M. Saffet, 'Kültür İnkilabimiz', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.352; H.R. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', Ülkü, Vol.5, No.25 (1935), p.18.
104. M. Saffet, 'Kültür İnkilabimiz', Ülkü, Vol.1, No.5 (1933), p.352; H.R. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', Ülkü, Vol.5, No.25 (1935), p.18.
105. Georgeon, Francios, Türk Milliyetçiliǧinin Kökenleri, Yusuf Akçura, 1876-1935 (Ankara, 1986), p.193. Although this romantic perception of the countryside as the reserve of the national flavor permeated in the contemporary writings of the intelligentsia, those same people also viewed the peasants as the least 'nationalized' group of the people. This, in fact, was very much the real case since the national project was more of an urban phenomenon. Given the necessity to spread the nationalist ideology to the countryside, the same Köymen writes: 'There are some villages in which a foreign language is spoken although they are often racially Turkish and have been living in this country for centuries; and there are even some villages in which people speak Turkish but do not adhere to Turkism sufficiently.'
106. N. Köymen, Köycülük Programma Giriş (Ankara, 1935), p.20.
107. A discussion of racism in the People's Houses can be found in Aydin, 'Türk Tarih Tezi ve Halkevleri', pp.107-30.
108. See for instance Prime Minister ismet İnönü's speech for the argument that the noble Turkish blood could be found only in villages. Ali, 'İsmet Paşa ..., p.403.
109. F. Kerim, 'Milli Nüfus Siyasetinde (Eugenique) Meselesinin Mahiyeti', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.15 (1934), pp.206-212; and Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy, pp.7-8.
110. F. Kerim, 'Milli Nüfus Siyasetinde (Eugenique) Meselesinin Mahiyeti', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.15 (1934), pp.206-212; and Duru, Saǧlik Bakimindan Köy, pp.7-8.
111. Necip Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümü Nutku', Ülkü, Vol.3, No. 13 (1934), p.8.
112. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. According to them, for the peasant, 'land is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop.'Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German 'peasantness' and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' Were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants could be much better off. According to him, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower-birth rates. For these views see Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Walter Darré and Hitler's Green Party (Buckinghamshire, 1985), p.8, p.62, p.68 and p.203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1967), pp.449-50.
113. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. According to them, for the peasant, 'land is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop.'Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German 'peasantness' and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' Were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants could be much better off. According to him, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower-birth rates. For these views see Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Walter Darré and Hitler's Green Party (Buckinghamshire, 1985), p.8, p.62, p.68 and p.203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston, 1967), pp.449-50.
114. According to Aydoslu, there was nothing inherently superior in industrial production. He argued that productivity of an industrial worker was not more than that of an artisan. Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III', p.357.
115. S. Aydoslu, 'Köylü ve Köylü Ekonomisi', Ülkü, Vol.5, No.27 (1935), p.176.
116. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, p.25.
117. K. Aydiner, 'Yurdumuzun Agaçlandinlmasi ve Zirai Hapishaneler', Ülkü, Vol.10, No.57 (1937), p.267.
118. Köymen, Köycülük Esaslari, p.23.
119. Ibid., p.30. This is reminiscent of Nazi rhetoric. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'. See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York, 1990), p.19. For the official Nazi attitude toward the peasantry and a similar rhetoric see R. W. Darré, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich, 1929); A. Hitler, 'Parteiamtliche Kundgebung über die Stellung der NSDAP zum Landvolk und zur Landwirtschaft', Völkischer Beobachter, 6 Mar. 1930, and R.W. Darré, 'Landstand und Staat,' Völkischer Beobachter, 19-21 April 1931.
120. Ibid., p.30. This is reminiscent of Nazi rhetoric. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'. See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York, 1990), p.19. For the official Nazi attitude toward the peasantry and a similar rhetoric see R. W. Darré, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich, 1929); A. Hitler, 'Parteiamtliche Kundgebung über die Stellung der NSDAP zum Landvolk und zur Landwirtschaft', Völkischer Beobachter, 6 Mar. 1930, and R.W. Darré, 'Landstand und Staat,' Völkischer Beobachter, 19-21 April 1931.
121. Ibid., p.30. This is reminiscent of Nazi rhetoric. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'. See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York, 1990), p.19. For the official Nazi attitude toward the peasantry and a similar rhetoric see R. W. Darré, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich, 1929); A. Hitler, 'Parteiamtliche Kundgebung über die Stellung der NSDAP zum Landvolk und zur Landwirtschaft', Völkischer Beobachter, 6 Mar. 1930, and R.W. Darré, 'Landstand und Staat,' Völkischer Beobachter, 19-21 April 1931.
122. Ibid., p.30. This is reminiscent of Nazi rhetoric. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'. See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York, 1990), p.19. For the official Nazi attitude toward the peasantry and a similar rhetoric see R. W. Darré, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich, 1929); A. Hitler, 'Parteiamtliche Kundgebung über die Stellung der NSDAP zum Landvolk und zur Landwirtschaft', Völkischer Beobachter, 6 Mar. 1930, and R.W. Darré, 'Landstand und Staat,' Völkischer Beobachter, 19-21 April 1931.
123. Ibid., p.30. This is reminiscent of Nazi rhetoric. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'. See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York, 1990), p.19. For the official Nazi attitude toward the peasantry and a similar rhetoric see R. W. Darré, Das Bauerntum als Lebensquell der Nordischen Rasse (Munich, 1929); A. Hitler, 'Parteiamtliche Kundgebung über die Stellung der NSDAP zum Landvolk und zur Landwirtschaft', Völkischer Beobachter, 6 Mar. 1930, and R.W. Darré, 'Landstand und Staat,' Völkischer Beobachter, 19-21 April 1931.
124. N. Köymen, 'Sanayileşmemiz Üzerinde Düşünceler', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.37 (1936), p.22.
125. S. Hüsnü, T. Tola and İ. Hakki, Köycülüǧümüzün Temelleri (Istanbul, 1935), p.6. Ö. Lütfi Barkan also called attention to the double effects of industrialization in 1935. On the one hand, it created a world polarized within metropolises and colonies and on the other hand, it led to unfavorable working conditions for the growing number of working classes. See Barkan, Türkiye'de Toprak Meselesi, p.27.
126. S. Hüsnü, T. Tola and İ. Hakki, Köycülüǧümüzün Temelleri (Istanbul, 1935), p.6. Ö. Lütfi Barkan also called attention to the double effects of industrialization in 1935. On the one hand, it created a world polarized within metropolises and colonies and on the other hand, it led to unfavorable working conditions for the growing number of working classes. See Barkan, Türkiye'de Toprak Meselesi, p.27.
127. Köymen, Halkçilik ve Köycülük, p.18.
128. Ö. Lütfi Barkan pointed out similar views regarding the difference in understanding agrarian societies and industrial societies. Barkan, Türkiye'de Toprak Meselesi, p.24.
129. Köymen, 'Halk Seferberliǧine Doǧru', p.355.
130. For an interesting example in this regard, see Hüsnü, Köycülüǧümüzün Temelleri, p.8.
131. With regard to Westernization the following articles should be cited from Kadro: Şevket Süreyya, 'Biz Avrupanin Hayrani Deǧil, Mirascisiyiz!', Kadro, No.29 (1934), pp.43-6; Yakup Kadri, 'Eskiler Almayalim!', Kadro, No.4 (1932), pp.44-5; Yakup Kadri, 'Samimiyete Davet', Kadro, No.16 (1933), pp.29-30; 'Mecmualarimiz,' No author given, Kadro, No.27 (1934), pp.52-3; Vedat Nedim, 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, No.15 (1933), pp.13-14.
132. With regard to Westernization the following articles should be cited from Kadro: Şevket Süreyya, 'Biz Avrupanin Hayrani Deǧil, Mirascisiyiz!', Kadro, No.29 (1934), pp.43-6; Yakup Kadri, 'Eskiler Almayalim!', Kadro, No.4 (1932), pp.44-5; Yakup Kadri, 'Samimiyete Davet', Kadro, No.16 (1933), pp.29-30; 'Mecmualarimiz,' No author given, Kadro, No.27 (1934), pp.52-3; Vedat Nedim, 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, No.15 (1933), pp.13-14.
133. With regard to Westernization the following articles should be cited from Kadro: Şevket Süreyya, 'Biz Avrupanin Hayrani Deǧil, Mirascisiyiz!', Kadro, No.29 (1934), pp.43-6; Yakup Kadri, 'Eskiler Almayalim!', Kadro, No.4 (1932), pp.44-5; Yakup Kadri, 'Samimiyete Davet', Kadro, No.16 (1933), pp.29-30; 'Mecmualarimiz,' No author given, Kadro, No.27 (1934), pp.52-3; Vedat Nedim, 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, No.15 (1933), pp.13-14.
134. With regard to Westernization the following articles should be cited from Kadro: Şevket Süreyya, 'Biz Avrupanin Hayrani Deǧil, Mirascisiyiz!', Kadro, No.29 (1934), pp.43-6; Yakup Kadri, 'Eskiler Almayalim!', Kadro, No.4 (1932), pp.44-5; Yakup Kadri, 'Samimiyete Davet', Kadro, No.16 (1933), pp.29-30; 'Mecmualarimiz,' No author given, Kadro, No.27 (1934), pp.52-3; Vedat Nedim, 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, No.15 (1933), pp.13-14.
135. With regard to Westernization the following articles should be cited from Kadro: Şevket Süreyya, 'Biz Avrupanin Hayrani Deǧil, Mirascisiyiz!', Kadro, No.29 (1934), pp.43-6; Yakup Kadri, 'Eskiler Almayalim!', Kadro, No.4 (1932), pp.44-5; Yakup Kadri, 'Samimiyete Davet', Kadro, No.16 (1933), pp.29-30; 'Mecmualarimiz,' No author given, Kadro, No.27 (1934), pp.52-3; Vedat Nedim, 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, No.15 (1933), pp.13-14.
136. See for instance Şerif Mardin, 'Religion and Secularism in Turkey,' in A. Kazancigil and E. Özbudun (eds.), Atatürk: Founder of a Modern State (London, 1981).
137. 'Halkevleri Postasi', no author given, Ülkü, Vol.14, No.79 (1939), p.77.
138. Çeçen, Halkevleri (Ankara, 1990), p.387.
139. See, for example, Saffet, 'Kültür İnkilabimiz', p.352.
140. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', p.19; İ. H. Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitimi Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.442; T. Hayrettin, 'İnkilap ve Köy', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1933), p.33; Köymen, Köycülük Programina Giriş, pp.42-3.
141. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', p.19; İ. H. Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitimi Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.442; T. Hayrettin, 'İnkilap ve Köy', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1933), p.33; Köymen, Köycülük Programina Giriş, pp.42-3.
142. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', p.19; İ. H. Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitimi Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.442; T. Hayrettin, 'İnkilap ve Köy', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1933), p.33; Köymen, Köycülük Programina Giriş, pp.42-3.
143. Öymen, 'Köy İçin Yüksek Halk Okullari', p.19; İ. H. Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitimi Meselesi', Ülkü, Vol.11, No.65 (1938), p.442; T. Hayrettin, 'İnkilap ve Köy', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.20 (1933), p.33; Köymen, Köycülük Programina Giriş, pp.42-3.
144. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', p.428; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.49.
145. Saffet, 'Köycülük Nedir?', p.428; Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip, p.49.
146. H. R. Öymen, 'Tek Dersaneli Okullar', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.41 (1936), p.353; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87.
147. H. R. Öymen, 'Tek Dersaneli Okullar', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.41 (1936), p.353; Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin ..., p.87.
148. C.H.P İzmir Halkevi Köycülük Kolu Neşriyati: 7. UmumîMecliste 937 Yili Toplantisinda Kabul Edilen İzmir İli Köylerinin Kültür Bakimindan Beşyillik Kalkinma Programi (İzmir, 1937), p.2 and pp.12-13; 'Köy Öǧretmen ve Eǧitmeni Yetiştirme İşi', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.8, No.46 (1936), pp.262-3.
149. C.H.P İzmir Halkevi Köycülük Kolu Neşriyati: 7. UmumîMecliste 937 Yili Toplantisinda Kabul Edilen İzmir İli Köylerinin Kültür Bakimindan Beşyillik Kalkinma Programi (İzmir, 1937), p.2 and pp.12-13; 'Köy Öǧretmen ve Eǧitmeni Yetiştirme İşi', No author given, Ülkü, Vol.8, No.46 (1936), pp.262-3.
150. Ali, 'Halkevleri Yildönümünde', p.106.
151. Sait, 'Köycülük Esaslari', p.298.
152. N. Kemal, 'İradecilik ve Köycülük', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.21 (1934), p.236. See Köymen, Kövcülük Programma Giriş, p.10 for Köymen's critique of historical materialism.
153. N. Kemal, 'İradecilik ve Köycülük', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.21 (1934), p.236. See Köymen, Kövcülük Programma Giriş, p.10 for Köymen's critique of historical materialism.
154. N. Kemal, 'İnkilap İdeolojisinde Halkçilik', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.13 (1934), p.44
155. S. Kandemir, 'Köycülüǧümüz', Ülkü, Vol.6, No.31 (1935), pp.32, 34.
156. Ibid., p.33.
157. C. Bayar, 'C. Bayar'in Endüstri Planimiz Üzerinde Söylevi', Ülkü. Vol.7, No.37 (1936), pp.9-11.
158. Köymen, 'Sanayileşmemiz Üzerinde Düşünceler', p.22.
159. Another Köymen article emphasizing the diffusion of industries in different places rather than concentrating on certain regions see N. Köymen, 'Parti Programinda Köycülük', Ülkü, Vol.5, No. 29(1935), p.396.
160. Köymen, 'Sanayileşmemiz Üzerinde Düşünceler', p.21.
161. Ibid., p.22.
162. 'Gigantomania' at the time was a fetish especially in the former USSR and, to a lesser extent, in the USA.
163. N. Köymen, 'Sanayileşmemiz Üzerinde Düşünceler', p.21.
164. Ahmet İnsel and Cengiz Aktar, '"Devletin Bekasi" İçin Yürütülen Çaǧdaşlaşma Sürecinin Toplumsal Sorunlari', Toplum ve Bilim, No.31/39 (Fall 1985-Spring 1987), p.40.
165. Max W. Thornburg, Turkey, An Economic Appraisal (New York, 1949), p.130.
166. N. Köymen, 'Köy Çalişmalarinda Tek Müsbet Yol: Köylü Hani', Ülkü, Vol.7, No.40 (1936), pp.299-300.
167. For a discussion of why villages in Anatolia was historically so dispersed see Barkan, Türkiye 'de Toprak Meselesi, pp.483-4.
168. Ş. S. Aydemir, İkinci Adam Vol.II (Istanbul, 1968), p.326.
169. For a comprehensive analysis of the Village Institutes in Turkey see M. Asim Karaömerlioǧlu, 'The Village Institues Experience in Turkey', British Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol.25, No.1 (1998), pp.47-73.
170. Karpat, 'The People's Houses in Turkey...', p.65.
171. Başgöz, Educational Problems in Turkey, p.157.
172. Karpat, 'The People's Houses in Turkey...', p.66 [Italics mine]. Karpat also thinks that 'the differences in mentality stemming from the new secularist-modernist indoctrination of the cities and industrialization through the exploitation of agriculture pushed the village further into its traditional isolation and poverty.' See p.61.
173. An interesting case in point is an article that appeared in May 1934 issue of Ülkü complaining about the ways officials behaved toward the people. The complaints included bad treatment of peasants in city hospitals, unfair credit practice in the Ziraat Bankasi (Bank of Agriculture), and the ignorance of the village teacher. In November of the same year, the governor of Bursa rigorously denied the complaints. See Refik and Ziya, 'Bursa'nin Keleş Köyü, Köy Anketi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.15 (1934), pp.234-40; and for the reply see 'Keleş Köyüne Dair Bursa Valiliginin Bir Tavzihi', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.21 (1934), pp.238-40.
174. An interesting case in point is an article that appeared in May 1934 issue of Ülkü complaining about the ways officials behaved toward the people. The complaints included bad treatment of peasants in city hospitals, unfair credit practice in the Ziraat Bankasi (Bank of Agriculture), and the ignorance of the village teacher. In November of the same year, the governor of Bursa rigorously denied the complaints. See Refik and Ziya, 'Bursa'nin Keleş Köyü, Köy Anketi', Ülkü, Vol.3, No.15 (1934), pp.234-40; and for the reply see 'Keleş Köyüne Dair Bursa Valiliginin Bir Tavzihi', Ülkü, Vol.4, No.21 (1934), pp.238-40.
175. Recep Peker, 'Partinin Yeni Programi için Kurultayda R. Pekerin
176. Köymen, 'Büyük Kurultaydan ..., p.226.
177. Vedat Nedim, 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro. No.6 (1932), p.16, p.18; Aydemir, İkinci Adam Vol.I, p.411, p.424.
178. Vedat Nedim, 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro. No.6 (1932), p.16, p.18; Aydemir, İkinci Adam Vol.I, p.411, p.424.
179. Bayar, 'C. Bayar'in Endüstri Planimiz Üzerinde Söylevi', p.9. For some leading officials, the ambiguities and eclecticism meant flexibility in the principles of the Party. N. Ali Küçüka, 'Parti Kurultayi', Ülkü, Vol.5, No.27 (1935), p.164.
180. Bayar, 'C. Bayar'in Endüstri Planimiz Üzerinde Söylevi', p.9. For some leading officials, the ambiguities and eclecticism meant flexibility in the principles of the Party. N. Ali Küçüka, 'Parti Kurultayi', Ülkü, Vol.5, No.27 (1935), p.164.
181. Orhan Kurmuş, 'Cumhuriyetin İlk Yillarinda Sanayiin Korunmasi Sorunu ve Ticaret Sermayesinin Tavri', in TMMOB Tarihsel Gelişimi İçinde Türkiye Sanayii (Ankara, 1977), p.13.
182. Ş. S. Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam (Istanbul, 1995), p.464.
183. 'But at that time the word industrialization, though every so often pronounced, was a disbelieved and dubious term. The phrase 'the use of domestic goods' became a matter of ridicule.' Ibid., Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam, p.453.
184. 'But at that time the word industrialization, though every so often pronounced, was a disbelieved and dubious term. The phrase 'the use of domestic goods' became a matter of ridicule.' Ibid., Aydemir, Suyu Arayan Adam, p.453.