Solidarity in the age of globalization: Lessons from the anti-MAI and Zapatista struggles

Theory and Society

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 2003, Pages 39-91

  Johnston, Josée ^a   Laxer, Gordon ^b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

^b UNIVERSITY OF ALBERTA   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0037253687     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1023025130342     Document Type: Review

References (202)

1. We make no claims that these two cases represent the full range of resistance to corporate globalization. For a typological account of various corporate resistance strategies to globalization, see Amory Starr, Naming the Enemy: Anti-corporate Movements Confront Globalisation (New York: Zed Books, 2000). For a slightly older, but still useful survey of grassroots resistance to a "global problematique" of war, famine, eco-disaster, and repression, see Paul Ekins, A New World Order. Grassroots Movements For Global Change (New York: Routledge, 1992).
2. We make no claims that these two cases represent the full range of resistance to corporate globalization. For a typological account of various corporate resistance strategies to globalization, see Amory Starr, Naming the Enemy: Anti-corporate Movements Confront Globalisation (New York: Zed Books, 2000). For a slightly older, but still useful survey of grassroots resistance to a "global problematique" of war, famine, eco-disaster, and repression, see Paul Ekins, A New World Order. Grassroots Movements For Global Change (New York: Routledge, 1992).
3. Evaluating the spatio-temporal dimension of globalization remains a highly contested empirical terrain. Many authors emphasize either historical continuity or historical discontinuity, yet each camp contains determinist accounts, alongside interpretations stressing agency, transformation, and indeterminacy. For an account that highlights the de-nationalizing effects of globalization on sovereignty and territoriality, while simultaneously emphasizing the continued relevance of state regulatory apparatuses, see Saskia Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents (New York: The New Press, 1998).
4. The FTAA draft agreement is modelled on NAFTA's language on foreign investment. Maude Barlow, "The Free Trade Area of the Americas and the Threat to Social Programs, Environmental Sustainability and Social Justice in Canada and the Americas," Council of Canadians (2001).
5. Saskia Sassen, Losing Control? Sovereignty in an Age of Globalisation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), 39.
6. George Philip, Oil and Politics in Latin America: Nationalist Movements and State Companies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 224. Current moves to privatize PEMEX must face its hallowed place amongst Mexicans. Seventy-seven percent of Canada's oil and gas industry was foreign-owned, but pressed by center-left nationalist movements, Canada took steps to "Canadianise" the industry under public and private ownership. Trudeau's minority government (1972-74), pressed by the New Democrats, took steps to set up PetroCanada, a publicly-owned company. In 1981, an astonishing 84 percent of Canadians backed Canadianisation.
7. David Korten, When Corporations Rule the World (West Hartford: Kumerian Press, 1995), 59.
8. Dieter Rucht, "The Transnationalization of Social Movements: Trends, Causes, Problems," in Social Movements in a Globalizing World, edited by Donatella della Porta et al. (Houndsmills Hamp.: Macmillan, 1999), 209.
9. Campesino is roughly translated as peasantry; campo means land.
10. The term "Zapatismo" is also used to refer to the social movements and solidarity networks supporting the EZLN within Mexico. While this vast topic is critical to a comprehensive understanding of the uprising (and the internal dynamics of political repression in Mexico), our focus here is on the solidarity networks that have emerged outside the state of Chiapas and Mexico. Two concise English-language accounts of the solidarity movement and social activism within Mexico include the ChiapasLink, http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm and Dan La Botz's Democracy in Mexico: Peasant rebellion and political reform (Boston: South End Press, 1995), 65-82. In this article we also are not intending to provide a comprehensive survey of the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas. See, for example, John Ross, The War Against Oblivion. Zapatista Chronicles, 1994-2000 (USA: Common Courage Press, 2000); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press 1998), and Adolfo Gilly, Chiapas: La Razón Ardiente: Ensayo Sobre La Rebelión Del Mundo Encantado (México, D. F.: Ediciones Era, 1997).
11. The term "Zapatismo" is also used to refer to the social movements and solidarity networks supporting the EZLN within Mexico. While this vast topic is critical to a comprehensive understanding of the uprising (and the internal dynamics of political repression in Mexico), our focus here is on the solidarity networks that have emerged outside the state of Chiapas and Mexico. Two concise English-language accounts of the solidarity movement and social activism within Mexico include the ChiapasLink, http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm and Dan La Botz's Democracy in Mexico: Peasant rebellion and political reform (Boston: South End Press, 1995), 65-82. In this article we also are not intending to provide a comprehensive survey of the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas. See, for example, John Ross, The War Against Oblivion. Zapatista Chronicles, 1994-2000 (USA: Common Courage Press, 2000); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press 1998), and Adolfo Gilly, Chiapas: La Razón Ardiente: Ensayo Sobre La Rebelión Del Mundo Encantado (México, D. F.: Ediciones Era, 1997).
12. The term "Zapatismo" is also used to refer to the social movements and solidarity networks supporting the EZLN within Mexico. While this vast topic is critical to a comprehensive understanding of the uprising (and the internal dynamics of political repression in Mexico), our focus here is on the solidarity networks that have emerged outside the state of Chiapas and Mexico. Two concise English-language accounts of the solidarity movement and social activism within Mexico include the ChiapasLink, http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm and Dan La Botz's Democracy in Mexico: Peasant rebellion and political reform (Boston: South End Press, 1995), 65-82. In this article we also are not intending to provide a comprehensive survey of the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas. See, for example, John Ross, The War Against Oblivion. Zapatista Chronicles, 1994-2000 (USA: Common Courage Press, 2000); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press 1998), and Adolfo Gilly, Chiapas: La Razón Ardiente: Ensayo Sobre La Rebelión Del Mundo Encantado (México, D. F.: Ediciones Era, 1997).
13. The term "Zapatismo" is also used to refer to the social movements and solidarity networks supporting the EZLN within Mexico. While this vast topic is critical to a comprehensive understanding of the uprising (and the internal dynamics of political repression in Mexico), our focus here is on the solidarity networks that have emerged outside the state of Chiapas and Mexico. Two concise English-language accounts of the solidarity movement and social activism within Mexico include the ChiapasLink, http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm and Dan La Botz's Democracy in Mexico: Peasant rebellion and political reform (Boston: South End Press, 1995), 65-82. In this article we also are not intending to provide a comprehensive survey of the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas. See, for example, John Ross, The War Against Oblivion. Zapatista Chronicles, 1994-2000 (USA: Common Courage Press, 2000); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press 1998), and Adolfo Gilly, Chiapas: La Razón Ardiente: Ensayo Sobre La Rebelión Del Mundo Encantado (México, D. F.: Ediciones Era, 1997).
14. The term "Zapatismo" is also used to refer to the social movements and solidarity networks supporting the EZLN within Mexico. While this vast topic is critical to a comprehensive understanding of the uprising (and the internal dynamics of political repression in Mexico), our focus here is on the solidarity networks that have emerged outside the state of Chiapas and Mexico. Two concise English-language accounts of the solidarity movement and social activism within Mexico include the ChiapasLink, http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm and Dan La Botz's Democracy in Mexico: Peasant rebellion and political reform (Boston: South End Press, 1995), 65-82. In this article we also are not intending to provide a comprehensive survey of the Zapatista struggle in Chiapas. See, for example, John Ross, The War Against Oblivion. Zapatista Chronicles, 1994-2000 (USA: Common Courage Press, 2000); Neil Harvey, The Chiapas Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press 1998), and Adolfo Gilly, Chiapas: La Razón Ardiente: Ensayo Sobre La Rebelión Del Mundo Encantado (México, D. F.: Ediciones Era, 1997).
15. Patrick Cuninghame and Carolina Ballesteros Coronoa, "A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy," Capital and Class 66, Autumn (1998): 12; Roger Burbach, "Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas," New Left Review May-June (1994): 113-124; Ana Carrigan, "Chiapas: the First Post-Modern Revolution," Fletcher Forum of World Affairs (1995); June Nash, "The first postmodern movement in the Third World," Latin American Research Review 30/3 (1995): 36.
16. Patrick Cuninghame and Carolina Ballesteros Coronoa, "A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy," Capital and Class 66, Autumn (1998): 12; Roger Burbach, "Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas," New Left Review May-June (1994): 113-124; Ana Carrigan, "Chiapas: the First Post-Modern Revolution," Fletcher Forum of World Affairs (1995); June Nash, "The first postmodern movement in the Third World," Latin American Research Review 30/3 (1995): 36.
17. Patrick Cuninghame and Carolina Ballesteros Coronoa, "A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy," Capital and Class 66, Autumn (1998): 12; Roger Burbach, "Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas," New Left Review May-June (1994): 113-124; Ana Carrigan, "Chiapas: the First Post-Modern Revolution," Fletcher Forum of World Affairs (1995); June Nash, "The first postmodern movement in the Third World," Latin American Research Review 30/3 (1995): 36.
18. Patrick Cuninghame and Carolina Ballesteros Coronoa, "A Rainbow at Midnight: Zapatistas and Autonomy," Capital and Class 66, Autumn (1998): 12; Roger Burbach, "Roots of the Postmodern Rebellion in Chiapas," New Left Review May-June (1994): 113-124; Ana Carrigan, "Chiapas: the First Post-Modern Revolution," Fletcher Forum of World Affairs (1995); June Nash, "The first postmodern movement in the Third World," Latin American Research Review 30/3 (1995): 36.
19. Noam Chomsky, "Power in the Global Arena," New Left Review Summer (1998), Amiel Lecture, London, 28.
20. See Tarrow's critique of the "strong thesis" on the emergence of global civil society. Sidney Tarrow, "Beyond Globalization: Why creating transnational social movements is so hard, and when it is most likely to happen," http://www.antenna.nl/̃waterman/tarrow.html. (19 April 2001), Global Solidarity Dialogue.
21. Collier argues that it was precisely this reorientation of state policy (away from corporatist inclusion toward free market incorporation) that facilitated the formation of a collective indigenous identity that spoke on behalf of the poor. George Collier, "Restructuring ethnicity in Chiapas and the world," in June Nash et al., editors, The Explosion of Communities (Copenhagen, IWGIA Document No. 77, 1995), 10. For other sources on resistance to structural adjustment policies, see John Walton and Charles Ragin, "Global and National Sources of Political Protest: Third World Responses to the Debt Crisis," American Sociological Review 55/6: 876-891; John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots: The Politics of Global Adjustment (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1994).
22. Collier argues that it was precisely this reorientation of state policy (away from corporatist inclusion toward free market incorporation) that facilitated the formation of a collective indigenous identity that spoke on behalf of the poor. George Collier, "Restructuring ethnicity in Chiapas and the world," in June Nash et al., editors, The Explosion of Communities (Copenhagen, IWGIA Document No. 77, 1995), 10. For other sources on resistance to structural adjustment policies, see John Walton and Charles Ragin, "Global and National Sources of Political Protest: Third World Responses to the Debt Crisis," American Sociological Review 55/6: 876-891; John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots: The Politics of Global Adjustment (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1994).
23. Collier argues that it was precisely this reorientation of state policy (away from corporatist inclusion toward free market incorporation) that facilitated the formation of a collective indigenous identity that spoke on behalf of the poor. George Collier, "Restructuring ethnicity in Chiapas and the world," in June Nash et al., editors, The Explosion of Communities (Copenhagen, IWGIA Document No. 77, 1995), 10. For other sources on resistance to structural adjustment policies, see John Walton and Charles Ragin, "Global and National Sources of Political Protest: Third World Responses to the Debt Crisis," American Sociological Review 55/6: 876-891; John Walton and David Seddon, Free Markets and Food Riots: The Politics of Global Adjustment (Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1994).
24. Bert Klandermans et al., "Injustice and Adversarial Frames in a Supranational Political Context: Farmers' protest in the Netherlands and Spain," in Social Movements, edited by Della Porta et al., 136. For an overaching analytic framework that identifies mechanisms underlying "contentious politics," see Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
25. Bert Klandermans et al., "Injustice and Adversarial Frames in a Supranational Political Context: Farmers' protest in the Netherlands and Spain," in Social Movements, edited by Della Porta et al., 136. For an overaching analytic framework that identifies mechanisms underlying "contentious politics," see Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
26. Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics," in Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, edited by Charles Bright and Susan Harding (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 297-317.
27. Goodman argues there are three major interpretations of anti-globalization protest: 1) globalist adaptation, 2) confrontational localism, 3) transnational resistance. He does not conclude that one of these traditions is necessarily more or less desirable than the others, although he does argue that the logic of contestation points toward the third. James Goodman, "Contesting Corporate Globalism: Sources of Power, Channels for Democratisation," in Prospects for Transnational Democracy, edited by J. Anderson (London: Routledge, 2001).
28. Ronnie D. Lipschutz, "Reconstructing World Politics: The Emergence of Global Civil Society," Millennium 21/3 (1992): 389-420.
29. Ulrich Beck, "The cosmopolitan perspective: sociology of the second age of modernity," British Journal of Sociology 51/1 (2000): 86, 90, 92, 102.
30. Richard Falk, "Resisting 'Globalization-from-above' through 'Globalization-from-below,'" New Political Economy 2/1 (1997): 17-25. Falk, who first coined the term, "globalization from below," depicts it as more an open question than a guaranteed outcome. Falk, "Global civil society: Perspectives, initiatives, movements," Oxford Development Studies 26/1 (1998): 99-111.
31. Richard Falk, "Resisting 'Globalization-from-above' through 'Globalization-from-below,'" New Political Economy 2/1 (1997): 17-25. Falk, who first coined the term, "globalization from below," depicts it as more an open question than a guaranteed outcome. Falk, "Global civil society: Perspectives, initiatives, movements," Oxford Development Studies 26/1 (1998): 99-111.
32. James Goodman, "Transnational politics: political consciousness, corporate power and the internationalising state," manuscript, 2000.
33. Peter J. Smith and Elizabeth Smythe, "Globalization, Citizenship and Technology: The MAI Meets the Internet," Canadian Foreign Policy 7/2 (1999): 84.
34. For a provocative and critical account of the contradictions of cosmopolitanism in social thought, see Timothy Brennan, At Home in the World: Cosmopolitanism Now (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997).
35. Charles Taylor, "Invoking Civil Society," in Contemporary Political Philosophy, edited by Robert E. Goodin and Philip Pettit (Oxford: Blackwell, 1997), 67-77.
36. C. J. Arthur, "Introduction," in K. Marx and F. Engels, The German Ideology (New York: International Publishers, 1970), 5.
37. Paul Stubbs, "Humanitarian Organizations and the Myth of Civil Society," ArkZin 55 (1996).
38. Laura MacDonald, "Globalising Civil Society: Interpreting International NGOs in Central America," Millennium 23/2 (1994): 276.
39. Stephen Gill coined the phrase the "new constitutionalism" to refer to the reorganization of a nation's legal and constitutional practices in order to create special rights for corporate citizens, at the same time it undermines the state's account-ability to citizens and the public sphere. Stephen Gill, "Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism," Millennium 2/3 (1995): 399-423. For a concrete example, demonstrating the operation of new constitutionalism, see David Schneiderman, "Investment Rules and the New Constitutionalism," Law and Social Inquiry 25/3 (2001): 757-788.
40. Stephen Gill coined the phrase the "new constitutionalism" to refer to the reorganization of a nation's legal and constitutional practices in order to create special rights for corporate citizens, at the same time it undermines the state's account-ability to citizens and the public sphere. Stephen Gill, "Globalisation, Market Civilisation, and Disciplinary Neoliberalism," Millennium 2/3 (1995): 399-423. For a concrete example, demonstrating the operation of new constitutionalism, see David Schneiderman, "Investment Rules and the New Constitutionalism," Law and Social Inquiry 25/3 (2001): 757-788.
41. Although Naomi Klein persuasively argues that brand-bashing can prove to be a "gateway drug" into the realm of anti-corporate critique, Thomas Frank's work demonstrates that this type of resistance remains amenable to. buy offs, cooptation, and incorporation back into commodification cycles. Naomi Klein, No logo (Toronto: Knapf, 2000); Thomas Frank, The Conquest of Cool (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
42. Although Naomi Klein persuasively argues that brand-bashing can prove to be a "gateway drug" into the realm of anti-corporate critique, Thomas Frank's work demonstrates that this type of resistance remains amenable to. buy offs, cooptation, and incorporation back into commodification cycles. Naomi Klein, No logo (Toronto: Knapf, 2000); Thomas Frank, The Conquest of Cool (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997).
43. Christian Lahusen, "International Campaigns in Context: Collective Action between the Local and the Global," in della Porta et al., editors, Social Movements in a Globalizing World, 189-205, 201.
44. Charles Tilly, "Social Movements," 312.
45. Doug Imig and Sidney Tarrow, "The Europeanization of Movements? A New Approach to Transnational Contention," in della Porta et al., editors, Social Movements in a Globalizing World, 112-133, 131, 124.
46. Christian Lahusen, "International Campaigns," 190.
47. Paul James, Nation Formation: Toward a Theory of Abstract Community (London: Sage, 1996). For a provocative treatise on changing relationships of space and time, and a call for a "grey ecology" that rectifies the "pollution of distances," see Paul Virilio, Open Sky, trans. Julie Rose (Great Britain: Verso, 1997), 58.
48. Paul James, Nation Formation: Toward a Theory of Abstract Community (London: Sage, 1996). For a provocative treatise on changing relationships of space and time, and a call for a "grey ecology" that rectifies the "pollution of distances," see Paul Virilio, Open Sky, trans. Julie Rose (Great Britain: Verso, 1997), 58.
49. Benjamin Barber, Jihad versus McWorld (New York: Random House, 1995); George Ritzer, The McDonaldization of Society (Thousand Oaks, Cal.: Pine Forge Press, 2000).
50. Benjamin Barber, Jihad versus McWorld (New York: Random House, 1995); George Ritzer, The McDonaldization of Society (Thousand Oaks, Cal.: Pine Forge Press, 2000).
51. Martin Shaw, "Civil Society and Global Politics: Beyond a Social Movements Approach," Millennium: Journal of International Studies 23/3 (1994): 654.
52. A.M. Clark, E. Friedman, and K. Hochstetler, "The sovereign limits of global civil society," World Politics 51 (Oct. 1998): 1-35, 3-5.
53. In the rush to employ such sexy new terms as "transnational," it is often forgotten that the Left has long conceptualized the "international" as comprising people-to-people solidarity links, rather than interstate relations.
54. Thomas Risse-Kappen, editor, Bringing transnational relations back in: non-state actors, domestic structures, and international institutions (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
55. Keck and Sikkink, "Transnational Advocacy Networks in the Movement Society," in The Social Movement Society, editors, David S. Meyer and Sidney Tarrow (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998), 219.
56. Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement. Social Movements and Contentious Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
57. Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 46.
58. Ibid., 2, 5, 10; Tarrow, Power in Movement, 188.
59. Ibid., 2, 5, 10; Tarrow, Power in Movement, 188.
60. It is little discussed in the literature, but advocacy networks also exist at the national level.
61. Keck and Sikkink, "TANs," 236, 237, 220. Keck and Sikkink, Activists, 12, 33.
62. Keck and Sikkink, "TANs," 236, 237, 220. Keck and Sikkink, Activists, 12, 33.
63. Struggles to re-embed power at the national level can be conceptualized as struggles against a "transnational state" that is accountable to corporations rather than citizens. Spatial constraints prohibit an exploration of these debates. See William Robinson and his critics' reflections in Theory and Society's symposium on globalization. Robinson, "Social theory and globalization: The rise of a transnational state," Theory and Society 30/2 (2001):157-200.
64. Struggles to re-embed power at the national level can be conceptualized as struggles against a "transnational state" that is accountable to corporations rather than citizens. Spatial constraints prohibit an exploration of these debates. See William Robinson and his critics' reflections in Theory and Society's symposium on globalization. Robinson, "Social theory and globalization: The rise of a transnational state," Theory and Society 30/2 (2001):157-200.
65. Florence Passy, "Supranational political opportunities as a channel of globalization of political conflicts. The case of the rights of indigenous peoples," in Social Movements, edited by della Porta, 161.
66. Ibid., 210, 218; Tarrow, "Beyond Globalization," 3-4.
67. Ibid., 210, 218; Tarrow, "Beyond Globalization," 3-4.
68. Speech delivered to the WTO Singapore Ministerial, Dec. 1996, Preamble Center, "The MAI in the Words of Framers, Supporters and Opponents." Negotiations on the GATS (General Agreement on Trade in Services), agriculture, the FTAA, and on other areas were underway when this article was written.
69. William Dymond, "The MAI: A Sad and Melancholy Tale," in Canada Among Nations 1999. A Big League Player?, edited by Fen Osier Hampson et al. (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1999), 26.
70. Elizabeth May, "Fighting the MAI," in Dismantling Democracy, edited by Andrew Jackson and Matthew Sanger (Toronto: CCPA/Lorimer, 1998), 43.
71. France, "Report on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) Interim Report - Sept. 1998," Min. of Econ, Fin. and Industry, authored by Catherine Lalumièe (MEP), Jean-Pierre Landau, Emmanuel Glimet (henceforth Lalumière Report), posted in English on the Council of Canadians' website, http://www.canadians.org/.
72. France, "Report on the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) Interim Report - Sept. 1998," Min. of Econ, Fin. and Industry, authored by Catherine Lalumièe (MEP), Jean-Pierre Landau, Emmanuel Glimet (henceforth Lalumière Report), posted in English on the Council of Canadians' website, http://www.canadians.org/.
73. Lori Wallach, "A Dangerous new manifesto for global capitalism," Le Monde Diplomatique, Feb 1998, www.monde-diplomatique.fr/en/1998/02/07mai.html.
74. David Henderson, The MAI Affair. A story and its lessons (London, The Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1999), 23. Henderson was chief economist to the OECD.
75. James Goodman, "Stopping the Juggernaut: the anti-MAI campaign," in Stopping the Juggernaut. Public Interest versus the Multilateral Agreement on Investment, edited by J. Goodman and Patricia Ranald (Annandale NSW: Pluto Press, 2000).
76. Donatella della Porta, et al., "National mobilization within a Globalizing World," in della Porta, Social Movements, 4.
77. Henderson, The MAI Affair, 28.
78. Henderson's MAI Affair focuses on opposition in Australia and France. Clarke was aware of country-based campaigns in the following OECD states: Canada, the United States, most EU countries - France, Great Britain, Denmark, Finland,. Sweden, the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria, Germany, Italy, Greece, Portugal - and Norway, Turkey, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and Mexico. Tony Clarke, Interview, Aug 4, 1999. We are aware of a Swiss campaign from a report of police raiding the Peoples Global Action Network.
79. Lalumière Report. Italics in original.
80. Maude Barlow, Interview, August 4, 1999.
81. "Network Guerrillas," Financial Times, April 30, 1998.
82. Peter J. Smith and Elizabeth Smythe, "Globalization, Citizenship and Technology: The MAI meets the Internet," Canadian Foreign Policy 7/2 (1999): 84, 93, emphasis added.
83. While frames relate specific events or issues within social movements, master frames "resonate across movement sectors"; they "enable heterogeneous groups to be allied in common political struggles, and thus lend coherence to the movement politics of a historical conjuncture, or even an era." William K. Carroll and Robert S. Ratner, "Master Frames and Counter-Hegemony: Political Sensibilities in Contemporary Social Movements," Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 33/4 (1996): 411.
84. IFG web page, Board of Directors, IFG Associates, www.ifg.org/assoc.html.
85. Clarke, Interview, Aug 4, 1999. There were teach-ins in New York, Washington, and Berkeley (1995 to 1997), to sell-out crowds in each city. Maude Barlow, The Fight of My Life (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1998). 200.
86. Clarke, Interview, Aug 4, 1999. There were teach-ins in New York, Washington, and Berkeley (1995 to 1997), to sell-out crowds in each city. Maude Barlow, The Fight of My Life (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1998). 200.
87. Multilateral Investment Agreement, MIA, not to be confused with the MAI. Clarke, Interview. Aug 4, 1999.
88. Clarke, Interview, Aug 4, 1999.
89. I b i d.
90. Mel Clark, "Control of Canada's Water Yielded to the U.S. by NAFTA," CCPA Monitor Jul/Aug (2000): 6.
91. Barlow Interview, Aug. 4, 1999.
92. Clarke Interview, Aug. 4, 1999.
93. Peter J. Smith and Elizabeth Smythe, "Globalization, Citizenship and Technology."
94. Maude Barlow, The fight of my life, 220.
95. Clarke, Interview, Dec. 4, 2000.
96. Theresa Wolfwood, "On globalization, democracy, MAI and alternatives: a conversation with Maria Mies," Canadian Dimension 33/1 (1999): 23-27.
97. Jeremy Nelson, "Toppling the MAI," Canadian Dimension, 32/2 (Mar/Apr 1998), 24-26.
98. Goodman, "Juggernaut," 37.
99. Joint NGO Statement. Draft Oct 27, 1997, Update Feb 11, 1998, http://www.citizen.org/pctrade/mai/sign-ons/mai600ngo.htm. Even groups like Friends of the Earth are listed by country (e.g., Friends of the Earth Macedonia).
100. Clarke, Interview, Aug. 4, 1999.
101. Maude Barlow, Tony Clarke, and Lori Wallach, MAI: The Multilateral Agreement on Investment and the Threat to American Freedom (Buffalo: Stoddart Publishing, 1998).
102. David Korten, The Post-Corporate World (West Hartford: Kumerian Press, 1999), 236-237. Some environmentalists who had supported NAFTA because of its side bar deal on the environment, realized their mistake and then opposed trade deals and fast track.
103. Elizabeth May, Interview, July 27, 1999, Ottawa.
104. Andrew Jackson, Research Director Canadian Labor Congress, Interview, November 24, 1999, Ottawa.
105. Appleton & Associates, "Legal Opinion on National Reservations to the MAI," http://www.appletonlaw.com/MAI/reservations.html.
106. The last three letters are the French acronym for the MAI. Salami also means dirty friend. Operation SalAMI began with opposition to the MAI and has become one of the major non-violent, direction action networks protesting globalism in Quebec. Neville Nankivell, "Anti-MAI propaganda out of control," Financial Post 11/66 (1998): 23. The largely francophone protest was significant because most anti-MAI organizing came from English-speaking Canada.
107. Clarke interview, Aug 4, 1999. Elizabeth Smythe argues that Canada favored the WTO over the OECD as the venue to negotiate investment rules. "The Multilateral Agreement on Investment: A Charter of Rights for Global Investors or Just Another Agreement?" in Hampson, Canada Among Nations, 239. Also see Dymond, 44.
108. Clarke interview, Aug 4, 1999. Elizabeth Smythe argues that Canada favored the WTO over the OECD as the venue to negotiate investment rules. "The Multilateral Agreement on Investment: A Charter of Rights for Global Investors or Just Another Agreement?" in Hampson, Canada Among Nations, 239. Also see Dymond, 44.
109. Clarke interview, Aug 4, 1999. Elizabeth Smythe argues that Canada favored the WTO over the OECD as the venue to negotiate investment rules. "The Multilateral Agreement on Investment: A Charter of Rights for Global Investors or Just Another Agreement?" in Hampson, Canada Among Nations, 239. Also see Dymond, 44.
110. The MAI is the enemy ("ami" means friend).
111. Barlow, The fight of my life, 219.
112. Collectif Francais contre Les Clones De L'Ami, (1999) "Accord Des Citoyens et Des Peuples Sur Les Investissements et les Richesses," 6th version, accessed 2000. Susan George homepage, http://www.tni.org/george/.
113. Laxer, "The Movement that Dare Not."
114. Ann Capling and Kim Nossal, "Death of Distance or Tyranny of Distance? The Internet, Deterritorialization, and the Anti-Globalization Movement in Australia," paper to the International Political Science Association, Quebec City, Aug 1 (2000): 12.
115. Much of this account is based on Goodman, "Juggernaut," 49, 37, 42.
116. Capling and Nossal, "Death of Distance," 12.
117. Clarke, Interview, Aug 4, 1999.
118. Wolfwood, "On globalization, democracy, MAI and alternatives: a conversation with Maria Mies," 23.
119. World Ecology, Economy and Development. This section is derived from the "internal intermediate report regarding the activities of WEED and German-watch," Bonn, Aug 1998, trans. Ineke Lock.
120. Andreas Rockstein, E-mail Interview, Nov. 8, 2000. Rockstein runs an Internet site against corporate globalization. He claims the German anti-MAI campaign was one of the weakest in the EU.
121. Press release of the Green Group of the European Parliament, Oct. 14, 1998.
122. Lalumière Report, p. 3.
123. W. Dymond, "The MAI," 32. Dymond argues the real reason was the Socialist Government's appeasement of its Communist and Green allies.
124. Clarke, "Building anti-Corporate Coalitions," talk to Parkland Institute's Conference: Building a Post-Corporate Society, Nov. 18, 2001. Edmonton.
125. Clarke, E-mail Interview by Gordon Laxer, December 23, 2001.
126. Barlow interview, August 4, 1999.
127. Craig Calhoun, "Nationalism and Civil Society: Democracy, Diversity, and Self-Determination," in Social Theory and the Politics of Identity, edited by C. Calhoun (Cambridge Mass.: Blackwell, 1994), 329.
128. Our intention here is to provide a suggestive analysis of the Zapatismo transnational solidarity network, rather than a comprehensive documentation of its existence. For an account of how Zapatismo relates to other international solidarity movements, see Peter Waterman, Globalisation, Solidarity and the New Social Movements (London/Washington: Mansell/Cassell, 1998). Thomas Olesen's doctoral dissertation, "Long Distance Zapatismo. Globalization and the Construction of Solidarity" (University of Aarhus, 2002) documents Zapatismo in a comprehensive fashion.
129. Our intention here is to provide a suggestive analysis of the Zapatismo transnational solidarity network, rather than a comprehensive documentation of its existence. For an account of how Zapatismo relates to other international solidarity movements, see Peter Waterman, Globalisation, Solidarity and the New Social Movements (London/Washington: Mansell/Cassell, 1998). Thomas Olesen's doctoral dissertation, "Long Distance Zapatismo. Globalization and the Construction of Solidarity" (University of Aarhus, 2002) documents Zapatismo in a comprehensive fashion.
130. This is not intended to imply that the Internet is the most important tool in the Zapatista struggle more generally. There is substantial disagreement on the role of the Internet supporting the "real life" EZLN. For two radically diverging viewpoints, see Judith Adler Hellman's critique, "Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magic Realism and the Left," published in the Socialist Register 2000 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000) (http://www.monthlyreview.org/sr2k.htm), and Harry Cleaver's response, "The Virtual and Real Chiapas Support Network: A review and critique of Judith Adler Hellman's "Real and Virtual Chiapas" (http:// www.eco.utexas.edu/Homepages/Faculty/Cleaver/anti-hellman.html). Another critique by Josh Paulson, and rebuttal by Hellman can be found in Socialist Register 2001 (http://www.yorku.ca/socreg/).
131. This is not intended to imply that the Internet is the most important tool in the Zapatista struggle more generally. There is substantial disagreement on the role of the Internet supporting the "real life" EZLN. For two radically diverging viewpoints, see Judith Adler Hellman's critique, "Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magic Realism and the Left," published in the Socialist Register 2000 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000) (http://www.monthlyreview.org/sr2k.htm), and Harry Cleaver's response, "The Virtual and Real Chiapas Support Network: A review and critique of Judith Adler Hellman's "Real and Virtual Chiapas" (http:// www.eco.utexas.edu/Homepages/Faculty/Cleaver/anti-hellman.html). Another critique by Josh Paulson, and rebuttal by Hellman can be found in Socialist Register 2001 (http://www.yorku.ca/socreg/).
132. This is not intended to imply that the Internet is the most important tool in the Zapatista struggle more generally. There is substantial disagreement on the role of the Internet supporting the "real life" EZLN. For two radically diverging viewpoints, see Judith Adler Hellman's critique, "Real and Virtual Chiapas: Magic Realism and the Left," published in the Socialist Register 2000 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000) (http://www.monthlyreview.org/sr2k.htm), and Harry Cleaver's response, "The Virtual and Real Chiapas Support Network: A review and critique of Judith Adler Hellman's "Real and Virtual Chiapas" (http:// www.eco.utexas.edu/Homepages/Faculty/Cleaver/anti-hellman.html). Another critique by Josh Paulson, and rebuttal by Hellman can be found in Socialist Register 2001 (http://www.yorku.ca/socreg/).
133. Robert Latham, "Information Technology and Social Transformation," International Studies Review 4/1 (2002):106. Manuel Castells, The Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996).
134. Robert Latham, "Information Technology and Social Transformation," International Studies Review 4/1 (2002):106. Manuel Castells, The Network Society (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996).
135. A "second wave" of information technology (IT) research rejects the idea of the Internet as a "placeless" Cyberspace, and sees IT as inextricably embedded in social life. However "disembedded" and "unreal" the cyber world may appear, the production and consumption of this technology is deeply embedded in systems of corporate concentration of wealth, and north-south power inequities (referred to as the "digital divide"). As Latham writes, "while these networks can seem open and expansive, they also are structures of control that can channel our lives into delimited choices and menus," Latham, "Information technology," 106, 102. Depicting globalization as a "placeless" phenomenon is a ubiquitous tendency in globalization scholarship more generally, contraindicated by Sassen, Globalization, and J. Comaroff and J. L. Comaroff, editors, Millennial Capitalism and the Culture of Neoliberalism (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001), 7, 13. For an account of the embeddedness of IT within a "developing country" (Trinidad) that also contradicts the idea of a simplistic "digital divide," see Miller and Slater, The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach (Oxford: Berge, 2000). For a critical account of digital technology and democracy, see Darin Barney, Prometheus Wired, The Hope for Democracy in the Age of Network Technology (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000).
136. A "second wave" of information technology (IT) research rejects the idea of the Internet as a "placeless" Cyberspace, and sees IT as inextricably embedded in social life. However "disembedded" and "unreal" the cyber world may appear, the production and consumption of this technology is deeply embedded in systems of corporate concentration of wealth, and north-south power inequities (referred to as the "digital divide"). As Latham writes, "while these networks can seem open and expansive, they also are structures of control that can channel our lives into delimited choices and menus," Latham, "Information technology," 106, 102. Depicting globalization as a "placeless" phenomenon is a ubiquitous tendency in globalization scholarship more generally, contraindicated by Sassen, Globalization, and J. Comaroff and J. L. Comaroff, editors, Millennial Capitalism and the Culture of Neoliberalism (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001), 7, 13. For an account of the embeddedness of IT within a "developing country" (Trinidad) that also contradicts the idea of a simplistic "digital divide," see Miller and Slater, The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach (Oxford: Berge, 2000). For a critical account of digital technology and democracy, see Darin Barney, Prometheus Wired, The Hope for Democracy in the Age of Network Technology (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000).
137. A "second wave" of information technology (IT) research rejects the idea of the Internet as a "placeless" Cyberspace, and sees IT as inextricably embedded in social life. However "disembedded" and "unreal" the cyber world may appear, the production and consumption of this technology is deeply embedded in systems of corporate concentration of wealth, and north-south power inequities (referred to as the "digital divide"). As Latham writes, "while these networks can seem open and expansive, they also are structures of control that can channel our lives into delimited choices and menus," Latham, "Information technology," 106, 102. Depicting globalization as a "placeless" phenomenon is a ubiquitous tendency in globalization scholarship more generally, contraindicated by Sassen, Globalization, and J. Comaroff and J. L. Comaroff, editors, Millennial Capitalism and the Culture of Neoliberalism (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2001), 7, 13. For an account of the embeddedness of IT within a "developing country" (Trinidad) that also contradicts the idea of a simplistic "digital divide," see Miller and Slater, The Internet: An Ethnographic Approach (Oxford: Berge, 2000). For a critical account of digital technology and democracy, see Darin Barney, Prometheus Wired, The Hope for Democracy in the Age of Network Technology (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2000).
138. We are not attempting to carry out a positivist project of "objective" data collection quantifying the volume of Internet activity. Ours is a deliberately interpretative reading that focuses on political themes emerging through the discourse produced by the solidarity network. For a discussion of the methodological quandaries surrounding qualitative research on the Internet, see Chris Mann and Fiona Stewart, Internet Communication and Qualitative Research: A Handbook for Research Online (London: Sage, 2000).
139. Harry Cleaver's web-site: http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/zapsincy-ber.html. "Zapatistas in Cyberspace," is a map to the many Zapatismo sites available. The electronic listserv, Chiapas-95, based in University of Texas, Austin, is not an unproblematic data source, but remains one of the most extensive and reliable sources of information on Chiapas, particularly to English-language observers who reside primarily outside of Mexico: http://www.eco.utexas.edu/ faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
140. The Steering Committee of the Civil Society "The Bees," "En J. Aros, Abejas document re Acteal, Sep 07," September 9, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95
141. Keck and Sikkink, Activists, 12.
142. th," Sept. 9, 2000, Email Listerv. Chiapas95.
143. th," Sept. 9, 2000, Email Listerv. Chiapas95.
144. For example, Wolf Ruthar Born, Germany's ambassador to Mexico, toured Chiapas in February 2000: "I want to know about the armed conflict in Chiapas that occupies the front pages of German newspapers." Associated Press, "German Ambassador Begins Tours of Chiapas," February 18, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English, http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
145. Mark Stevenson, Associated Press, "Mexican Officials Defend Expulsions," January 7th 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English, http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
146. Ernesto Ledesma Arronte, Gustavo E. Castro Soto, Tedford P. Lewis, Ryan M. Zinn (editors and coordinators), Always Near, Always Far: The Armed Forces in Mexico (Mexico: Global Exchange, Centro de Investigaciones Económicas y Politicas de Acción Comunitaria (CIEPAC), and Centro Nacional de Comunicación Social A. C., 2000).
147. Alejandro Ruiz, Associated Press (2000) "AP, Robinson Decries Mexican HR Abuses," November 26th, November 27, 1999, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English, http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
148. This is not to say that the Mexican state's control over the media has been broken. Television coverage, in particular, is still highly concentrated, and not particularly critical of the neoliberal agenda or military-sponsored paramilitary repression in Chiapas.
149. Keck and Sikkink, Activists, 21.
150. Wes Rehberg, E-mail Interview, October 13th, 2000.
151. Subcomandante Marcos (1996). "RICA: AN OPEN CALL TO A DISCUSSION," accessed Oct. 1, 2000, Internet Web Site, Accion Zapatista, http://www.utexas.edu/students/nave/.
152. The left-leaning newspaper La Jornada is also renowned for being a reliable source of information on the Zapatista struggle. In addition, several influential film documentaries have been made on Chiapas, including Nettie Wild's 1999 documentary entitled, "A Place Called Chiapas." The Chiapas Media Project trains indigenous communities to use film equipment. This enables them to represent themselves to the outside world, http://www.chiapasmediaproject.org/.
153. Roja Intercontinental de Comunicación Alternativa (RICA); Intercontinental Network of Alternative Communication. Subcomandante Marcos (1996). "RICA: AN OPEN CALL TO A DISCUSSION," Accessed October 1, 2000. Internet Web Site. Accion Zapatista. http://www.utexas.edu/students/nave/.
154. Antonio Castillo, La Jornada, "Ojarasca; The Chemical War in the Selva Lacandona," October 4th, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English, http://www.eco.u-texas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
155. Escuelaspara Chiapas - Schools for Chiapas, "Chiapas Schools Update," February 7, 2000, Email Listserv. Mexicopeace.
156. ChiapasLink. "Chapter 2 Solidarity," accessed October 12, 2000, Internet Website, ChiapasLink. http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch2.html.
157. Ledesma Arronte et al., Always Near Never Far.
158. The Plan Puebla-Panama ("Plan of the 3 Ps") is supposedly designed to promote sustainable development through the integration of tourism, trade, education, environmental management, and power grids from Mexico's Puebla state to Panama. According to critics, "[t]he PPP, no matter how hard they would like to present it as an economic project that will benefit the indigenous population of Chiapas and the entire southeast, is not an independent project designed with these aims; it is an economic project rooted in the legal frame of the Free Trade Areas of the Americas (FTAA)." Human Rights Center, Miguel Agustin Pro Juárez (June 15, 2001) "Press Release," accessed June 2001, Internet, Global Exchange, http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/prodh061501.html.
159. La Jornada, June 15, 2001.
160. EFE (May 10, 2001) "Mexican Church warns of Growing Paramilitary
161. EZLN Communique (April 29, 2001) Internet, accessed June 2001, http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/communique042901.html.
162. Michael Walzer, "The Concept of Civil Society," in Toward a Global Civil Society?, edited by Michael Walzer (Providence: RI: Berhahn Books, 1995), 3.
163. National Indigenous Congress, "Declaration by the national Indigenous congress about the Law of Indigenous rights," May 1, 2001, Internet, accessed Jun 29, 2001, http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/050101.html. Emphasis ours.
164. According to the EZLN: "[w]e do not want independence from Mexico, we want to be part of Mexico, to be Mexican indigenous.... We want to be first-class citizens and to be part of the country's development, but we want to be so without ceasing to be indigenous." EZLN (February 2001) "FAQ on March," accessed April 18, 2001, Internet, http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/mexico/ezln/2001/marcos_faq_feb.html.
165. The San Andrés accords were revised by the COCOPA (an all-party Congressional Committee for Concord and Pacification) in December 1996. Although the PRI negotiators originally agreed to this interpretation, officials from the presidential office quickly reneged and came back with a watered-down version, arguing that the COCOPA version gave too much autonomy to indigenous communities and would lead to the "balkanization" of Mexico. Some observers suggest that the federal government's real concern is not political disintegration, but a reluctance to hand over resources to indigenous groups, a transfer legislated in the COCOPA version. This development would threaten the interests of multinationals eager to exploit the rich timber, oil, and pharmaceutical resources of the Lacandón rainforest. Andrés Barreda, "Globalization and Militarization, " Always Near, Always Far, 165-197; Narco News Bulletin, "Fox's First Challenge: The San Andrés Peace Accords," accessed April 2001, Internet, http://www.narconews.com/mextransition2.html.
166. The San Andrés accords were revised by the COCOPA (an all-party Congressional Committee for Concord and Pacification) in December 1996. Although the PRI negotiators originally agreed to this interpretation, officials from the presidential office quickly reneged and came back with a watered-down version, arguing that the COCOPA version gave too much autonomy to indigenous communities and would lead to the "balkanization" of Mexico. Some observers suggest that the federal government's real concern is not political disintegration, but a reluctance to hand over resources to indigenous groups, a transfer legislated in the COCOPA version. This development would threaten the interests of multinationals eager to exploit the rich timber, oil, and pharmaceutical resources of the Lacandón rainforest. Andrés Barreda, "Globalization and Militarization, " Always Near, Always Far, 165-197; Narco News Bulletin, "Fox's First Challenge: The San Andrés Peace Accords," accessed April 2001, Internet, http://www.narconews.com/mextransition2.html.
167. Al Giordano, The Nation, "En Nation, A-Giordano, Zapatistas on the march, Mar 22," March 23, 2001, Email Listserv. Chiapas95, http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
168. The bill requires ratification by the legislatures of the 31 Mexican states and the federal district. A chronology of events surrounding the Indigenous Rights Bill, and the unsuccessful challenges made to it in the Mexican Supreme Court, can be found on the Global Exchange website. See http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/20020913-349.html.
169. National Indigenous Congress (2001), "Declaration by the National Indigenous Congress," translated by Agustin J. Vila-Sakar and B. J. Kowalski, accessed June 29, 2001, Internet, Global Exchange, http://www.globalexchange.org/campaigns/mexico/news/050101.html. Emphasis ours.
170. The Associated Press (1999). "US opposition to Indigenous Rights Campaign," August 15,1999. Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English. http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
171. Jeff Moebus, "Jeff Moebus: Chiapas and the Presidential Campaign in the U.S., July 29," July 29, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English. http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html. Typographical errors in the website's Spanish quote are corrected here.
172. Ted Lewis, Interview, January 12, 2001, San Cristobal, Chiapas, Mexico.
173. Zapatista Army of National Liberation, Shadows of Tender Fury: The Letters and Communiqués of Subcomandante Marcos and the Zapatista National Army of Liberation, Frank Bardacke, Leslie Lopez, and the Watsonville Human Rights Committee, translator (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1995), 137.
174. Ibid, 93.
175. S. Hilbert, "For Whom the Nation? Internationalization, Zapatismo, and the Struggle Over Mexican Modernity," Antipode 29/2 (1997): 115-148; J. Saxe-Fernández, "The Chiapas Insurrection: Consequences for Mexico and the United States," Internationaljournal of Politics, Culture, and Society 8/2 (1994):325.
176. S. Hilbert, "For Whom the Nation? Internationalization, Zapatismo, and the Struggle Over Mexican Modernity," Antipode 29/2 (1997): 115-148; J. Saxe-Fernández, "The Chiapas Insurrection: Consequences for Mexico and the United States," Internationaljournal of Politics, Culture, and Society 8/2 (1994):325.
177. C. Gilberth and G. Otero, "Democratization in Mexico: The Zapatista Uprising and Civil Society," Latin American Perspectives 119 (28/4) (2001): 7-29.
178. Wes Rehberg, E-mail interview, October 12, 2000.
179. ChiapasLink. (2000), "Chapter 1.3 Resistance to Globalization, " accessed October 12, 2000, Internet, ChiapasLink. http://www.chiapaslink.ukgateway.net/ch13.htm.
180. Tarrow, 1998, Activists, 193.
181. Judith Hellman, "Real and Virtual Chiapas."
182. Paulo Freire understood this relationship as a dialogue between the world (objective reality) and consciousness (subjective reality); although they are mutually constituted, there is always a certain distance between them. Paulo Freire and Donaldo P. Macedo, "A Dialogue: Culture, Language, and Race," Harvard Education Review 65/3 (1995): 387, 388.
183. As Paulo Freire writes, "[solidarity requires that one enter into the situation of those with whom one is in solidarity; it is a radical posture." Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum Books, 1970/95), 31. Josée Johnston and James Goodman, "Activism, Detachment, and the Ivory Tower: Freirean Lessons for Globalization Research," forthcoming.
184. As Paulo Freire writes, "[solidarity requires that one enter into the situation of those with whom one is in solidarity; it is a radical posture." Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed (New York: Continuum Books, 1970/95), 31. Josée Johnston and James Goodman, "Activism, Detachment, and the Ivory Tower: Freirean Lessons for Globalization Research," forthcoming.
185. One particularly interesting case involved the now infamous leaked memo from Riordan Roett to Chase Manhattan Bank's Emerging Markets division. In the memo, Roett, on leave as Director of John Hopkins University's Latin American Studies program, advised the Mexican government of the "need to eliminate the Zapatistas to demonstrate their effective control of the national territory and of security policy." This memo was widely distributed through Zapatismo listservs and websites and is thought to have been a key part of the decision to halt the military offensive in Chiapas. For a list of the many electronic messages and political implications of this memo, see the Chiapas95 archive at http://burn.ucsd.edu/.archives/chiapas-1/1995.11/msg00080.html.
186. The Irish Solidarity sites report that "[t]he Internet is a wonderful way of finding out information and making links but perhaps it is too easy to passively consume." Irish Solidarity, (February 2001) "The Struggle Site," accessed March 2001, Internet, Irish Solidarity Network, http://flag.blackened.net/revolt/revolt.html.
187. Mary Anne Tenuto, E-Mail Interview, October 13, 2000.
188. Dan la Botz, E-Mail Interview, October 13, 2000.
189. Tarrow, The Social Movement Society, 1998, 192.
190. Jorge Aros, E-Mail Interview, October 12th, 2000.
191. For example, Community of Union Progreso, "Enclave, Denunciation from Union Progreso, October 2nd," October 4th, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English. http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
192. John Ross, "J. Ross. Are Zaps history? Oct. 4," October 5, 2000, Email Listserv. Chiapas95-English. http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
193. While Harry Cleaver minimizes the problem, Judith Adler Hellman suggests it is specially connected to Zapatismo, and not indicative of a broader, and more long-standing problem that befalls transnational solidarity generally, especially given the severity of material inequality. See note 123.
194. Wes Rheberg, E-Mail Interview, October 13, 2000.
195. Gustavo Esteva and Madhu Suri Prakash, Grassroots Post-Modernism (London: Zed Books. 1998).
196. Dan La Botz, E-Mail Interview, October 23, 2000, our emphasis.
197. Howard La Franchi, The Christian Science Monitor, "En CSM,Out of the jungle, a global hero, Mar 20" (March 15, 2001), Email Listserv. Chiapas95. http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html.
198. David Harvey, "Class Relations, Social Justice, and the Politics of Difference," in Place and the Politics of Identity (London: Routledge, 1993), 56; Craig Calhoun, "Indirect Relationships and Imagined Communities: Large Scale Social Integration and the Transformation of Everyday Life," in Social Theory for a Changing Society, edited by P. Bourdieu and J. S. Coleman (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 95-120.
199. David Harvey, "Class Relations, Social Justice, and the Politics of Difference," in Place and the Politics of Identity (London: Routledge, 1993), 56; Craig Calhoun, "Indirect Relationships and Imagined Communities: Large Scale Social Integration and the Transformation of Everyday Life," in Social Theory for a Changing Society, edited by P. Bourdieu and J. S. Coleman (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 95-120.
200. Craig Calhoun, Social Theory and the Politics of Identity, 307.
201. Jeffrey Ayres, "Transnational Contention Against Neo-liberalism: International Political Processes and the Structuring of Activism Opposed to the Global Economy," Mobilization: an International Journal, Spring (2001).
202. Not only do Zapatista communities lack the resources to globe-trot en masse, but this would threaten the accompaniment programs already in place. When the Zapatista caravan to Mexican City left in February 2001, for example, it attracted many foreign human rights observers. San Cristóbal was cleared of "gringos," and the concern was that without foreigners in threatened communities, paramilitaries would feel free to attack with impunity.