West-east integration: Lessons from East Germany's accelerated transition

East European Politics and Societies

Volumn 15, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 114-138

  Yoder, Jennifer A ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0035596852     PISSN: 08883254     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/088832501766276551     Document Type: Article

References (39)

1. Social scientists have sought to explain the variance in the mode and pace of the transition from communism by pointing to the particular set of political, social, and economic conditions in a country. See for example, David Stark, "Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central Europe," East European Politics and Societies 6:1 (Winter 1992): 17-54. Those who by 1989 had developed reform communist wings, opposition groups, or elements of a "civil society" and had experimented with limited economic and political reforms were more likely to move swiftly and peaceably toward democratic capitalism. See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992) . Likewise, historical and cultural factors play a role in shaping the processes and outcomes of postcommunist political change. The descendants of the Hapsburg empire, especially those with experience with parliamentary democracy in the interwar period, have inherited legacies of tolerance, multiculturalism, and limited self-rule that are more compatible with democratic institutions than are the legacies of authoritarianism, paternalism, and centralism associated with the Russian and Ottoman empires. See J. F. Brown, Hopes and Shadows: Eastern Europe after Communism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994). Other analyses of transitions emphasize the decisions made by key political actors during the transition as determinants of the mode, pace, and direction of regime change. See John Higley and Michael Burton, "The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns," American Sociological Review 54:1 (February 1989): 17-32. Decisions about interim regimes and power-sharing (how inclusive transition decision making should be), the timing of elections, and the character of the new political and economic institutions can either facilitate or block the democratization and decentralization processes.
2. Social scientists have sought to explain the variance in the mode and pace of the transition from communism by pointing to the particular set of political, social, and economic conditions in a country. See for example, David Stark, "Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central Europe," East European Politics and Societies 6:1 (Winter 1992): 17-54. Those who by 1989 had developed reform communist wings, opposition groups, or elements of a "civil society" and had experimented with limited economic and political reforms were more likely to move swiftly and peaceably toward democratic capitalism. See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992) . Likewise, historical and cultural factors play a role in shaping the processes and outcomes of postcommunist political change. The descendants of the Hapsburg empire, especially those with experience with parliamentary democracy in the interwar period, have inherited legacies of tolerance, multiculturalism, and limited self-rule that are more compatible with democratic institutions than are the legacies of authoritarianism, paternalism, and centralism associated with the Russian and Ottoman empires. See J. F. Brown, Hopes and Shadows: Eastern Europe after Communism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994). Other analyses of transitions emphasize the decisions made by key political actors during the transition as determinants of the mode, pace, and direction of regime change. See John Higley and Michael Burton, "The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns," American Sociological Review 54:1 (February 1989): 17-32. Decisions about interim regimes and power-sharing (how inclusive transition decision making should be), the timing of elections, and the character of the new political and economic institutions can either facilitate or block the democratization and decentralization processes.
3. Social scientists have sought to explain the variance in the mode and pace of the transition from communism by pointing to the particular set of political, social, and economic conditions in a country. See for example, David Stark, "Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central Europe," East European Politics and Societies 6:1 (Winter 1992): 17-54. Those who by 1989 had developed reform communist wings, opposition groups, or elements of a "civil society" and had experimented with limited economic and political reforms were more likely to move swiftly and peaceably toward democratic capitalism. See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992) . Likewise, historical and cultural factors play a role in shaping the processes and outcomes of postcommunist political change. The descendants of the Hapsburg empire, especially those with experience with parliamentary democracy in the interwar period, have inherited legacies of tolerance, multiculturalism, and limited self-rule that are more compatible with democratic institutions than are the legacies of authoritarianism, paternalism, and centralism associated with the Russian and Ottoman empires. See J. F. Brown, Hopes and Shadows: Eastern Europe after Communism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994). Other analyses of transitions emphasize the decisions made by key political actors during the transition as determinants of the mode, pace, and direction of regime change. See John Higley and Michael Burton, "The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns," American Sociological Review 54:1 (February 1989): 17-32. Decisions about interim regimes and power-sharing (how inclusive transition decision making should be), the timing of elections, and the character of the new political and economic institutions can either facilitate or block the democratization and decentralization processes.
4. Social scientists have sought to explain the variance in the mode and pace of the transition from communism by pointing to the particular set of political, social, and economic conditions in a country. See for example, David Stark, "Path Dependence and Privatization Strategies in East Central Europe," East European Politics and Societies 6:1 (Winter 1992): 17-54. Those who by 1989 had developed reform communist wings, opposition groups, or elements of a "civil society" and had experimented with limited economic and political reforms were more likely to move swiftly and peaceably toward democratic capitalism. See Vladimir Tismaneanu, Reinventing Politics: Eastern Europe from Stalin to Havel (New York: Free Press, 1992) . Likewise, historical and cultural factors play a role in shaping the processes and outcomes of postcommunist political change. The descendants of the Hapsburg empire, especially those with experience with parliamentary democracy in the interwar period, have inherited legacies of tolerance, multiculturalism, and limited self-rule that are more compatible with democratic institutions than are the legacies of authoritarianism, paternalism, and centralism associated with the Russian and Ottoman empires. See J. F. Brown, Hopes and Shadows: Eastern Europe after Communism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994). Other analyses of transitions emphasize the decisions made by key political actors during the transition as determinants of the mode, pace, and direction of regime change. See John Higley and Michael Burton, "The Elite Variable in Democratic Transitions and Breakdowns," American Sociological Review 54:1 (February 1989): 17-32. Decisions about interim regimes and power-sharing (how inclusive transition decision making should be), the timing of elections, and the character of the new political and economic institutions can either facilitate or block the democratization and decentralization processes.
5. For a discussion of the speed, scale, and rigidity of the German transition, see Wolfgang Seibel "Successfully Failing Imitation: Nonprofit Organizations in Post-1990 East Germany," paper presented at the conference "The German Road from Socialism to Capitalism: Eastern Germany Ten Years After the Collapse of the GDR," Harvard University, Center for European Studies 18-20 June 1999.
6. There were a few strikes in the early years of unification, particularly surrounding the closure of East German factories. The strikes did not spread and, with few exceptions, were settled relatively quickly and peaceably.
7. Dieter Walz and Wolfram Brunner, "Das Sein bestimmt das Bewusstsein. Oder: Warum sich die Ostdeutschen als Bürger 2. Klasse fühlen," Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 51 (1997): 13-19.
8. Institut für Demoskopie, cited in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 6 August 1995, 3.
9. Lothar Fritze, "Identifikation mit dem gelebten Leben. Gibt es DDR-Nostalgie in den neuen Bundesländern?" in Ralf Altenhof and Eckhard Jesse, eds., Das wiedervereinigten Deutschland (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1995), 275-92; Detlef Pollack and Gert Pickel, "Die ostdeutsche Identit; at - Erbe des DDR-Sozialismus oder Produkt der Wiedervereinigung? Die Einstellungen der Ostdeutschen zu sozialer Ungleichheit und Demokratie, "Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 41-42 (1998): 9-23; Bettina Westle, "Demokratie und
10. Lothar Fritze, "Identifikation mit dem gelebten Leben. Gibt es DDR-Nostalgie in den neuen Bundesländern?" in Ralf Altenhof and Eckhard Jesse, eds., Das wiedervereinigten Deutschland (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1995), 275-92; Detlef Pollack and Gert Pickel, "Die ostdeutsche Identit; at - Erbe des DDR-Sozialismus oder Produkt der Wiedervereinigung? Die Einstellungen der Ostdeutschen zu sozialer Ungleichheit und Demokratie, "Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 41-42 (1998): 9-23; Bettina Westle, "Demokratie und
11. This old/new politics divide between the east and west is noted by Gen-Joachim Glaeßner, "Zwischenbilanz: Die neue Bundesrepublik fünf Jahre nach dem Ende des Kommunismus," Deutschland Archiv 28:1 (January 1995): 10-20; and Hans-Georg Betz, "Alliance 90/Greens: From Fundamental Opposition to Black-Green," in David P. Conradt et al., eds., Germany's New Politics (Tempe, Ariz.: German Studies Review, 1995). The distinction between "Old Politics" and "New Politics" is made most succinctly by Russell Dalton, Scott C. Flanagan et al., eds., Electoral Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies: Realignment or Dealignment (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984).
12. This old/new politics divide between the east and west is noted by Gen-Joachim Glaeßner, "Zwischenbilanz: Die neue Bundesrepublik fünf Jahre nach dem Ende des Kommunismus," Deutschland Archiv 28:1 (January 1995): 10-20; and Hans-Georg Betz, "Alliance 90/Greens: From Fundamental Opposition to Black-Green," in David P. Conradt et al., eds., Germany's New Politics (Tempe, Ariz.: German Studies Review, 1995). The distinction between "Old Politics" and "New Politics" is made most succinctly by Russell Dalton, Scott C. Flanagan et al., eds., Electoral Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies: Realignment or Dealignment (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984).
13. This old/new politics divide between the east and west is noted by Gen-Joachim Glaeßner, "Zwischenbilanz: Die neue Bundesrepublik fünf Jahre nach dem Ende des Kommunismus," Deutschland Archiv 28:1 (January 1995): 10-20; and Hans-Georg Betz, "Alliance 90/Greens: From Fundamental Opposition to Black-Green," in David P. Conradt et al., eds., Germany's New Politics (Tempe, Ariz.: German Studies Review, 1995). The distinction between "Old Politics" and "New Politics" is made most succinctly by Russell Dalton, Scott C. Flanagan et al., eds., Electoral Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies: Realignment or Dealignment (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1984).
14. For an excellent analysis of those different interests, see Astrid Segert, "Problematic Normalization: Eastern German Workers Eight Years after Unification," German Politics and Society 16:3 (Fall 1998): 105-24.
15. See Ilse Spittmann, "PDS - Anwalt der Ostdeutschen?" Deutschland Archiv 27/7 (July 1994): 673-74, in which she reports several findings of the Allensbach Institute for Demoskopie.
16. Joyce Marie Mushaben, "Auferstanden aus Ruinen: Social Capital and Democratic Identity in the New Länder" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, 10-13 April 1997), 17.
17. Rolf Reißig, "Einstellungen und Orientierungen der ostdeutsche - zwischen Kontinuitäten und Wandel" (report prepared for the workshop "Ostdeutsche Meinungsbildung im Wandel - Stimmungen, Einstellungen, Werte, Verhalten," sponsored by the Friedrich-Ebert Stiftung, Potsdam, 6 March 1997), 7.
18. Ilse Spittmann notes, "In this profound upheaval-process, the east Germans wanted to bring not only their interests, but also their competence. And that is their right. The election success of the PDS stems also from the fact that it is the only party in which the east Germans are not dominated by west Germans" (See Spittmann, "Fünf Jahre danach - Wieviel Einheit brauchen wir?" Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B38/95 (15 September 1995): 1-8, here 7).
19. Ilse Spittmann notes, "In this profound upheaval-process, the east Germans wanted to bring not only their interests, but also their competence. And that is their right. The election success of the PDS stems also from the fact that it is the only party in which the east Germans are not dominated by west Germans" (See Spittmann, "Fünf Jahre danach - Wieviel Einheit brauchen wir?" Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B38/95 (15 September 1995): 1-8, here 7).
20. See David F. Patton, "Germany's Party of Democratic Socialism in Comparative Perspective," East European Politics and Societies 12:3 (Fall 1998): 500-26.
21. The PDS increased its share of the vote in the east in the 1994 federal election to 19.8 percent from 11.1 percent in 1990. In the five state elections in the cast in 1994, the PDS won between 16.1 (Thüringen) and 21.9 (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern) percent of the vote, up from an average of 12 percent in the 1990 state elections. Although one-fifth of those who voted in the east in the 1994 Bundestag election gave their support to the PDS, this amounted to only 10 percent of the eligible electorate in the east. Between 42 and 45 percent (depending on the state) of the eligible electorate did not even turn out to vote. Thus, well over half the eastern German electorate did not feel represented by the western-developed and dominated parties and party system. This was pointed out by Hans Misselwitz, director of the Agency for Political Education in the state of Brandenburg and a former Protestant church activist in the GDR. See Hans-J. Misselwitz, "Politikwahrnehmung und Politikvermittlung in den neuen Bundesländern," Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (11 November 1994), 3-11.
22. The PDS increased its share of the vote in the east in the 1994 federal election to 19.8 percent from 11.1 percent in 1990. In the five state elections in the cast in 1994, the PDS won between 16.1 (Thüringen) and 21.9 (Mecklenburg-Vorpommern) percent of the vote, up from an average of 12 percent in the 1990 state elections. Although one-fifth of those who voted in the east in the 1994 Bundestag election gave their support to the PDS, this amounted to only 10 percent of the eligible electorate in the east. Between 42 and 45 percent (depending on the state) of the eligible electorate did not even turn out to vote. Thus, well over half the eastern German electorate did not feel represented by the western-developed and dominated parties and party system. This was pointed out by Hans Misselwitz, director of the Agency for Political Education in the state of Brandenburg and a former Protestant church activist in the GDR. See Hans-J. Misselwitz, "Politikwahrnehmung und Politikvermittlung in den neuen Bundesländern," Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte (11 November 1994), 3-11.
23. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
24. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
25. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
26. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
27. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
28. There is a rich literature on regionalism. See for example, Heiner, Dürr and Günter Heinritz, "Zentralismus - Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 524-25; Dirk Gerdes, "Regionalismus und Politikwissenschaft: Zur Wiederentdeckung von 'Territorialität' als innenpolitischer Konfliktdimension," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 526-33; Martin Gornig and Hartmut Häussermann, "Regionen im Süd/Nord-und West/Ost-Gefälle," in Roland Roth and Hellmut Wollmann, eds., "Kommunalpolitik" Politisches Handeln in den Gemeinden (Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung); Richard Pieper, "Region und Regionalismus," Geographische Rundschau 39:10 (October 1987): 541-47; Grzegorz Gorzelak, The Regional Dimension of Transformation in Central Europe (London: Jessica Kingsley Publishers, 1996); Grzegorz Gorzelak and Antoni Kuklinski, Dilemmas of Regional Policies in Eastern and Central Europe (Warsaw University of Warsaw, European Institute for Regional and Local Studies 1992).
29. The Länder had been dissolved by the GDR leadership in 1952.
30. Background on the debate surrounding the Brandenburg-Berlin fusion proposal, "Das kleine, rote Preußen," Der Spiegel 18 (1996): 40-52. See also the analysis of the outcome of the referendum by Joanna McKay, "Berlin-Brandenburg? Nein danke! The Referendum on the Proposed Länderfusion," German Politics 5:3 (December 1996): 485-502.
31. Background on the debate surrounding the Brandenburg-Berlin fusion proposal, "Das kleine, rote Preußen," Der Spiegel 18 (1996): 40-52. See also the analysis of the outcome of the referendum by Joanna McKay, "Berlin-Brandenburg? Nein danke! The Referendum on the Proposed Länderfusion," German Politics 5:3 (December 1996): 485-502.
32. Reinhard Höppner quoted in the Sächsische Zeitung, 29 June 1994, cited in Meredith Heiser, "New Politics for New Constituents," Transition 1:12 (14 July 1995): 44-50; 48.
33. Reinhard Höppner quoted in the Sächsische Zeitung, 29 June 1994, cited in Meredith Heiser, "New Politics for New Constituents," Transition 1:12 (14 July 1995): 44-50; 48.
34. Höppner quoted in Märkische Allgemeine, 7 July 1994, cited in Heiser, ibid.
35. Quote from a pamphlet published by the Communal Association of the Euroregion Neisse, e.V.
36. Bast-Haider in a presentation to the twenty-fourth New Hampshire Symposium on Eastern Germany, Conway, New Hampshire, June 1998.
37. For a more detailed comparison of the PDS and other postcommunist political parties, see David F. Patton, op. cit.
38. "A New Poland for New Challenges," 3rd edition, Chancellery of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland (Warsaw: Government Plenipotentiary for the Systemic Reform of the State, December 1998), 9-11.
39. Ibid., 22.