The village institutes experience in Turkey

British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 25, Issue 1, 1998, Pages 47-73

  Karaömerlioglu, M Asim ^a  

^a OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0343902874     PISSN: 13530194     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/13530199808705654     Document Type: Article

References (225)

1. Officially, it began in 1940 although experimental studies started in 1937. The Institutes continued until the early 1950s, but the original phase of the Village Institutes ended in 19-46 with the withdrawal of H. A. Yiicel from the Ministry of Education and I. Tonguç from the administration of the Elementary Education. For Fay Kirby, who wrote the most comprehensive history of the Institutes, the post-1946 practices actually achieved the opposite of the original intentions. See her Türkiye'de Köy Enstitüleri (Ankara: Imece Yaymlari, 1962), p. 6.
2. See for instance Oya Baydar. 'Sinifsal Açidan Köy Ensitüleri,' in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36, Yilinda Köy Enstitüleri, Special Issue, No. 5. April 1976, pp. 19-20, and Engin Tonguç, Devrim Açismdan Köy Enstilüleri ve Tonguç (Istanbul: Ant Yayinlari, 1970), p. 33.
3. See for instance Oya Baydar. 'Sinifsal Açidan Köy Ensitüleri,' in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36, Yilinda Köy Enstitüleri, Special Issue, No. 5. April 1976, pp. 19-20, and Engin Tonguç, Devrim Açismdan Köy Enstilüleri ve Tonguç (Istanbul: Ant Yayinlari, 1970), p. 33.
4. See the many articles in Köy Enstilüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, no author (Ankara: Ayyildiz Matbaasi, 1966).
5. E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 532.
6. For the noticeable lack of support for the Kemalist regime by the rural population of Turkey in its early years of administration, see Carole Rathbun, The Village in the Turkish Novel and Short Story 1920 to 1955 (Paris: Mouton. 1972), p. 14. According to Başgöz and Wilson, 'as the State began to lake an increasingly active role in economic self-development in the 1930's, the leaders began to realize the importance of the peasantry and of rural development.' See İlhan Basgöz & Howard E. Wilson, Educational Problems in Turkey, 1920-1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1968), p. 134. For the changing nature of the political coalitions with the rural classes see F. Birtek & Ç. Keyder, 'Agriculture and the State: An Inquiry into Agricultural Differentiation and Political Alliances: The Case of Turkey,' The Journal of Peasant Studies, 1 (July 1975), p. 452 and p. 458 especially.
7. For the noticeable lack of support for the Kemalist regime by the rural population of Turkey in its early years of administration, see Carole Rathbun, The Village in the Turkish Novel and Short Story 1920 to 1955 (Paris: Mouton. 1972), p. 14. According to Başgöz and Wilson, 'as the State began to lake an increasingly active role in economic self-development in the 1930's, the leaders began to realize the importance of the peasantry and of rural development.' See İlhan Basgöz & Howard E. Wilson, Educational Problems in Turkey, 1920-1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1968), p. 134. For the changing nature of the political coalitions with the rural classes see F. Birtek & Ç. Keyder, 'Agriculture and the State: An Inquiry into Agricultural Differentiation and Political Alliances: The Case of Turkey,' The Journal of Peasant Studies, 1 (July 1975), p. 452 and p. 458 especially.
8. For the noticeable lack of support for the Kemalist regime by the rural population of Turkey in its early years of administration, see Carole Rathbun, The Village in the Turkish Novel and Short Story 1920 to 1955 (Paris: Mouton. 1972), p. 14. According to Başgöz and Wilson, 'as the State began to lake an increasingly active role in economic self-development in the 1930's, the leaders began to realize the importance of the peasantry and of rural development.' See İlhan Basgöz & Howard E. Wilson, Educational Problems in Turkey, 1920-1940 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1968), p. 134. For the changing nature of the political coalitions with the rural classes see F. Birtek & Ç. Keyder, 'Agriculture and the State: An Inquiry into Agricultural Differentiation and Political Alliances: The Case of Turkey,' The Journal of Peasant Studies, 1 (July 1975), p. 452 and p. 458 especially.
9. Until the mid-1980s Turkey had possibly been one of the most agrarian countries in Europe and the Middle East. As Eric Hobsbawm illustrates, 'Only one peasant stronghold remained in or around the neighbourhood of Europe and the Middle East-Turkey, where the peasantry declined, but in the mid-1980s, still remained an absolute majority.' See his The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991 (New York: Pantheon, 1994), p. 291. One of the World Bank publications confirms Hobsbawm's observation: The World Bank, Workers in an Integrating World, World Development Report 1995 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 222-223.
10. Until the mid-1980s Turkey had possibly been one of the most agrarian countries in Europe and the Middle East. As Eric Hobsbawm illustrates, 'Only one peasant stronghold remained in or around the neighbourhood of Europe and the Middle East-Turkey, where the peasantry declined, but in the mid-1980s, still remained an absolute majority.' See his The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991 (New York: Pantheon, 1994), p. 291. One of the World Bank publications confirms Hobsbawm's observation: The World Bank, Workers in an Integrating World, World Development Report 1995 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 222-223.
11. See Korkmaz Alemdar, 'Basinda Kadro Dergisi ve Kadro Hareketi ile İlgili Bazi Görüşter,' Kadro, I (1978) (reprint) p. 26; and Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoǧlu, 'Moda ve Sakarya,' Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 103.
12. See Korkmaz Alemdar, 'Basinda Kadro Dergisi ve Kadro Hareketi ile İlgili Bazi Görüşter,' Kadro, I (1978) (reprint) p. 26; and Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoǧlu, 'Moda ve Sakarya,' Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 103.
13. An astute American observer of the time, Donald E. Webster, notes the relationship between the rural reform and the Kurdish issue: 'In the spring of 1937 it was necessary to subdue another rebellion in the Kurdish region, this time in Tunceli, south of Elaziz. When the first news of it was published (15 June 1937), it appears that the revolt had been in progress for two months or more but was then under control. The Government announced that it would increase its application of reform measures, including modernization of agriculture and promotion of education, in the recalcitrant region.' See Donald Everett Webster, The Turkey of Atatürk, Social Process in the Turkish Reformation (Philadelphia: American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1939), pp. 111-112.
14. In the early 1930s the famous Kadro periodical which aimed to theorize Kemalism and revive the enthusiasm for it advocated the idea of a land reform in order to solve the Kurdish question. See İsmail Hüsrev Tökin, 'Türk Köylüsünü Topraklandirmali. Fakat Nasil?', Kadro, 23 (1933), pp. 35-36.
15. According to Yahya Tezel, who wrote one of the most comprehensive economic histories of the 1923-1950 period, one of the strategic aims of the land reform was related to the conditions in the region. However, it was impossible to accomplish this goal without pretending to cover the whole country and within a single region whose boundaries have never been certain anyway. See Yahya Tezel, Cumhuriyet Döneminin İktisadi Tarihi (Ankara: Yurt Yayinlan, 1982), p. 347.
16. 'It is probable that the date of the change also had great significance - in 1933 many nations, especially exporters of raw materials, suffered from the disastrous collapse of world markets resulting from the depression, and resolved to be less dependent on private trade in the future. Autarchical controls grew rapidly not only in Turkey but throughout the world.' For this see Max W. Thomburg, Turkey, An Economic Appraisal (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1949), p. 35.
17. For a discussion of the Ottoman origins of the dominance of small farming in the Ottoman countryside, see Şevket Pamuk, 'Osmanlt Tatriminda Üretim İlişkileri,' Toplum ve Bilim, 17 (1981), pp. 22-24.
18. Turkish peasantism has a longer history, of course. In the Ottoman Empire a concern for the peasants began during the Second Constitutional Period (1908-18), especially on the pages of Türk Yurdu, but it gained its real momentum after World War I. After the War, 15 medical doctors established Köycüler Cemiyeti (Peasantist Association) and decided to go 'to the people' in order to recruit them for the War of Independence. For the Ottoman origins of peasantism see Füsun Üstel, 'Köycüler Cemiyeti,' Tarih ve Toplum (December 1989), pp. 12-16.
19. In an obituary to Kemal Atatürk who died in 1938, the Völkischer Beobachter, the official organ of the Nazi Party wrote that both Turkey and Germany have the same political goals, i.e. peasantism ('Türkiye'de ve Almanya'da kuvvetli bir köycülük milli kuvvetin tükenmez bir kudretidir. İki milletin ayni politik gayeleri mevcuttur'). Quoted in 'Atatürk Hakkinda Dünya Neşriyati,' Ülkü, 12:79 (1938) (December 1938), p. 354.
20. Ömer Lütfi Barkan, 'Harp Sonu Tanmsal Reform Hareketleri,' Siyasal Bilgiler Okulu Dergisi, No. 55 (1935), reprinted in Ömer Lütfi Barkan, Türkiye' de Toprak Meselesi, Toplu Eserler I (İstanbul: Gözlem, 1980), p. 26. Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Walter Darré and Hitler's Green Party (Buckinghamshire: Kensal, 1985), p. 5.
21. Ömer Lütfi Barkan, 'Harp Sonu Tanmsal Reform Hareketleri,' Siyasal Bilgiler Okulu Dergisi, No. 55 (1935), reprinted in Ömer Lütfi Barkan, Türkiye' de Toprak Meselesi, Toplu Eserler I (İstanbul: Gözlem, 1980), p. 26. Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Walter Darré and Hitler's Green Party (Buckinghamshire: Kensal, 1985), p. 5.
22. Ömer Lütfi Barkan, 'Harp Sonu Tanmsal Reform Hareketleri,' Siyasal Bilgiler Okulu Dergisi, No. 55 (1935), reprinted in Ömer Lütfi Barkan, Türkiye' de Toprak Meselesi, Toplu Eserler I (İstanbul: Gözlem, 1980), p. 26. Anna Bramwell, Blood and Soil: Walter Darré and Hitler's Green Party (Buckinghamshire: Kensal, 1985), p. 5.
23. Ibid., p. 7.
24. Ibid., p. 10.
25. Michael E. Zimmerman, Heidegger's Confrontation with Modernity, Technology, Politics, and Art (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), p. 12.
26. Hugh Selon-Watson, 'The Age of Fascism and its Legacy,' in George L. Mosse (ed.) International Fascism: New Thoughts and New Approaches (London and Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979), p. 360.
27. Ibid., pp. 361-366.
28. Zafer Toprak, 'Popülizm ve Türkiye'deki Boyutlan,' in İstanbul Öǧretim Üyeleri Derneǧi (ed.), Tarik ve Demokrasi Tank Tafer Tunaya'ya Armaǧan (Istanbul: 1992).
29. Nusret Köymen, Köycülük Esalart (Ankara: Tank Edip Kütüphanesi, 1934), pp. 6-9; See also İ. Hakki Tonguç, Canlanditilacak Köy, 2nd edn (İstanbul: Remzi, 1947), p. 83.
30. Nusret Köymen, Köycülük Esalart (Ankara: Tank Edip Kütüphanesi, 1934), pp. 6-9; See also İ. Hakki Tonguç, Canlanditilacak Köy, 2nd edn (İstanbul: Remzi, 1947), p. 83.
31. Köymen, Köycülük ..., pp. 19-20; For similar points see Aptullah Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi,' Ülkü, 7:5 (1933), p. 37. According to Tütengil, the exploitation of the rural areas by the urban ones became a social theme in Turkish literature at the time. See Cavit Orhan Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari, 2nd edn (İstanbul: Gerçek, 1983), p. 56.
32. Köymen, Köycülük ..., pp. 19-20; For similar points see Aptullah Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi,' Ülkü, 7:5 (1933), p. 37. According to Tütengil, the exploitation of the rural areas by the urban ones became a social theme in Turkish literature at the time. See Cavit Orhan Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari, 2nd edn (İstanbul: Gerçek, 1983), p. 56.
33. Köymen, Köycülük ..., pp. 19-20; For similar points see Aptullah Ziya, 'Köy Mimarisi,' Ülkü, 7:5 (1933), p. 37. According to Tütengil, the exploitation of the rural areas by the urban ones became a social theme in Turkish literature at the time. See Cavit Orhan Tütengil, Kirsal Türkiye'nin Yapisi ve Sorunlari, 2nd edn (İstanbul: Gerçek, 1983), p. 56.
34. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 23. Likewise, Ülkü in its first issue asked its leaders to submit works focusing on the 'negative effects of migration into the cities and the harm caused by the concentration of intelligentsia in the cities'. See 'ÜLKÜ'nün Yazi Bölümleri,' Ülkü, 1:1 (1933), p. 93.
35. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 23. Likewise, Ülkü in its first issue asked its leaders to submit works focusing on the 'negative effects of migration into the cities and the harm caused by the concentration of intelligentsia in the cities'. See 'ÜLKÜ'nün Yazi Bölümleri,' Ülkü, 1:1 (1933), p. 93.
36. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 18.
37. Ibid., p. 25.
38. For an example supporting the existence of such a discriminatory exploitation of the rural people, see Fikret Madarali, Tonguç Işǧi, no further information, p. 107.
39. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 13, Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 83 and Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 99-100.
40. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 13, Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 83 and Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 99-100.
41. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 13, Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 83 and Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 99-100.
42. For a good example in this regard see Nusret Köymen, 'Sanayide Yayicilik', Ülkü, 7:39 (1936), p. 175.
43. Ömer Lütfi Barkan also called attention to the double effects of industrialization. On one hand, it created a world polarized within metropolises and colonies and on the other hand, it led to unfavourable working conditions for the growing number of working classes. See Barkan, 'Harp Sonu ...', p. 27. See also Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 25), and Sait Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III,' Ülkü, 4:23 (1935), p. 357.
44. Ömer Lütfi Barkan also called attention to the double effects of industrialization. On one hand, it created a world polarized within metropolises and colonies and on the other hand, it led to unfavourable working conditions for the growing number of working classes. See Barkan, 'Harp Sonu ...', p. 27. See also Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 25), and Sait Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III,' Ülkü, 4:23 (1935), p. 357.
45. Ömer Lütfi Barkan also called attention to the double effects of industrialization. On one hand, it created a world polarized within metropolises and colonies and on the other hand, it led to unfavourable working conditions for the growing number of working classes. See Barkan, 'Harp Sonu ...', p. 27. See also Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 25), and Sait Aydoslu, 'Ökonomik Devridaim III,' Ülkü, 4:23 (1935), p. 357.
46. Sait Aydoslu, 'Köycülük Esaslan', Ülkü 4:22 (1934), p. 300.
47. Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 30.
48. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'; See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), p. 19 and compare with Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 30. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. For the peasant, 'Iand is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop'. Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German "peasantness" and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' He believed that were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants would be much better off. In his view, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower birth rates. For these views see Bramwell, Blood and Soil ..., pp. 8, 62, 68 and 203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy - Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), pp. 449-450.
49. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'; See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), p. 19 and compare with Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 30. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. For the peasant, 'Iand is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop'. Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German "peasantness" and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' He believed that were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants would be much better off. In his view, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower birth rates. For these views see Bramwell, Blood and Soil ..., pp. 8, 62, 68 and 203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy - Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), pp. 449-450.
50. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'; See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), p. 19 and compare with Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 30. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. For the peasant, 'Iand is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop'. Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German "peasantness" and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' He believed that were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants would be much better off. In his view, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower birth rates. For these views see Bramwell, Blood and Soil ..., pp. 8, 62, 68 and 203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy - Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), pp. 449-450.
51. See the striking similarity of even the phrasing: Hitler in Mein Kampf saw the rural population as the 'best defence against the social diseases that afflict us'; See Gustavo Corni, Hitler and the Peasants: Agrarian Policy of the Third Reich, 1930-1939, translated by David Kerr (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1990), p. 19 and compare with Köymen, Köycülük ..., p. 30. According to the Nazis, the peasants represented freedom, loyalty, hard work, pure race, healthy upbringing and the like. For the peasant, 'Iand is more than a means with which to earn a living; it has all the sentimental overtones of Heimat, to which the peasant feels himself far more closely connected than the white collar worker with his office or the industrial worker with his shop'. Likewise, the famous Agricultural Minister Darré saw 'a causal relationship between German "peasantness" and Germany's national survival and creative capacity.' He believed that were it not for the contact with the urban and mercantile lifestyles, German peasants would be much better off. In his view, the peasants were the only people to supply the 'best blood' which had been declining due to warfare and lower birth rates. For these views see Bramwell, Blood and Soil ..., pp. 8, 62, 68 and 203; Barrington Moore, Jr, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy - Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1967), pp. 449-450.
52. See Francios Georgeon, Türk Milliyetçiliǧinin Kökenleri: Yusuf Akçura, 1876-1935 (Ankara: Yurt, 1986), p. 71. Although this romantic perception of the countryside as the reserve of the national flavour permeated the contemporary writings of the intelligentsia, those same people also viewed the peasants as the least 'nationalized' group of the people. This is borne out by the fact that the national project was more of an urban phenomenon. Given the necessity to spread the nationalist ideology to the countryside, the same Köymen writes: 'There are some villages in which a foreign language is spoken although they are often racially Turkish and have been living in this country for centuries; and there are even some villages in which people speak Turkish but do not adhere to Turkism sufficiently.' See Nusret Köymen, Köycülük Programma Giriş (Ankara: Tank Edip Kütüphanesi, 1935), p. 20.
53. See Francios Georgeon, Türk Milliyetçiliǧinin Kökenleri: Yusuf Akçura, 1876-1935 (Ankara: Yurt, 1986), p. 71. Although this romantic perception of the countryside as the reserve of the national flavour permeated the contemporary writings of the intelligentsia, those same people also viewed the peasants as the least 'nationalized' group of the people. This is borne out by the fact that the national project was more of an urban phenomenon. Given the necessity to spread the nationalist ideology to the countryside, the same Köymen writes: 'There are some villages in which a foreign language is spoken although they are often racially Turkish and have been living in this country for centuries; and there are even some villages in which people speak Turkish but do not adhere to Turkism sufficiently.' See Nusret Köymen, Köycülük Programma Giriş (Ankara: Tank Edip Kütüphanesi, 1935), p. 20.
54. Başgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ..., p. 137. For a detailed presentation of Galip's interest in rural affairs and his educational policies on rural education see Ahmet Şevket Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara: Yeni Matbaa, 1953), pp. 47-63; see also Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 417.
55. Başgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ..., p. 137. For a detailed presentation of Galip's interest in rural affairs and his educational policies on rural education see Ahmet Şevket Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara: Yeni Matbaa, 1953), pp. 47-63; see also Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 417.
56. Başgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ..., p. 137. For a detailed presentation of Galip's interest in rural affairs and his educational policies on rural education see Ahmet Şevket Elman, Dr. Reşit Galip (Ankara: Yeni Matbaa, 1953), pp. 47-63; see also Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 417.
57. Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., pp. 417-418. The interesting story of this Commission can also be found in Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, İkinci Adam, Vol. II (İstanbul: Remzi, 1968), pp. 374-376. Aydemir himself became a member of this Commission like Dr Resit Galip who in 1925 as a member of the extraordinary İstiklal Mahkemesi Court convicted Aydemir of his communist activities for 10 years.
58. Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., pp. 417-418. The interesting story of this Commission can also be found in Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, İkinci Adam, Vol. II (İstanbul: Remzi, 1968), pp. 374-376. Aydemir himself became a member of this Commission like Dr Resit Galip who in 1925 as a member of the extraordinary İstiklal Mahkemesi Court convicted Aydemir of his communist activities for 10 years.
59. Basgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ..., p. 150.
60. E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 272.
61. Ibid., p. 52. He was called 'peasant İsmail' by his friends while he was working in the Ministry of Education before he took the office of General Director.
62. See Basgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ...,p. 130.
63. Basgöz & Wilson, Educational Problems ..., p. 156, note the following: 'A village aid program purely philanthropic in character with its major emphasis on social welfare could not succeed in a country where eighty percent of the population lived in small, impoverished villages, eking out a meagre living from an exhausted soil with primitive farm techniques. The village aid program of the People's Houses further demonstrated the necessity for governmental programs of basic economic, agricultural and social reform.'
64. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 58.
65. Ibid., p. 58.
66. Elmire Canboǧa, Rural Education in Turkey: The Village Institute System (1937-1954), Unpublished MA Thesis (Long Beach: California State University, 1980), p. 31.
67. Ibid., p. 34.
68. For Tonguç, for example, the Village Institutes had to create leaders for the villages from the villages. See I. Hakki Tonguç, Mektuplarla Köy Enstitüsü Yillart (1935-1946), 2nd edn (İstanbul: Çaǧdaş Yayinlari, 1990), pp. 9-10.
69. As a matter of fact, new studies inspire a challenge to the conventional historiographical views regarding state support for Turkish peasants even during the time of high étatism of the 1930s. According to Şevket Pamuk, for instance, the state intervention for agricultural prices remained limited in the 1930s contrary to the conventional views of this period. See Şevket Pamuk, 'İkinci Dünya Savaşi Yillarinda Devlet, Tarimsal Yapilar ve Dönüsüm,' in Şevket Pamuk & Zafer Toprak (eds) Türkiye'de Tarimsal Yapilar (1923-2000) (Ankara: Yurt, 1988), p. 92.
70. M. Rauf Inan, Bir Ömrün Öyküsü, Vol. 2 (Ankara: Öǧretmen Yayinlari, 1988), p. 2; Mahmut Makal, Köy Enstilüleri ve Ötesi: Anilar, Belgeler, 2nd edn (Istanbul: Çaǧdaş Yayinlari, 1990), p. 28. According to Kirby (Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 56) étatism in the narrow sense was never employed in the field of education anyway.
71. M. Rauf Inan, Bir Ömrün Öyküsü, Vol. 2 (Ankara: Öǧretmen Yayinlari, 1988), p. 2; Mahmut Makal, Köy Enstilüleri ve Ötesi: Anilar, Belgeler, 2nd edn (Istanbul: Çaǧdaş Yayinlari, 1990), p. 28. According to Kirby (Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 56) étatism in the narrow sense was never employed in the field of education anyway.
72. M. Rauf Inan, Bir Ömrün Öyküsü, Vol. 2 (Ankara: Öǧretmen Yayinlari, 1988), p. 2; Mahmut Makal, Köy Enstilüleri ve Ötesi: Anilar, Belgeler, 2nd edn (Istanbul: Çaǧdaş Yayinlari, 1990), p. 28. According to Kirby (Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 56) étatism in the narrow sense was never employed in the field of education anyway.
73. See the Vilage Institute law quoted in Cemil Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli Sef Dönemi (1938-1945) (İstanbul: Yurt Yayinlari, 1986), pp. 238-239. On this issue see also Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 207-208; and Kemal Türkler's comment on Village Institutes in Yeni Toplum. Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., p. 110.
74. See the Vilage Institute law quoted in Cemil Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli Sef Dönemi (1938-1945) (İstanbul: Yurt Yayinlari, 1986), pp. 238-239. On this issue see also Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 207-208; and Kemal Türkler's comment on Village Institutes in Yeni Toplum. Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., p. 110.
75. See the Vilage Institute law quoted in Cemil Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli Sef Dönemi (1938-1945) (İstanbul: Yurt Yayinlari, 1986), pp. 238-239. On this issue see also Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 207-208; and Kemal Türkler's comment on Village Institutes in Yeni Toplum. Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., p. 110.
76. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 8.
77. For a discussion on the exaggerated role of étatism in agriculture see Pamuk, 'İkinci Dünya ...', p. 92. For similar views see Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, İkinci Adam, vol. II (İstanbul: Remzi, 1968), p. 411.
78. For a discussion on the exaggerated role of étatism in agriculture see Pamuk, 'İkinci Dünya ...', p. 92. For similar views see Şevket Süreyya Aydemir, İkinci Adam, vol. II (İstanbul: Remzi, 1968), p. 411.
79. See Korel Göymen, 'Stages of Etatist Development in Turkey: The Interaction of Single-Party Politics and Economic Policy in the 'Etatist Decade', 1930-1939', METU Studies in Development, 10 (1976), p. 90. See also Korkut Boratav, Türkiye'de Devletçilik (Ankara: Gerçek Yayinlari, 1974) for a similar periodization of the étatist policies in Turkey.
80. See Korel Göymen, 'Stages of Etatist Development in Turkey: The Interaction of Single-Party Politics and Economic Policy in the 'Etatist Decade', 1930-1939', METU Studies in Development, 10 (1976), p. 90. See also Korkut Boratav, Türkiye'de Devletçilik (Ankara: Gerçek Yayinlari, 1974) for a similar periodization of the étatist policies in Turkey.
81. See these pages in the following articles in Kadro: Vedat Nedim (Tör). 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro, 6 (1932), p. 16; Vedat Nedim (Tör), 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, 15 (1933), pp. 16-18; Kadro (editorial), 'Words, Words and Words!', Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 4; Şevket Aydemir, 'Programli Devletçilik', Kadro, 34 (1934), p. 6; İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), 'Beş Senelik Programm Manasi', Kadro, 27 (1934), p. 27.
82. See these pages in the following articles in Kadro: Vedat Nedim (Tör). 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro, 6 (1932), p. 16; Vedat Nedim (Tör), 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, 15 (1933), pp. 16-18; Kadro (editorial), 'Words, Words and Words!', Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 4; Şevket Aydemir, 'Programli Devletçilik', Kadro, 34 (1934), p. 6; İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), 'Beş Senelik Programm Manasi', Kadro, 27 (1934), p. 27.
83. See these pages in the following articles in Kadro: Vedat Nedim (Tör). 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro, 6 (1932), p. 16; Vedat Nedim (Tör), 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, 15 (1933), pp. 16-18; Kadro (editorial), 'Words, Words and Words!', Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 4; Şevket Aydemir, 'Programli Devletçilik', Kadro, 34 (1934), p. 6; İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), 'Beş Senelik Programm Manasi', Kadro, 27 (1934), p. 27.
84. See these pages in the following articles in Kadro: Vedat Nedim (Tör). 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro, 6 (1932), p. 16; Vedat Nedim (Tör), 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, 15 (1933), pp. 16-18; Kadro (editorial), 'Words, Words and Words!', Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 4; Şevket Aydemir, 'Programli Devletçilik', Kadro, 34 (1934), p. 6; İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), 'Beş Senelik Programm Manasi', Kadro, 27 (1934), p. 27.
85. See these pages in the following articles in Kadro: Vedat Nedim (Tör). 'Niçin ve Nasil Sanayileşmemiz Lazim', Kadro, 6 (1932), p. 16; Vedat Nedim (Tör), 'Devletin Yapicilik ve İdarecilik Kudretine İnanmak Gerektir', Kadro, 15 (1933), pp. 16-18; Kadro (editorial), 'Words, Words and Words!', Kadro, 28 (1934), p. 4; Şevket Aydemir, 'Programli Devletçilik', Kadro, 34 (1934), p. 6; İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), 'Beş Senelik Programm Manasi', Kadro, 27 (1934), p. 27.
86. İ. Safa Güner, Köy Enstitüleri Hatiralari (İstanbul: Kervan Matbaasi, 1963), pp. 34 and 53.
87. An incident exemplifies the situation. When the truck of one of the institutes was out of order, the teacher asked the students to go to the village on foot and carry the lumber with their hands. See M. Lütfi Engin, 'Hasanoǧlan Köy Enstitüsü Çalişmalari', in Köy Enstitüleri, 2 (İstanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1944), p. 182.
88. From İsmet İnönü's speech on the occasion of the commencement of the new primary school semester, 5 May 1945, cited in Abdullah Özkucur, Hasanoglan Yüksek Köy Enstitüsü (Ankara: Selvi, 1990), p. 361.
89. See Cevat Geray, Planli Dönemde Köye Yönelik Çahşmalar (Ankara: Türkiye ve Orta Doǧu Amme İdaresi Enstitüsü Yayinlari, 1974), p. 6. Under the Single Party regime, there was ruthless censure on the media. For this reason, we can normally guess that these rumours were so widespread as to require an explanation from the President. A prominent journalist, who was an advocate of the regime, wrote that 'the situation of our press in the summer of 1939 can be summarized as follows: To criticize the "National Chief," government, and the Republican People's Party was forbidden. The general attitude of the government could not be criticized in any case.' See Nadir Nadi, Perde Araliǧindan (İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Yayinlan, 1964), p. 21. İsmet İnönü's son-in-law, Metin Toker, says in his memoirs that the press was forced to write the news in a certain way, and that even the comments about the news were directly imposed by the government especially during the World War II. According to him, all the newspapers were forced to publish large photographs of the 'National Chief. Metin Toker, cited in Çetin Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (İstanbul: A, 1983), pp. 163-164.
90. See Cevat Geray, Planli Dönemde Köye Yönelik Çahşmalar (Ankara: Türkiye ve Orta Doǧu Amme İdaresi Enstitüsü Yayinlari, 1974), p. 6. Under the Single Party regime, there was ruthless censure on the media. For this reason, we can normally guess that these rumours were so widespread as to require an explanation from the President. A prominent journalist, who was an advocate of the regime, wrote that 'the situation of our press in the summer of 1939 can be summarized as follows: To criticize the "National Chief," government, and the Republican People's Party was forbidden. The general attitude of the government could not be criticized in any case.' See Nadir Nadi, Perde Araliǧindan (İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Yayinlan, 1964), p. 21. İsmet İnönü's son-in-law, Metin Toker, says in his memoirs that the press was forced to write the news in a certain way, and that even the comments about the news were directly imposed by the government especially during the World War II. According to him, all the newspapers were forced to publish large photographs of the 'National Chief. Metin Toker, cited in Çetin Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (İstanbul: A, 1983), pp. 163-164.
91. See Cevat Geray, Planli Dönemde Köye Yönelik Çahşmalar (Ankara: Türkiye ve Orta Doǧu Amme İdaresi Enstitüsü Yayinlari, 1974), p. 6. Under the Single Party regime, there was ruthless censure on the media. For this reason, we can normally guess that these rumours were so widespread as to require an explanation from the President. A prominent journalist, who was an advocate of the regime, wrote that 'the situation of our press in the summer of 1939 can be summarized as follows: To criticize the "National Chief," government, and the Republican People's Party was forbidden. The general attitude of the government could not be criticized in any case.' See Nadir Nadi, Perde Araliǧindan (İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Yayinlan, 1964), p. 21. İsmet İnönü's son-in-law, Metin Toker, says in his memoirs that the press was forced to write the news in a certain way, and that even the comments about the news were directly imposed by the government especially during the World War II. According to him, all the newspapers were forced to publish large photographs of the 'National Chief. Metin Toker, cited in Çetin Yetkin, Türkiye'de Tek Parti Yönetimi (İstanbul: A, 1983), pp. 163-164.
92. İsmet İnönü, 'İlköǧretimde Çalişmalar', Köy Enstitüsü Dergisi, 5-6 (February 1946), p. 3.
93. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 287.
94. E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 210, 233.
95. For examples of the Village Institutes' attempt to get their lands, see Hürrem Arman, Piramidin Tabani: Köy Enstilüleri ve Tonguç. Anilar (Ankara: İş Matbaacilik ve Ticaret, 1969), pp. 292-299; Tonguç, Mektuplarla ..., p. 197.
96. For examples of the Village Institutes' attempt to get their lands, see Hürrem Arman, Piramidin Tabani: Köy Enstilüleri ve Tonguç. Anilar (Ankara: İş Matbaacilik ve Ticaret, 1969), pp. 292-299; Tonguç, Mektuplarla ..., p. 197.
97. One indication of their dislike could be that in the 1950 election, the Democrat Party which attacked the Village Institutes was successful also in the villages where Village Institutes were located. Güner, Köy ..., p. 141, notes that 'it was understood the next day that the results of the election were in accordance with the whole country'.
98. See Nazife Tuncay, 'Hasanoǧlan Çamaşirhanesi ve Köy Toplumundaki Önemi,' Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 5-6 (February 1946), p. 12.
99. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 47.
100. To see the emphasis on 'learning by doing' in the work of the architect of the Village Institutes see İ. Hakki Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitim ve Ögretiminin Amaçlari', Köy Enstitüleri, 2 (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1944), pp. 1-76. One other persistent advocate of this perspective was Rauf İnan, who was a major figure in the formation of the Village Institutes and later in the administration of several Village Institutes. See İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., and Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 249.
101. To see the emphasis on 'learning by doing' in the work of the architect of the Village Institutes see İ. Hakki Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitim ve Ögretiminin Amaçlari', Köy Enstitüleri, 2 (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1944), pp. 1-76. One other persistent advocate of this perspective was Rauf İnan, who was a major figure in the formation of the Village Institutes and later in the administration of several Village Institutes. See İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., and Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 249.
102. To see the emphasis on 'learning by doing' in the work of the architect of the Village Institutes see İ. Hakki Tonguç, 'Köy Eǧitim ve Ögretiminin Amaçlari', Köy Enstitüleri, 2 (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1944), pp. 1-76. One other persistent advocate of this perspective was Rauf İnan, who was a major figure in the formation of the Village Institutes and later in the administration of several Village Institutes. See İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., and Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 249.
103. M. Sabri Taşkin, 'İş Okulu ve Evrim Tarihi Etrafinda,' Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 5-6 (February, 1946), p. 135.
104. Webster The Turkey of Atatürk ..., p. 268; cf. Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 73.
105. Webster The Turkey of Atatürk ..., p. 268; cf. Tonguç, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 73.
106. See İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 172-175, and Ahmet Emin Yalman, Yarinin Türkiyesine Seyahat (İstanbul: Cem Yayinevi, 1990), first published in 1944, p. 139.
107. See İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 172-175, and Ahmet Emin Yalman, Yarinin Türkiyesine Seyahat (İstanbul: Cem Yayinevi, 1990), first published in 1944, p. 139.
108. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 162.
109. Cavit Orhan Tütengil, Köy Enstiẗsü Üzerine Düsünceler (Istanbul: Berksoy, 1948), p. 14.
110. Tonguç, Mektuplarla ..., p. 101; İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 122-123.
111. Tonguç, Mektuplarla ..., p. 101; İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 122-123.
112. Tonguç's Canlandirilacak Köy embraces a lot of anti-intellectualism . See especially pp. 16-18, 20 and 23. For Tonguç's hostile attitude towards the intellectuals see Niyazi Berkes, Unutulan Yillar (İstanbul: İletişim, 1997), pp. 95-96. We also have to keep in mind that during the 1930s and 1940s, anti-intellectualism was rampant in many totalitarian states, especially in Nazi Germany. For detailed information on anti-intellectualism in the Third Reich see I. L. Kandel, The Making of Nazis (New York: Columbia University, 1935), p. 59, and Hitler's anti-intellectual bias in Mein Kampf, discussed in Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany, A New History (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 348.
113. Tonguç's Canlandirilacak Köy embraces a lot of anti-intellectualism . See especially pp. 16-18, 20 and 23. For Tonguç's hostile attitude towards the intellectuals see Niyazi Berkes, Unutulan Yillar (İstanbul: İletişim, 1997), pp. 95-96. We also have to keep in mind that during the 1930s and 1940s, anti-intellectualism was rampant in many totalitarian states, especially in Nazi Germany. For detailed information on anti-intellectualism in the Third Reich see I. L. Kandel, The Making of Nazis (New York: Columbia University, 1935), p. 59, and Hitler's anti-intellectual bias in Mein Kampf, discussed in Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany, A New History (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 348.
114. Tonguç's Canlandirilacak Köy embraces a lot of anti-intellectualism . See especially pp. 16-18, 20 and 23. For Tonguç's hostile attitude towards the intellectuals see Niyazi Berkes, Unutulan Yillar (İstanbul: İletişim, 1997), pp. 95-96. We also have to keep in mind that during the 1930s and 1940s, anti-intellectualism was rampant in many totalitarian states, especially in Nazi Germany. For detailed information on anti-intellectualism in the Third Reich see I. L. Kandel, The Making of Nazis (New York: Columbia University, 1935), p. 59, and Hitler's anti-intellectual bias in Mein Kampf, discussed in Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany, A New History (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 348.
115. Tonguç's Canlandirilacak Köy embraces a lot of anti-intellectualism . See especially pp. 16-18, 20 and 23. For Tonguç's hostile attitude towards the intellectuals see Niyazi Berkes, Unutulan Yillar (İstanbul: İletişim, 1997), pp. 95-96. We also have to keep in mind that during the 1930s and 1940s, anti-intellectualism was rampant in many totalitarian states, especially in Nazi Germany. For detailed information on anti-intellectualism in the Third Reich see I. L. Kandel, The Making of Nazis (New York: Columbia University, 1935), p. 59, and Hitler's anti-intellectual bias in Mein Kampf, discussed in Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany, A New History (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 348.
116. Tonguç's Canlandirilacak Köy embraces a lot of anti-intellectualism . See especially pp. 16-18, 20 and 23. For Tonguç's hostile attitude towards the intellectuals see Niyazi Berkes, Unutulan Yillar (İstanbul: İletişim, 1997), pp. 95-96. We also have to keep in mind that during the 1930s and 1940s, anti-intellectualism was rampant in many totalitarian states, especially in Nazi Germany. For detailed information on anti-intellectualism in the Third Reich see I. L. Kandel, The Making of Nazis (New York: Columbia University, 1935), p. 59, and Hitler's anti-intellectual bias in Mein Kampf, discussed in Klaus P. Fischer, Nazi Germany, A New History (New York: Continuum, 1995), p. 348.
117. This deficiency on the part of the intelligentsia was a well known reality and the Republican Party made attempts to recruit militants of rural origins as early as 1931. As one of the RPP documents shows, 'the public speakers especially who will talk to the peasants should resemble the people to whom they are talking to in terms of their clothes and accent. These public speakers must memorize the Party principles that have been mentioned ... Our friends who will talk to the peasants and the people who have simple ideas must talk in a simple and concise way'. Instructions for the Public Speakers' Organization of the Republican People's Party, cited in Mete Tuncay, Tek Parti Yönetiminin Kurulmasi (1923-1931) (Ankara: Yurt Yayinlan, 1981), p. 547.
118. Toprak, 'Popülizm ...', p. 59.
119. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 60; For the campaign mentioned see 'Köycüler Bölümü,' Ülkü 2:7 (1933), p.63.
120. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 60; For the campaign mentioned see 'Köycüler Bölümü,' Ülkü 2:7 (1933), p.63.
121. Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System, Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985), p. 38. This book contains probably the most interesting approach to Stakhanovism in the USSR. For a detailed account of this phenomenon see Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Stakhanovism and the Politics of Productivity in the USSR, 1935-1941 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
122. Moshe Lewin, The Making of the Soviet System, Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (New York: Pantheon Books, 1985), p. 38. This book contains probably the most interesting approach to Stakhanovism in the USSR. For a detailed account of this phenomenon see Lewis H. Siegelbaum, Stakhanovism and the Politics of Productivity in the USSR, 1935-1941 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
123. In the emphasis on human will and voluntarism, we find common characteristics of most of the Populist movements of the late nineteenth century, particularly that of Russian Populism. The populists gave considerable significance to the role of intellectuals and leaders in transforming society. The theories on critically-thinking individuals, bypassing the capitalist stage, using a Kantian subjectivity rather than Hegelian or Marxian determinism and the like, all point to the voluntarist and subjectivist nature of the populist movements. Faith in transforming the Turkish society with educational leadership very much resembles such a mentality. See two original sources by two prominent Russian populists on the issue discussed above, Peter Lavrov, 'Historical Letters', in James M. Scanlan & Mary-Barbara Zeldin (eds), Russian Philosophy, Vol II (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), pp. 123-169, and N. K. Mikhailovsky, 'What is Progress', in Scanlan & Zeldin (eds), Russian Philosophy, Vol II, pp. 177-187.
124. In the emphasis on human will and voluntarism, we find common characteristics of most of the Populist movements of the late nineteenth century, particularly that of Russian Populism. The populists gave considerable significance to the role of intellectuals and leaders in transforming society. The theories on critically-thinking individuals, bypassing the capitalist stage, using a Kantian subjectivity rather than Hegelian or Marxian determinism and the like, all point to the voluntarist and subjectivist nature of the populist movements. Faith in transforming the Turkish society with educational leadership very much resembles such a mentality. See two original sources by two prominent Russian populists on the issue discussed above, Peter Lavrov, 'Historical Letters', in James M. Scanlan & Mary-Barbara Zeldin (eds), Russian Philosophy, Vol II (Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), pp. 123-169, and N. K. Mikhailovsky, 'What is Progress', in Scanlan & Zeldin (eds), Russian Philosophy, Vol II, pp. 177-187.
125. Engin, 'Hasanoǧlan ...', p. 181. For similar stories regarding the industrious and ambitious working conditions in the Village Institutes see, İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 100-103.
126. Engin, 'Hasanoǧlan ...', p. 181. For similar stories regarding the industrious and ambitious working conditions in the Village Institutes see, İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., pp. 100-103.
127. Hasan Lökcü, 'Yaz Tatilim', Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi (April 1945), p. 433.
128. Berkes, Unutulan ..., pp. 73-74.
129. Sait Aydoslu, 'Köycülük Esaslari', Ülkü, 4:22 (1934), p. 298.
130. Nusret Kemal, 'İradecilik ve Köycülük', Ülkü, 4:21 (1934), p. 236. See Köymen, Köycülük Programma Giriş, p. 10 for Köymen's critique of historical materialism.
131. Nusret Kemal, 'İradecilik ve Köycülük', Ülkü, 4:21 (1934), p. 236. See Köymen, Köycülük Programma Giriş, p. 10 for Köymen's critique of historical materialism.
132. It is no coincidence that İsmail Tonguc, the architect of the Village Institute system, studied similar policies employed in other countries, especially in Bulgaria and Germany. In Bulgaria of the 1920s, people were forced to work at least eight months of their life in public works (four months for women). The idea behind it was to organize the labour force of the country and accomplish public works which were supposedly for the benefit of the people. In addition to work in labour camps, Bulgarians had to learn how to read and how to be good citizens. In Germany, a similar law was passed in 1936 under Nazi rule. German youth, between the ages of 18 and 25 had to work for the government for at least six months. The aim was much the same, but in Germany an intensive Nazi propaganda also constituted a significant part of this endeavour. For all this see E . Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 209. During the same years, the labour camps in the USSR and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) experience in the United States of the New Deal can also be counted as similar practises which aimed to benefit from the labour force in a time when capital was scarce. For a brief reference to these experiences, see Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 55-56. See E. Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 86 for a discussion on the CCC as an example.
133. It is no coincidence that İsmail Tonguc, the architect of the Village Institute system, studied similar policies employed in other countries, especially in Bulgaria and Germany. In Bulgaria of the 1920s, people were forced to work at least eight months of their life in public works (four months for women). The idea behind it was to organize the labour force of the country and accomplish public works which were supposedly for the benefit of the people. In addition to work in labour camps, Bulgarians had to learn how to read and how to be good citizens. In Germany, a similar law was passed in 1936 under Nazi rule. German youth, between the ages of 18 and 25 had to work for the government for at least six months. The aim was much the same, but in Germany an intensive Nazi propaganda also constituted a significant part of this endeavour. For all this see E . Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 209. During the same years, the labour camps in the USSR and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) experience in the United States of the New Deal can also be counted as similar practises which aimed to benefit from the labour force in a time when capital was scarce. For a brief reference to these experiences, see Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 55-56. See E. Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 86 for a discussion on the CCC as an example.
134. It is no coincidence that İsmail Tonguc, the architect of the Village Institute system, studied similar policies employed in other countries, especially in Bulgaria and Germany. In Bulgaria of the 1920s, people were forced to work at least eight months of their life in public works (four months for women). The idea behind it was to organize the labour force of the country and accomplish public works which were supposedly for the benefit of the people. In addition to work in labour camps, Bulgarians had to learn how to read and how to be good citizens. In Germany, a similar law was passed in 1936 under Nazi rule. German youth, between the ages of 18 and 25 had to work for the government for at least six months. The aim was much the same, but in Germany an intensive Nazi propaganda also constituted a significant part of this endeavour. For all this see E . Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 209. During the same years, the labour camps in the USSR and the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) experience in the United States of the New Deal can also be counted as similar practises which aimed to benefit from the labour force in a time when capital was scarce. For a brief reference to these experiences, see Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 55-56. See E. Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 86 for a discussion on the CCC as an example.
135. E. Tongue, Devrim ..., p. 211.
136. Kemal Tahir, Bozkirdaki Çekirdek (Ankara: Bilgi, 1972).
137. For an account of the village women complaining about the overwork of the institute students see Nazife Tuncay, 'Hasanoǧlan Çamaşirhanesi ve Köy Toplumundaki Önemi', Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 5-6 (February 1946), p. 12.
138. Tonguç , Mektuplarla ..., pp. 32-33.
139. See one of those striking photographs in Köy Enstituleri, 2 (Istanbul: Maarif Matbaasi, 1944), p. 199.
140. See Cemil Çakir, 'Köy Enstitüleri Üzerine', in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., pp. 34-35 for an example of such a viewpoint.
141. Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 1 (January 1945), p. 36.
142. İnan, Bir Ömiün ..., pp. 37-38.
143. Ibid., p. 207.
144. I.e., in the speech delivered to the graduates by the director §erif Tekben from Malatya Akçadaǧ (Eastern Turkey) Institute. Note that those aghas were also from the Kurdish speaking region which should have been more dangerous if there were a real problem with the aghas: 'While talking on the employment of the new graduates, the director ended his speech pointing out that it was time for cooperation and conciliation with the aghas who were controlling some of the regions', Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 1 (January 1945), pp. 161-162.
145. For the emphasis on the struggle against nature see Tongue, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 13; Makal, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 55; and Arman, Piramidin ..., pp. 261-262.
146. For the emphasis on the struggle against nature see Tongue, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 13; Makal, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 55; and Arman, Piramidin ..., pp. 261-262.
147. For the emphasis on the struggle against nature see Tongue, Canlandirilacak ..., p. 13; Makal, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 55; and Arman, Piramidin ..., pp. 261-262.
148. Tütengil, Köy Enslitüsü ..., p. 6.
149. 'Kemalism had brought the revolution to the towns and townspeople of Turkey, but had barely touched the villages.' Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 2nd edn. (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 479. See also Fikret Madarali, Tonguç Işiǧi, p. 61.
150. 'Kemalism had brought the revolution to the towns and townspeople of Turkey, but had barely touched the villages.' Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey, 2nd edn. (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 479. See also Fikret Madarali, Tonguç Işiǧi, p. 61.
151. Aydemir, İkinci ..., p. 320.
152. 'Today we have 16,000 villages whose population is less than 250. If we do not go to these villages, if we do not have people loyal to our state, these villages will be full of criminals and bandits. If the people we educate as the hand of the state go there, our flag could be put there at least in national festivals and weekends.' Tonguç quoted in Özkucur, p. 133.
153. Köymen, Koycuülük ..., p. 21.
154. 'Never forget that while in every region and village the majority of the people have Turkish blood, we often encounter people who actually are Turks but because of lack of historical knowledge and ignorance of the previous periods, chose another nationality with such names as Kurd, Circassian, Laz, and the like. It is obvious that making this whole peasant community accept Turkism without making them aware and without insulting them is not an easy task. Whereas it is really very easy for an urban citizen to prove with historical documentation ... that there is no difference between them, for a peasant ... it is not ... Therefore, the Village Institutes must first of all make every peasant accept that they are Turkish and they must teach the history of the Turk; eventually they have to inject national consciousness and education which is appropriate for a Turk.' Danis R. Korok, Cumhuriyette Köye ve Köycülüǧe Doǧru (İstanbul: Turk Neşriyat Yurdu, 1951), p. 23 (originally written in 1943).
155. M. Sabri Taşkin, 'İş, Okulu ve Evrim Tarihi Etrafinda', Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 5-6 (February 1946), p. 139.
156. An exception is a translated text in the Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi by an Institute teacher in which it is stated that some races are inferior and that this inferiority is genetic. See Mustafa Sankaya, 'İnsan ve Çevresi,' Köy Enstitüleri Delgisi, 5-6 (February 1946), p. 63 (no mention of the original author).
157. See Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli ..., for a presentation of the Nazi impact on Turkish intellectuals and officials.
158. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 6.
159. 'Kemalizm prensiplerinin ve onun eǧitime uygulanmis bir şekli olan Köy Enstitülerinin ...' Kirby (1962), p. 8. Likewise she says: 'Halbuki Köy Enstitüleri, bir defa çalişma yoluna girdikten sonra, modern Türk tarihinde şjmdiye kadar görülmedik bir işi, Türk toplumunun büyük kitlesine Kemalizm devriminin özleyişlerine göre, tesir etme işini, inanilmaz bir hizla gerçekleştirmede sonuçlar vermeyi başardi.' Ibid., p. 248.
160. What was also at stake were the political interests of the Republican People's Party. One of the goals of the Institutes included the recruitment of the militants who would favour and endorse the party', see, Yilmaz Elmas, 'Tonguç ve köy Enstitüleri, in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ... 1976, p. 68.
161. For Arman's comments along the same lines see Hürrem Arman, Piramidin Tabani: Köy Enstilüleri ile Başlatilan Büyük İmece, vol. 2 (İstanbul: Arkin Kitabevi, 1990), p. 274.
162. E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 214.
163. Aydemir, İkinci ..., pp. 380-381; see also Doǧan Avcioǧlu, Türkiye'nin Düzeni (Ankara: Bilgi Yayinevi, 1968), p. 239.
164. Aydemir, İkinci ..., pp. 380-381; see also Doǧan Avcioǧlu, Türkiye'nin Düzeni (Ankara: Bilgi Yayinevi, 1968), p. 239.
165. For the communist accusation based on Tonguç's admiration of Ethem Nejat see F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 29 September 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, pp. 82-83 (see note 4 above). For Nejat's influence see Elmas, Tonguç ..., p. 63 and E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 61-65.
166. For the communist accusation based on Tonguç's admiration of Ethem Nejat see F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 29 September 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, pp. 82-83 (see note 4 above). For Nejat's influence see Elmas, Tonguç ..., p. 63 and E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 61-65.
167. For the communist accusation based on Tonguç's admiration of Ethem Nejat see F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 29 September 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, pp. 82-83 (see note 4 above). For Nejat's influence see Elmas, Tonguç ..., p. 63 and E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 61-65.
168. For the communist accusation based on Tonguç's admiration of Ethem Nejat see F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 29 September 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, pp. 82-83 (see note 4 above). For Nejat's influence see Elmas, Tonguç ..., p. 63 and E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 61-65.
169. Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 327.
170. Although Tonguç's son argues that he was quite leftist because he applied class analysis in understanding societies, his father appears to have been much more like a corporatist. See E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 151-155, 163, and 606 for the description of his father's political ideas concerning corporatism (meslekçilik).
171. Elmas, Tonguç ..., p. 64.
172. In 1932 and 1933 the Ministry of Education sent students to the United States to study rural education and agricultural economy. They returned in 1936 and 1937. See E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 559 and Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 74. According to Kirby (pp. 53-54), most of them were influenced by the principles of 'Young Farmer' and '4 H' Club.
173. In 1932 and 1933 the Ministry of Education sent students to the United States to study rural education and agricultural economy. They returned in 1936 and 1937. See E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 559 and Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 74. According to Kirby (pp. 53-54), most of them were influenced by the principles of 'Young Farmer' and '4 H' Club.
174. Dewey was one of the most important intellectuals of the 20th century in the United States. In 1924 he was invited to Turkey to prepare reports on the Turkish educational system. In the 1920s, he published three articles in the New Republic about Turkish education. Dewey's report prepared for the Turkish Ministry of Education was generally accused of ignoring the realities of Turkish society. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 134-135; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 34-37. As for Booker T. Washington, 'in 1881 (he) established an industrial and agricultural school at Tuskegee, Alabama. Its debut was far from auspicious. The Tuskegee Institute opened in a log shack with 30 students and a single instructor.... Above all, Washington sought economic self-improvement designed to reach common black folk in fields and factories.' J. W. Davidson et al., Nation of Nations, A Narrative of the American Republic, 2nd edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994), p. 797.
175. Dewey was one of the most important intellectuals of the 20th century in the United States. In 1924 he was invited to Turkey to prepare reports on the Turkish educational system. In the 1920s, he published three articles in the New Republic about Turkish education. Dewey's report prepared for the Turkish Ministry of Education was generally accused of ignoring the realities of Turkish society. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 134-135; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 34-37. As for Booker T. Washington, 'in 1881 (he) established an industrial and agricultural school at Tuskegee, Alabama. Its debut was far from auspicious. The Tuskegee Institute opened in a log shack with 30 students and a single instructor.... Above all, Washington sought economic self-improvement designed to reach common black folk in fields and factories.' J. W. Davidson et al., Nation of Nations, A Narrative of the American Republic, 2nd edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994), p. 797.
176. Dewey was one of the most important intellectuals of the 20th century in the United States. In 1924 he was invited to Turkey to prepare reports on the Turkish educational system. In the 1920s, he published three articles in the New Republic about Turkish education. Dewey's report prepared for the Turkish Ministry of Education was generally accused of ignoring the realities of Turkish society. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 134-135; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 34-37. As for Booker T. Washington, 'in 1881 (he) established an industrial and agricultural school at Tuskegee, Alabama. Its debut was far from auspicious. The Tuskegee Institute opened in a log shack with 30 students and a single instructor.... Above all, Washington sought economic self-improvement designed to reach common black folk in fields and factories.' J. W. Davidson et al., Nation of Nations, A Narrative of the American Republic, 2nd edn (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1994), p. 797.
177. Some more sophisticated right-wing critics continued to argue for a possible link between the peasants and socialism. As Sayilgan says: 'I would like to give those people who cannot reconcile peasantism with communism the example of Mao Zedung.' Aclan Sayilgan, 'İnkar Firtinasi,' 1962, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 118.
178. Some more sophisticated right-wing critics continued to argue for a possible link between the peasants and socialism. As Sayilgan says: 'I would like to give those people who cannot reconcile peasantism with communism the example of Mao Zedung.' Aclan Sayilgan, 'İnkar Firtinasi,' 1962, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 118.
179. Harold Laski, 'Demokrasi ve Sosyalizm,' Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 4 (October 1945), pp. 589-596.
180. Şükrü Arseven, 'Alaturka, Alafranga ve Halk Müziǧi,' Köy Enstitiileri Dergisi, 5-6 (February 1946), pp. 163-170.
181. Here is the list of the books which were considered as communist: Uyandirilmiş Toprak, Ektnek ve Şarap, Ana (Pearl Buck), Şahika, Reaya ve Köylü, Sari Esirler, Aclan Sayilgan, Gölgeler Ordusu, Ninka Abla, Sünger Avcist, Fantomare, Resim Öǧretmeni, Deǧişen Diinya. - İnkar Firtinasi, 1962 republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 139. Also bear in mind that the books the Village Institute libraries got were censored to a large extent. For a description of the censorship see Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 1 (January 1945), p. 169.
182. Here is the list of the books which were considered as communist: Uyandirilmiş Toprak, Ektnek ve Şarap, Ana (Pearl Buck), Şahika, Reaya ve Köylü, Sari Esirler, Aclan Sayilgan, Gölgeler Ordusu, Ninka Abla, Sünger Avcist, Fantomare, Resim Öǧretmeni, Deǧişen Diinya. - İnkar Firtinasi, 1962 republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 139. Also bear in mind that the books the Village Institute libraries got were censored to a large extent. For a description of the censorship see Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 1 (January 1945), p. 169.
183. Aydemir, İkinci ..., p. 382.
184. F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 23 July 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 12 (see note 4 above).
185. F. İsfendiyaroǧlu, Havadis, 23 July 1960, republished in Köy Enstitüleri ve Koç Federasyonu İçyüzleri, p. 12 (see note 4 above).
186. See the photographs of the students' quasi-militaristic campaigns in Köy Enstitüleri, 1 (İstanbul: Maarif Matbaasi 1941), pp. 60-63.
187. For a poem entitled 'Yeter' (enough) which talks about the hardships of the peasants and attracted severe criticism later from the conservative commentators since the poet seems to advise the peasants to resist those who had exploited them, see Cesarettin Ateş. 'Yeter,' Köy Enstitüsü Dergisi, 2 (April 1945), p. 313. For a conservative critique of this poem, see İsfendiyaroǧlu (19 September 1960), p. 42.
188. For a poem entitled 'Yeter' (enough) which talks about the hardships of the peasants and attracted severe criticism later from the conservative commentators since the poet seems to advise the peasants to resist those who had exploited them, see Cesarettin Ateş. 'Yeter,' Köy Enstitüsü Dergisi, 2 (April 1945), p. 313. For a conservative critique of this poem, see İsfendiyaroǧlu (19 September 1960), p. 42.
189. İsfendiyaroǧlu (19 September 1960), p. 37.
190. İsfendiyaroǧlu (23 July 1960), p. 7.
191. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 164-165; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 177-187; and Güner, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 129.
192. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 164-165; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 177-187; and Güner, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 129.
193. Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 164-165; Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., pp. 177-187; and Güner, Köy Enstitüleri ..., p. 129.
194. See for instance the discourse in a book review about the issue, 2 (April 1945), pp. 302-303.
195. İsfendiyaroǧlu (29 September 1960), pp. 66-67. See also Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 175.
196. İsfendiyaroǧlu (29 September 1960), pp. 66-67. See also Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 175.
197. Such a theoretical stand can be found in the following studies: E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 31-32. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., passim, characterizes the factions as 'Anadoluculuk' vs 'real Kemalism'. See especially pp. 47, 142, 224 and 330-333. See also Baydar, 'Sinifsal ...', especially pp. 19-20.
198. Such a theoretical stand can be found in the following studies: E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 31-32. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., passim, characterizes the factions as 'Anadoluculuk' vs 'real Kemalism'. See especially pp. 47, 142, 224 and 330-333. See also Baydar, 'Sinifsal ...', especially pp. 19-20.
199. Such a theoretical stand can be found in the following studies: E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., pp. 31-32. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., passim, characterizes the factions as 'Anadoluculuk' vs 'real Kemalism'. See especially pp. 47, 142, 224 and 330-333. See also Baydar, 'Sinifsal ...', especially pp. 19-20.
200. Feroz Ahmad shows that the peasants in Anatolia were quite indifferent to the War of Independence. See Feroz Ahmad, 'The Political Economy of Kemalism', in A. Kazancigil & E. Özbudun, (eds) Atatürk: Founder of a Modern State (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1981), p. 155.
201. Engin Tonguç, for instance, believes in such an idea. See Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 595.
202. İnan, Dir Ömriin ..., p. 196.
203. For a similar comment see Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 19-20 and 164-165.
204. For an example of how they challenged the ideas of a sociology professor see Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 2 (April 1945), p. 203. For troubles caused by some of the Village Institute students to the local bureaucrats, see Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 175-177.
205. For an example of how they challenged the ideas of a sociology professor see Köy Enstitüleri Dergisi, 2 (April 1945), p. 203. For troubles caused by some of the Village Institute students to the local bureaucrats, see Yalman, Yarinin ..., pp. 175-177.
206. Mehmet Bayrak, Köy Enstitülü Yazarlar (Ankara: Doruk, 1978), p. ix; Pakize Türkoǧlu, Tonguç ve Köy Enstitüleri (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Yaymlari, 1997), pp. 551-555.
207. Mehmet Bayrak, Köy Enstitülü Yazarlar (Ankara: Doruk, 1978), p. ix; Pakize Türkoǧlu, Tonguç ve Köy Enstitüleri (Istanbul: Yapi Kredi Yaymlari, 1997), pp. 551-555.
208. The Village Institute students told Yalman that their main goal was the collective development of the nation rather than individualism. See Yalman, Yarinin ..., p. 92.
209. Īnan, in his memoirs, mentions how his institute offered the nearby region a platform of discussion about current political events, particularly the news of the Second World War by listening to İnan's radio, İnan, Bir Ömrün ..., p. 96.
210. Note the case of a Village Institute student explaining his aims of preventing the transformation of the peasants into workers in his village after his graduation. See Yalman, Yarinin ..., p. 73. Similar approaches can be found in the educational principles of Nazi Germany: 'The peasant, too, because he feels that he raises food for his people, is the true patriot, and his close association with the soil develops in him a love for his home which again is the basis of true patriotism.... it is attached to the soil: it has often been settled on the same land for centuries; it should be discouraged from migrating to the overpopulated cities ...' Kandel, The Making of Nazis, p. 82.
211. Note the case of a Village Institute student explaining his aims of preventing the transformation of the peasants into workers in his village after his graduation. See Yalman, Yarinin ..., p. 73. Similar approaches can be found in the educational principles of Nazi Germany: 'The peasant, too, because he feels that he raises food for his people, is the true patriot, and his close association with the soil develops in him a love for his home which again is the basis of true patriotism.... it is attached to the soil: it has often been settled on the same land for centuries; it should be discouraged from migrating to the overpopulated cities ...' Kandel, The Making of Nazis, p. 82.
212. While the Village Institute law was discussed in the Grand National Assembly Bingöl Deputy Feridun Fikri welcomed the law for its promise to maintain the peasants in their villages: 'But this enterprise has nothing to do with bringing the peasants into the cities. It was achieved in order that the peasants would work in their villages, where they should be attached to their village and land with love.' See Mustafa Ekmekçi, 'Mecliste Köy Enstitüleri Nasil Açildi, Nasil Kapandi?,' in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., p. 51. In the same session, Manisa Deputy Kazim Nami Duru endorsed the law for exactly the same reasons. See Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli ..., p. 240.
213. While the Village Institute law was discussed in the Grand National Assembly Bingöl Deputy Feridun Fikri welcomed the law for its promise to maintain the peasants in their villages: 'But this enterprise has nothing to do with bringing the peasants into the cities. It was achieved in order that the peasants would work in their villages, where they should be attached to their village and land with love.' See Mustafa Ekmekçi, 'Mecliste Köy Enstitüleri Nasil Açildi, Nasil Kapandi?,' in Yeni Toplum, Kuruluşunun 36. Yilinda ..., p. 51. In the same session, Manisa Deputy Kazim Nami Duru endorsed the law for exactly the same reasons. See Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli ..., p. 240.
214. E. Tonguç, Devrim ..., p. 56. He says that 'granting land and providing ways of extra revenue apart from salaries to the teachers and attaching them to the village are examples of this.'
215. According to a prominent Turkish intellectual of the time, post-World War II signalled a new era, and a new world order. Even the title of his book, 'Turkey and the New World' suggests the sense of a new era. See Ahmet Hamdi Başar, Türkiye ve Yeni Diinya (İstanbul: Bariş, Dünyasi, 1943).
216. İnönÜ quoted in Koçak, Türkiye'de Milli ..., p. 206.
217. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 304; Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 277.
218. Kirby, Türkiye'de Köy ..., p. 304; Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 277.
219. Many articles can be found in Kadro presenting the ambiguity of the Kemalist principles. See especially Aydemir 'Programlt ...' p. 6 and Kadro (editorial), Kadro, 3:34 (1934), p. 4.
220. Many articles can be found in Kadro presenting the ambiguity of the Kemalist principles. See especially Aydemir 'Programlt ...' p. 6 and Kadro (editorial), Kadro, 3:34 (1934), p. 4.
221. See Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 462 and E. Tonguc, Devrim ..., pp. 565-162.
222. See Arman, Piramidin ..., p. 462 and E. Tonguc, Devrim ..., pp. 565-162.
223. E. Tongue, Devrim ..., pp. 229-230.
224. It would be naive to think that the landowners did not feel threatened by the Village Institute enterprise. This feeling may also explain the intense opposition of the landowners as soon as the Village Institutes began consolidating themselves during the mid-1940s.
225. These ambiguities and uncertainties may well be explained by the organic relationships of the RPP elite with the ruling classes.