The dialogue of civilisations and international public spheres

Millenium

Volumn 29, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 307-330

  Lynch, Marc ^a  

^a WILLIAMS COLLEGE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0038449748     PISSN: 03058298     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/03058298000290020601     Document Type: Article

References (128)

1. Mohammed Khatami, news conference, Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 1, Tehran, in Persian, 14 December 1997, translated in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts (hereafter SWB), Middle East/Iran/ME/D3103/MED.
2. Mohammed Khatami, interview by Christiane Amanpour, CNN, Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 1, Tehran, in Persian, 8 January 1998, SWB Middle East/Iran/ME/D3120/MED. For a systematic presentation, see Mohammed Khatami, Hope and Challenge: The Iranian President Speaks (Binghamton, NY: Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University, 1997)
3. and Islam. Liberty, and Development (Binghamton, NY: Institute of Global Cultural Studies, Binghamton University, 1998).
4. For brief discussions of Khatami's political thought, see Shaul Bakhash, 'Iran's Unlikely President', New York Review of Books, 5 November 1998 [http://www.nybooks.com/nyrev/WWWarchdisplay.cgi?19981105047R#top] (5 July 2000)
5. and Fred Halliday, 'Mohammed and Mill: What Does Mohammed Khatami Think?', The New Republic, 5 October 1998, 30-35.
6. Javad Sarif, Deputy Foreign Minister of Iran, remarks at the School of International and Public I Affairs, Columbia University, 6 May 1999. For an expansive conception of dialogue, see the Tehran Declaration on Dialogue Among Civilisations, adopted by the Islamic Symposium, 2-5 May 1999 [http://www.un.int/iran/dialogue2.html] (2 June 2000).
7. On US policy towards Iran, see Gawdat Bahgat, 'Beyond Containment', Security Dialogue 28, no. 4 (1997): 453-64;
8. Fawaz Gerges, 'Washington's Misguided Iran Policy', Survival 38, no. 4 (1996-97): 5-15;
9. Gary Sick, 'The US and Iran: Truth and Consequences', Contention 5, no. 2 (1996): 59-78
10. ; Robin Wright and Shaul Bakhash, 'The US and Iran: An Offer They Can't Refuse?', Foreign Policy, no. 108 (1997): 124-37;
11. and Shahram Rubin and Jerrold Green, 'Engaging Iran: A US Strategy', Survival 40, no. 3 (1998): 153-69.
12. For an overview of these developments, see John L. Esposito, The Islamic Threat: Myth or Reality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
13. On Iran, see James A. Bill, 'The United States and Iran: Mutual Mythologies', Middle East Policy 2, no. 3 (1993): 98-106.
14. Samuel Huntington, 'A Clash of Civilisations?', Foreign Affairs 72, no. 3 (1993): 22-49
15. and The Clash of Civilisations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996).
16. For discussion, see Kaveh L. Afrasiabi, 'From "The Clash of Civilisations" to "Civilizational Parallelism"', Telos, no. 115 (1999): 109-116;
17. and Roman Herzog, et al., Preventing the Clash of Civilisations (New York: St. Martin's Press, 2000).
18. See Fawaz Gerges, America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures or Clash of Interests? (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
19. Anthony Lake, 'Confronting Backlash States', Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 46. For an official statement, see Peter Tamoff, Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs, 'Containing Iran', statement before the International Relations Committee of the United States House of Representatives, Washington, DC, 9 November 1995 [http://www.state.gov/www/regions/nea/951109.html] (6 July 2000).
20. Charles Lane, 'Changing Iran: Germany's New Ostpolitik', Foreign Affairs 74, no. 6 (1995): 77-90;
21. Peter Rudolf, 'Critical Engagement: The EU and Iran', in Transatlantic Tensions: The United States, Europe, and Problem Countries, ed. Richard N. Haass (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute Press, 1999);
22. Simon Serfaty, 'Bridging the Gulf Across the Atlantic: Europe and the United States in the Persian Gulf, Middle East Journal 52, no. 3 (1998): 337-50.
23. For documentation, see Kenneth Katzman, US-Iranian Relations: An Analytic Compendium of US Policies, Laws, and Regulations (Washington, DC: The Atlantic Council of the United States, 1999).
24. R.K. Ramazani, 'The Shifting Premise of Iran's Foreign Policy: Towards a Democratic Peace?', Middle East Journal 52, no. 2 (1998): 177-87.
25. Khatami, interview by Amanpour, CNN.
26. United Nations General Assembly, A/RES/53/22, 16 November 1998.
27. Fred Halliday, Islam and the Myth of Confrontation: Religion and Politics in the Middle East (New York: I.B. Tauris, 1996).
28. Mohammed Khatami, 'Address to UNESCO', Paris, 29 October 1999, text as published in Tehran Times, 30 October 1999 [www.tehrantimes.com/today/int.htm#int001] (24 August 2000).
29. For an example of these global discourses, see Herzog, Preventing the Clash of Civilisations.
30. Samuel Huntington, 'When Cultures Collide', Civilization Magazine, June 1999 found in [http://www.civmag.com/articles/C9906E02.html] (27 July 2000).
31. Bruce Riedel, Assistant Secretary of State, speech to Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington, 6 May 1998.
32. Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State, address to the Asia Society, Waldorf-Astonia Hotel, New York, 17 June 1998.
33. Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State, address to American-Iranian Council, Washington DC, 18 March 2000.
34. On the press in the Iranian reform movement, see Zarir Merat, 'Pushing Back the Limits of the Possible: The Press in Iran', Middle East Report, no. 212 (1999): 32-35.
35. Gary Sick, 'Rethinking Dual Containment', Survival 40, no. 1 (1998): 22.
36. On Islamic conceptions of dialogue, see Michael Fischer and Mehdi Abedi, Debating Muslims: Cultural Dialogues in Postmodernity and Tradition (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990);
37. Mohammed Abed al-Jabri, "'Clash of Civilizations": The Relations of the Future?', in Islam, Modernism and the West, eds. Gema Martin Munoz (New York: I.B. Tauris, 1999);
38. and Ataullah Siddiqi, Christian-Muslim Dialogue in the Twentieth Century (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997).
39. James Morrow, 'The Strategic Setting of Choices: Signalling, Commitment, and Negotiation in International Polities', in Strategic Choice and International Relation, eds. David A. Lake and Robert Powell (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
40. Khatarni, 'Address to UNESCO'.
41. For a statement of this perspective, see Richard Ashley and R.B.J. Walker, 'Reading Dissidence/Writing the Discipline: Crisis and the Question of Sovereignty in International Studies', International Studies Quarterly 34, no. 3 (1990): 367-416.
42. For discussion, see Jim George, Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Reintroduction to International Relations (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994).
43. The question of relativism in international order is taken up in Maria Lensu and Jan-Stefan Fritz, eds., Value Pluralism, Normative Theory and International Relations (New York: Macmillan, 1999).
44. David Blaney and Naeem Inayatullah, 'Prelude to a Conversation of Cultures in International Society? Todorov and Nandy on the Possibility of Dialogue', Alternatives 19, no. 1 (1994): 24.
45. Also see Chris Brown, 'Turtles All the Way Down: Anti-Foundationalism, Critical Theory, and International Relations', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 23, no. 2 (1994): 213-36.
46. Blaney and Inayatullah, 'Prelude to a Conversation', 26.
47. Richard Shapcott, 'Conversation and Coexistence: Gadamer and the Interpretation of International Society', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 23, no. 1 (1994): 57-83.
48. Jürgen Haacke, 'Theory and Praxis in International Relations: Habermas, Self-Reflection, Rational Argumentation', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 25, no. 2 (1996): 255-89
49. and Andrew Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1998).
50. International public sphere theory as developed here should be distinguished from other recent discussions of Critical Theory and Habermas, including most recently Beate Jahn, 'One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: Critical Theory as the Latest Version of Liberal Idealism', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 27, no. 3 (1998): 613-41;
51. Charles Rustin, 'Habermas, Discourse Ethics, and International Justice', Alternatives 24, no. (1999): 167-92;
52. and Nick Rengger, 'Going Critical? A Response to Hoffman', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 17, no. 1 (1988): 81-89.
53. David Held, et al., Global Transformations: Politics, Economics, Culture (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999).
54. For an overview, see James Bohman, 'The Coming of Age of Deliberative Democracy', Journal of Political Philosophy 6, no. 1 (1998): 400-25,
55. and Public Deliberation (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996);
56. Jon Elster, ed., Deliberative Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998);
57. Stephen Macedo, ed., Deliberative Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999);
58. and Marc Lynch, State Interests and Public Spheres: The International Politics of Jordan's Identity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999).
59. For a related empirical application, see K.M. Fierke, 'Dialogues of Manoeuvre and Entanglement: NATO, Russia, and the CEECs', Millennium: Journal of International Studies 28, no. 1 (1999): 27-52.
60. James Bohman, 'The Globalization of the Public Sphere', Philosophy and Social Criticism 24, no. 2/3 (1998): 199-216;
61. 'International Regimes and Democratic Governance: Political Equality and Influence in Global Institutions', International Affairs 75, no. 3 (1999): 499-513;
62. and 'The Public Spheres of the World Citizen', in Perpetual Peace, eds. James Bohman and Matthias Lutz-Bachmann (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998).
63. See also Daniele Archibugi, David Held, and Martin Kohler, eds., Re-Imagining Political Community (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1999);
64. Craig Calhoun, 'Nationalism and the Public Sphere', in Public and Private in Thought and Practice, eds. Jeff Weintraub and Krishan Kumar (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997);
65. and Jennifer Mitzen, Governing Anarchy: The Emergence of the International Public Sphere, 1815-1878 (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2000).
66. Habermas engages with the international dimension of public spheres in The Inclusion of the Other: Essays in Political Theory (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998).
67. Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-Cordon, eds., Democracy's Edge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
68. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 120-21.
69. Bohman, 'The Globalization of the Public Sphere'.
70. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 176-77.
71. Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community, 7.
72. This definition follows the contributors to Craig Calhoun, ed., Habermas and the Public Sphere (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1992);
73. for justification of this definition, see Lynch, State Interests and Public Spheres, chap. 2.
74. Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996), 359.
75. This argument is consistent with the English School conception of international society; Hedley Bull, The Anarchical Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977) remains the classic study of the international society of states.
76. Seyla Benhabib, 'Models of Public Space', in Habermas and the Public Sphere, 87.
77. Marc Lynch, 'The Politics of Consensus Over Iraq', Middle East Report, no. 215 (2000): 20-23.
78. Habermas, The Inclusion of the Other, 177.
79. Erik Eriksen and John Possum, eds., Democracy in the European Union: Integration Through Deliberation? (New York: Routledge, 2000).
80. Thomas Risse, 'Let's Argue! Communicative Action in World Polities', International Organization 54, no. 1 (2000): 1-40;
81. Jon Elster, 'The Market and the Forum', in Deliberative Democracy, eds. James Bohman and William Rehg (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1997).
82. Friedrich Kratochwil, Rules, Norms and Decisions: On the Conditions of Practical and Legal Reasoning in International Relations and Domestic Affairs (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
83. See Risse, 'Let's Argue!'; and Frank Schimmelfenig, 'International Socialization in the New Europe: Rational Action in an Institutional Environment', European Journal of International Relations 6, no. 1 (2000): 109-140.
84. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms, 340.
85. Thomas Risse, Stephen Ropp, and Kathryn Sikkink, The Power of Human Rights: International Norms and Domestic Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1999);
86. Elster, 'The Market and the Forum'.
87. For examples of strategic interaction arguments which have incorporated domestic public spheres, see Kenneth A. Schultz, 'Do Democratic Institutions Constrain or Inform? Contrasting Two Institutional Perspectives on Democracy and War', International Organization 53, no. 2 (1999): 233-66
88. and James D. Fearon, 'Domestic Political Audiences and the Escalation of International Disputes', American Political Science Review 88, no. 3 (1994): 577-92.
89. See Risse, 'Let's Argue!'; James Johnson, 'Is Talk Really Cheap? Prompting Conversation Between Critical Theory and Rational Choice', American Political Science Review 87, no. 1 (1993): 74-85
90. and 'Habermas on Strategic and Communicative Action', Political Theory 19, no. 2 (1991): 181-201.
91. Also see John Dryzek, 'How Far is it from Virginia and Rochester to Frankfurt? Public Choice as Critical Theory', British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (1992): 397-417.
92. For a pragmatic discussion of the implications of conducting dialogues in public or in private, see Harold Saunders, A Public Peace Process (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999).
93. Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community, 173, citing the views of Chris Brown.
94. Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson, Democracy and Disagreement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996);
95. for discussion, see Macedo, Deliberative Politics.
96. See Bohman, Public Deliberation and Habermas, Between Facts and Norms.
97. For an extended discussion, see David Held, Democracy and International Order (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1995).
98. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms, 361-63.
99. Jack Knight and James Johnson, 'Aggregation and Deliberation: On the Possibility of Democratic Legitimacy', Political Theory 22, no. 2 (1994): 277-96.
100. Kharrazi, interviewed on the Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 2, Tehran, 17 January 1998, SWB Middle East/Iran/ME/D3128/MED.
101. Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community, 86.
102. Blaney and Inayatullah, 'Prelude to a Conversation of Cultures', 41-44.
103. Mohammed Khatami, remarks at Dinner with Heads of Delegations to the Islamic Symposium on Dialogue Among Civilisations, Teheran, 4 May 1999 [http://www.un.int/iran/dialog01.html] (10 July 2000).
104. Christopher Hill, 'World Opinion and the Empire of Circumstance', International Affairs 72, no. 1 (1996): 109-31.
105. Khatami, interview with CNN, 8 January 1998. State Department spokesman Jamie Rubin countered with a governmental level proposal the next day, in the US Department of State Daily Press Briefing (hereafter DPB), 10 January 1998.
106. Nancy Fraser, 'Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique of Actually Existing Democracy', in Habermas and the Public Sphere, 109-42.
107. Michael Barnett, Dialogues in Arab Politics: Negotiations in Regional Order (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). See also the discussion of the Arab public sphere in Lynch, State Interests and Public Spheres, chap. 2.
108. Warren Christopher, Secretary of State, remarks to the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, Washington, DC, 25 May 1996.
109. Javad Sarif, Deputy Foreign Minister of Iran, statement before the UN General Assembly under item 168 (Dialogue Among Civilisations), 4 November 1998 [http://www.un.int/iran/statements/ga/ga53008.html] (27 July 2000).
110. Rubin, DPB, 8 January 1998.
111. Ibid.
112. James Foley, DPB, 9 December 1997; Khatami on Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, Tehran, 22 September 1998, SWB Middle East/Iran/ME/D3340/MED; Kharrazi, on al-Jazeera TV, Doha, 21 March 1998, SWB Middle East/Iran/ME/D3183/MED.
113. Rubin, DPB, 18 June 1998.
114. Mohammed Khatami, 'A Call for Dialogue', Civilization Magazine, June 1999 found in [http://www.civmag.com/articles/C9906E03.html] (27 July 2000).
115. Kharrazi, interviewed on the Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 2.
116. Linklater, The Transformation of Political Community, 92.
117. Rubin, DPB, 8 January, 1998.
118. As Rubin maintained: 'what we are looking for...is a pattern of behaviour, we like to judge things by actions not words', see DPB, 11 March 1998.
119. Rubin, DPB, 8 January 1998.
120. Kharrazi, interviewed on the Vision of the Islamic Republic of Iran Network 2.
121. Charles Kurzman, 'Soft on Satan: Challenges for Iranian-US Relations', Middle East Policy 6, no. 1 (1998): 63-72.
122. For examples, see Patrick Clawson, 'The Continuing Logic of Dual Containment', Survival 40, no. 1 (1998): 33-47;
123. and Joshua Muravchik and Jeffrey Gedmin, 'Why Iran is (Still) a Menace', Commentary 104, no. 1 (1997) [http://www.commentarymagazine.corn/9707/muravchik.html] (27 July 2000).
124. Ayatollah Ali Khameini, as quoted in Howard Schneider, 'Top Cleric Calls Pro-U.S. Iranians "Traitors"', The Washington Post, 4 November 1999, A25.
125. Ayatollah Ali Khameini, sermon to Friday worshippers, Tehran, 16 January 1998, Voice of the Islamic Republic of Iran, SWB ME/D3128/MED.
126. Ali Khameini, speech to Friday worshippers, Tehran, 12 May 2000, as quoted in 'Two Factions Are Two Wings of a Bird: Leader', Tehran Times, 13 May 2000, 1.
127. For an overview of these debates, see Bruce Lawrence, Shattering the Myth: Islam Beyond Violence (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998);
128. Dale Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996).