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Volumn 45, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 151-184

The socio-economic relations of warfare and the military mortality crises of the thirty years' war

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; BIRTH RATE; DEMOGRAPHY; EPIDEMIC; GERMANY; HISTORY; HUMAN; MIGRATION; MORTALITY; PLAGUE; SOCIOECONOMICS; STARVATION; THEORETICAL MODEL; WAR;

EID: 0035316989     PISSN: 00257273     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0025727300067703     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (29)

References (241)
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    • note 2 above
    • K Blaschke, Bevölkerungsgeschichte von Sachsen bis zur industriellen Revolution. Weimar, Böhlau, 1967; P Stephan, 'Geburtlichkeit und Kindersterblichkeit in einem Dorf im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert', Ärztl. Jugendkd, 1984, 75: 178-89; J Theibault, German villages in crisis: rural life in Hesse-Kassel and the Thirty Years' War, 1580-1720, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, Humanities Press, 1995, pp. 166-74; Theibault, op. cit., note 2 above, pp. 14-16.
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    • (1971) Histoire de Pologne , pp. 277
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    • note 5 above
    • Cf. Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. xix-xlv; H Langer, The Thirty Years' War, Poole, Blandford Press, 1980, p. 8; G Bodart, Losses of life in modern wars: Austria-Hungary; France, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1916, p. 9.
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    • Cf. Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. xix-xlv; H Langer, The Thirty Years' War, Poole, Blandford Press, 1980, p. 8; G Bodart, Losses of life in modern wars: Austria-Hungary; France, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1916, p. 9.
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    • note 23 above
    • Wright, op. cit., note 23 above, vol. 1, pp. 243-4. A close reading of Bodart, op. cit., note 24 above, p. 20, suggests a fairer summary of the very limited evidence he reviews would be that a third or more of casualties were deaths.
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    • Wright, op. cit., note 23 above, vol. 1, pp. 243-4. A close reading of Bodart, op. cit., note 24 above, p. 20, suggests a fairer summary of the very limited evidence he reviews would be that a third or more of casualties were deaths.
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    • This appears to have been the predominant view for some time: L Bradley, 'Some medical aspects of plague', Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, The plague reconsidered: a new look at its origins and effects in 16th and 17th century England, Matlock, 'Local Population Studies' for the S.S.R.C. Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, 1977, pp. 11-23, on pp. 18-19; J D Post, Food shortage, climatic variability, and epidemic disease in preindustrial Europe: the mortality peak in the early 1740s, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1985, p. 229; P Slack, The impact of plague in Tudor and Stuart England, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985, p. 8.
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    • This appears to have been the predominant view for some time: L Bradley, 'Some medical aspects of plague', Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, The plague reconsidered: a new look at its origins and effects in 16th and 17th century England, Matlock, 'Local Population Studies' for the S.S.R.C. Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, 1977, pp. 11-23, on pp. 18-19; J D Post, Food shortage, climatic variability, and epidemic disease in preindustrial Europe: the mortality peak in the early 1740s, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1985, p. 229; P Slack, The impact of plague in Tudor and Stuart England, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985, p. 8.
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    • This appears to have been the predominant view for some time: L Bradley, 'Some medical aspects of plague', Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, The plague reconsidered: a new look at its origins and effects in 16th and 17th century England, Matlock, 'Local Population Studies' for the S.S.R.C. Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure, 1977, pp. 11-23, on pp. 18-19; J D Post, Food shortage, climatic variability, and epidemic disease in preindustrial Europe: the mortality peak in the early 1740s, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1985, p. 229; P Slack, The impact of plague in Tudor and Stuart England, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985, p. 8.
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    • Compare the reviews of the condition of the German people from the standpoints of 1620-1, 1630, and 1637 given in C V Wedgwood, The Thirty Years War, London, Jonathan Cape, 1938, pp. 146-7, 255-7, 410-14. At a local level, Theibault's study of Hesse-Kassel documents a qualitative increase in the severity of the War's impact which he dates to 1626 for this area (op. cit., note 8 above, p. 150). It was only in the 1630s that English pamphleteers began to notice the War and "the appalling consequences of a particularly appalling war became familiar horrors" (B Donagan, 'Codes and conduct in the English Civil War', Past and Present, 1988, 118: 65-95, p. 67).
    • (1938) The Thirty Years War , pp. 146-147
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    • note 8 above
    • Compare the reviews of the condition of the German people from the standpoints of 1620-1, 1630, and 1637 given in C V Wedgwood, The Thirty Years War, London, Jonathan Cape, 1938, pp. 146-7, 255-7, 410-14. At a local level, Theibault's study of Hesse-Kassel documents a qualitative increase in the severity of the War's impact which he dates to 1626 for this area (op. cit., note 8 above, p. 150). It was only in the 1630s that English pamphleteers began to notice the War and "the appalling consequences of a particularly appalling war became familiar horrors" (B Donagan, 'Codes and conduct in the English Civil War', Past and Present, 1988, 118: 65-95, p. 67).
    • The Thirty Years War , pp. 150
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    • Codes and conduct in the English Civil War
    • Compare the reviews of the condition of the German people from the standpoints of 1620-1, 1630, and 1637 given in C V Wedgwood, The Thirty Years War, London, Jonathan Cape, 1938, pp. 146-7, 255-7, 410-14. At a local level, Theibault's study of Hesse-Kassel documents a qualitative increase in the severity of the War's impact which he dates to 1626 for this area (op. cit., note 8 above, p. 150). It was only in the 1630s that English pamphleteers began to notice the War and "the appalling consequences of a particularly appalling war became familiar horrors" (B Donagan, 'Codes and conduct in the English Civil War', Past and Present, 1988, 118: 65-95, p. 67).
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    • note
    • Because I am concerned here with poor harvests arising independently of the War, I have ignored the grain price data, often used to make inferences about the state of harvests.
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    • note 31 above
    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
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    • note 36 above
    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
    • Wedgwood1
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    • note 38 above
    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
    • Abel1
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    • Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer
    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
    • (1967) Geschichte der Deutschen Landwirtschaft , pp. 242
    • Abel1
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    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
    • Umriss Einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom Ausgehenden Mittelalter Bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts , pp. 1936-1949
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    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
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    • Lammert, op. cit., note 31 above, pp. 57-97, 247-71; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 216, 255; Abel, op. cit., note 38 above, pp. 149, 152; idem, Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft, Stuttgart, Eugen Ulmer, 1967, p. 242. The text is concerned with Germany as a whole. The details given by Elsas for Augsburg, Leipzig, Munich and Speyer; by Bäumler for Weiden; and Rodel for Mainz largely confirm Lammert's and Abel's assessments: M J Elsas, Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland vom ausgehenden Mittelalter bis zum Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Leiden, A W Sijthoff's, 1936-49; D G Bäumler, 'Medizinalstatische Untersuchungen über Weiden (Oberpfalz) von 1551 bis 1800', Arch. Hyg., 1938, 120: 195-243; W G Rödel, Main: und seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert, Stuttgart, F Steiner, 1985.
    • (1985) Main: und Seine Bevölkerung im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert
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    • note 30 above
    • Kisskalt, op. cit., note 30 above. C M Cipolla, Before the industrial revolution: European society and economy 1000-1700, 3rd ed., London, Routledge, 1973, table 5.3, presents data on this epidemic for 17 cities in northern Italy, showing crude death rates in 1630-1 varying from 10 per cent in Empoli to 61 per cent in Verona with a weighted average of 40 per cent. These 17 do not include Casale or Mantua, which were besieged during the War of the Mantuan Succession.
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    • London
    • Kisskalt, op. cit., note 30 above. C M Cipolla, Before the industrial revolution: European society and economy 1000-1700, 3rd ed., London, Routledge, 1973, table 5.3, presents data on this epidemic for 17 cities in northern Italy, showing crude death rates in 1630-1 varying from 10 per cent in Empoli to 61 per cent in Verona with a weighted average of 40 per cent. These 17 do not include Casale or Mantua, which were besieged during the War of the Mantuan Succession.
    • Before the Industrial Revolution: European Society and Economy 1000-1700, 3rd Ed.
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    • Reply
    • S C Watkins and J Menken, 'Reply', Popul. Dev. Rev., 1988, 14: 159-70, p. 169; E A Wrigley and R S Schofield, The population history of England 1541-1871: a reconstruction, Cambridge University Press, 1989, table 8.12.
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    • note 1 above
    • Both these models appear in Flinn's account, op. cit., note 1 above, pp. 52-3.
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    • Flinn1
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    • T McKeown, The modern rise of population, London, Edward Arnold, 1976; A G Carmichael, 'Infection, hidden hunger, and history', in R I Rotberg and T K Rabb (eds), Hunger and history: the impact of changing food production and consumption patterns on society, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 51-66; Post, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 228; idem, 'Nutritional status and mortality in eighteenth-century Europe', in L F Newman (ed.), Hunger in history: food shortage, poverty, and deprivation, Oxford, Blackwell, 1990, pp. 241-80, on pp. 242-5, 257; J Walter and R S Schofield, 'Famine, disease and crisis mortality in early modern society', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 1-73, on pp. 18-19.
    • (1976) The Modern Rise of Population
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    • T McKeown, The modern rise of population, London, Edward Arnold, 1976; A G Carmichael, 'Infection, hidden hunger, and history', in R I Rotberg and T K Rabb (eds), Hunger and history: the impact of changing food production and consumption patterns on society, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 51-66; Post, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 228; idem, 'Nutritional status and mortality in eighteenth-century Europe', in L F Newman (ed.), Hunger in history: food shortage, poverty, and deprivation, Oxford, Blackwell, 1990, pp. 241-80, on pp. 242-5, 257; J Walter and R S Schofield, 'Famine, disease and crisis mortality in early modern society', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 1-73, on pp. 18-19.
    • (1985) Hunger and History: The Impact of Changing Food Production and Consumption Patterns on Society , pp. 51-66
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    • Cambridge University Press, note 33 above
    • T McKeown, The modern rise of population, London, Edward Arnold, 1976; A G Carmichael, 'Infection, hidden hunger, and history', in R I Rotberg and T K Rabb (eds), Hunger and history: the impact of changing food production and consumption patterns on society, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 51-66; Post, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 228; idem, 'Nutritional status and mortality in eighteenth-century Europe', in L F Newman (ed.), Hunger in history: food shortage, poverty, and deprivation, Oxford, Blackwell, 1990, pp. 241-80, on pp. 242-5, 257; J Walter and R S Schofield, 'Famine, disease and crisis mortality in early modern society', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 1-73, on pp. 18-19.
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    • Post1
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    • T McKeown, The modern rise of population, London, Edward Arnold, 1976; A G Carmichael, 'Infection, hidden hunger, and history', in R I Rotberg and T K Rabb (eds), Hunger and history: the impact of changing food production and consumption patterns on society, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 51-66; Post, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 228; idem, 'Nutritional status and mortality in eighteenth-century Europe', in L F Newman (ed.), Hunger in history: food shortage, poverty, and deprivation, Oxford, Blackwell, 1990, pp. 241-80, on pp. 242-5, 257; J Walter and R S Schofield, 'Famine, disease and crisis mortality in early modern society', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 1-73, on pp. 18-19.
    • (1990) Hunger in History: Food Shortage, Poverty, and Deprivation , pp. 241-280
    • Post1
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    • J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Cambridge University Press
    • T McKeown, The modern rise of population, London, Edward Arnold, 1976; A G Carmichael, 'Infection, hidden hunger, and history', in R I Rotberg and T K Rabb (eds), Hunger and history: the impact of changing food production and consumption patterns on society, Cambridge University Press, 1985, pp. 51-66; Post, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 228; idem, 'Nutritional status and mortality in eighteenth-century Europe', in L F Newman (ed.), Hunger in history: food shortage, poverty, and deprivation, Oxford, Blackwell, 1990, pp. 241-80, on pp. 242-5, 257; J Walter and R S Schofield, 'Famine, disease and crisis mortality in early modern society', in J Walter and R Schofield (eds), Famine, disease and the social order in early modern society, Cambridge University Press, 1989, pp. 1-73, on pp. 18-19.
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    • Conferees [at the Bellagio Conference], 'The relationship of nutrition, disease, and social conditions: a graphical presentation', in Rotberg and Rabb, op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 305-8. S Zurbrigg, 'Hunger and epidemic malaria in Punjab, 1868-1940', Econ. Polit. Wkly. (India), 25 January 1992, 27 (4): PE-2-PE-26, has put forward a carefully constructed argument based on epidemiological data for a nutritional synergy in the case of malaria, where the Conferees considered synergy definitely absent. Consultation of the monumental work by F Fenner, D A Henderson, I Arita, Z Jezek, and I D Ladnyi, Smallpox and its eradication, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1988, p. 196, reveals that synergies between nutritional status and smallpox, which the Conferees classed as definitely without synergy, have never been researched.
    • Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society , pp. 305-308
    • Rotberg1    Rabb2
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    • 25 January
    • Conferees [at the Bellagio Conference], 'The relationship of nutrition, disease, and social conditions: a graphical presentation', in Rotberg and Rabb, op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 305-8. S Zurbrigg, 'Hunger and epidemic malaria in Punjab, 1868-1940', Econ. Polit. Wkly. (India), 25 January 1992, 27 (4): PE-2-PE-26, has put forward a carefully constructed argument based on epidemiological data for a nutritional synergy in the case of malaria, where the Conferees considered synergy definitely absent. Consultation of the monumental work by F Fenner, D A Henderson, I Arita, Z Jezek, and I D Ladnyi, Smallpox and its eradication, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1988, p. 196, reveals that synergies between nutritional status and smallpox, which the Conferees classed as definitely without synergy, have never been researched.
    • (1992) Econ. Polit. Wkly. (India) , vol.27 , Issue.4
    • Zurbrigg, S.1
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    • Geneva, World Health Organization
    • Conferees [at the Bellagio Conference], 'The relationship of nutrition, disease, and social conditions: a graphical presentation', in Rotberg and Rabb, op. cit., note 68 above, pp. 305-8. S Zurbrigg, 'Hunger and epidemic malaria in Punjab, 1868-1940', Econ. Polit. Wkly. (India), 25 January 1992, 27 (4): PE-2-PE-26, has put forward a carefully constructed argument based on epidemiological data for a nutritional synergy in the case of malaria, where the Conferees considered synergy definitely absent. Consultation of the monumental work by F Fenner, D A Henderson, I Arita, Z Jezek, and I D Ladnyi, Smallpox and its eradication, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1988, p. 196, reveals that synergies between nutritional status and smallpox, which the Conferees classed as definitely without synergy, have never been researched.
    • (1988) Smallpox and Its Eradication , pp. 196
    • Fenner, F.1    Henderson, D.A.2    Arita, I.3    Jezek, Z.4    Ladnyi, I.D.5
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    • The standard and encyclopaedic but now dated work by R Pollitzer, Plague, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1954, does not treat this topic; L F Hirst, The conquest of plague: a study of the evolution of epidemiology, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1953, notes briefly the conjunction between famine and plague observed by some early authors but argues that the squalor and the consequent presence of rats in famine conditions is the causal factor, not low nutritional status. A search of the medical database Medline covering 1966-98 reveals that the disease remains an active area of research but only one study which considers plague in relation to overall nutritional status, a note by Richard Pankhurst, the historian of Ethiopia. Standard medical manuals, e.g., A S Benenson (ed.), Control of communicable diseases manual, 16th ed., Washington, American Public Health Association, 1995, simply state that susceptibility to the disease is "general".
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    • The standard and encyclopaedic but now dated work by R Pollitzer, Plague, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1954, does not treat this topic; L F Hirst, The conquest of plague: a study of the evolution of epidemiology, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1953, notes briefly the conjunction between famine and plague observed by some early authors but argues that the squalor and the consequent presence of rats in famine conditions is the causal factor, not low nutritional status. A search of the medical database Medline covering 1966-98 reveals that the disease remains an active area of research but only one study which considers plague in relation to overall nutritional status, a note by Richard Pankhurst, the historian of Ethiopia. Standard medical manuals, e.g., A S Benenson (ed.), Control of communicable diseases manual, 16th ed., Washington, American Public Health Association, 1995, simply state that susceptibility to the disease is "general".
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    • The standard and encyclopaedic but now dated work by R Pollitzer, Plague, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1954, does not treat this topic; L F Hirst, The conquest of plague: a study of the evolution of epidemiology, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1953, notes briefly the conjunction between famine and plague observed by some early authors but argues that the squalor and the consequent presence of rats in famine conditions is the causal factor, not low nutritional status. A search of the medical database Medline covering 1966-98 reveals that the disease remains an active area of research but only one study which considers plague in relation to overall nutritional status, a note by Richard Pankhurst, the historian of Ethiopia. Standard medical manuals, e.g., A S Benenson (ed.), Control of communicable diseases manual, 16th ed., Washington, American Public Health Association, 1995, simply state that susceptibility to the disease is "general".
    • (1995) Control of Communicable Diseases Manual, 16th Ed.
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    • A B Appleby, The disappearance of plague: a continuing puzzle', Econ. Hist. Rev., 1980, 33: 161-73, p. 166.
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    • note 33 above
    • P Slack, 'The local incidence of epidemic disease: the case of Bristol 1540-1650', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 49-62, on p. 54; idem, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 91-3, 116-17, 121-3, 133-40, 159, 166.
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    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
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    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
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    • op. cit., note 33 above
    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
    • The Plague Reconsidered , pp. 95-126
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    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
    • (1989) Rev. Infect. Dis. , vol.11 , pp. 128-139
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    • note 70 above
    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
    • Rev. Infect. Dis. , pp. 73
    • Hirst1
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    • S R Ell, 'Immunity as a factor in the epidemiology of medieval plague', Rev. infect. Dis., 1984, 6: 866-79. The hypothesis was that dietary iron deficiencies provided some immunity to the disease and this explained its supposed relatively high incidence among adult males. Ell appears to have mistaken the age and gender incidence of the disease and the hypothesis flies in the face of the very high morbidity and case fatality rates among pregnant women, almost certainly suffering from anaemia in this period. On age and gender incidence, cf. Ell, op. cit., and R S Schofield, 'An anatomy of an epidemic: Colyton November 1645-November 1646', in The plague reconsidered, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 95-126, and S R Ell's own 'Three days in October of 1630: detailed examination of mortality during an early modern plague epidemic in Venice', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 128-39. On plague and pregnancy, see Hirst, op. cit., note 70 above, p. 73, B Velimirovic and H Velimirovic, 'Plague in Vienna', Rev. infect. Dis., 1989, 11: 808-26, and, again, Ell, 'Three days in October', pp. 135-6.
    • (1989) Rev. Infect. Dis. , vol.11 , pp. 808-826
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    • D J Oddy, 'Urban famine in nineteenth-century Britain: the effect of the Lancashire cotton famine on working-class diet and health', Econ. Hist. Rev., 1983, 37: 68-86, pp. 83-4. Cf. A Hardy, 'Urban famine or urban crisis? Typhus in the Victorian city', Med Hist., 1988, 32: 401-25, p. 401; idem, The epidemic streets: infectious disease and the rise of preventive medicine, 1856-1900, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1993, pp. 191, 282-3.
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    • H Zinsser, M Ruiz-Castañeda and C V Seastone Jr, 'Studies on typhus fever. VI. Reduction of resistance by diet deficiency', J. exp. Med., 1931, 53:333-8; F K Fitzpatrick, 'Susceptibility to typhus of rats on deficient diets', Am. J. Public Hlth., 1948, 38:676-81; N S Scrimshaw, C E Taylor and J E Gordon, Interactions of nutrition and infection, Geneva, World Health Organization, 1968, pp. 81, 93, 104, 110.
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    • This view was clearly enunciated by Hirsch in the 1880s despite the fact that the transmission mechanism of the disease was then unknown and despite his adherence to miasmic theories of disease: A Hirsch, Handbook of geographical and historical pathology, 3 vols, London, New Sydenham Society, 1883-86, vol. 1, pp. 545-87. As early as 1867, Maclagan had observed a typhus epidemic during a time of economic prosperity in Dundee and drawn the correct conclusion that it was overcrowding brought about by migration to the town and scarce accommodation, not "want and misery", that had caused the epidemic: T J Maclagan, Typhus statistics of the Dundee Royal Infirmary with remarks', Edinb. med. J., 1867-8, 13: 140-57, pp. 140-1. A similar case has been documented more recently by Hardy and a similar inference made: Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413.
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    • This view was clearly enunciated by Hirsch in the 1880s despite the fact that the transmission mechanism of the disease was then unknown and despite his adherence to miasmic theories of disease: A Hirsch, Handbook of geographical and historical pathology, 3 vols, London, New Sydenham Society, 1883-86, vol. 1, pp. 545-87. As early as 1867, Maclagan had observed a typhus epidemic during a time of economic prosperity in Dundee and drawn the correct conclusion that it was overcrowding brought about by migration to the town and scarce accommodation, not "want and misery", that had caused the epidemic: T J Maclagan, Typhus statistics of the Dundee Royal Infirmary with remarks', Edinb. med. J., 1867-8, 13: 140-57, pp. 140-1. A similar case has been documented more recently by Hardy and a similar inference made: Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413.
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    • This view was clearly enunciated by Hirsch in the 1880s despite the fact that the transmission mechanism of the disease was then unknown and despite his adherence to miasmic theories of disease: A Hirsch, Handbook of geographical and historical pathology, 3 vols, London, New Sydenham Society, 1883-86, vol. 1, pp. 545-87. As early as 1867, Maclagan had observed a typhus epidemic during a time of economic prosperity in Dundee and drawn the correct conclusion that it was overcrowding brought about by migration to the town and scarce accommodation, not "want and misery", that had caused the epidemic: T J Maclagan, Typhus statistics of the Dundee Royal Infirmary with remarks', Edinb. med. J., 1867-8, 13: 140-57, pp. 140-1. A similar case has been documented more recently by Hardy and a similar inference made: Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413.
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    • note 78 above
    • Hirsch, op. cit., note 78 above, vol. 1, pp. 611-12; W P MacArthur, 'Medical history of the famine', in R D Edwards and T D Williams (eds), The great famine: studies in Irish history 1845-52, Dublin, Browne and Nolan, 1956, pp. 263-315, on p. 278.
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    • Hirsch, op. cit., note 78 above, vol. 1, pp. 611-12; W P MacArthur, 'Medical history of the famine', in R D Edwards and T D Williams (eds), The great famine: studies in Irish history 1845-52, Dublin, Browne and Nolan, 1956, pp. 263-315, on p. 278.
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    • See, for example, the detailed narrative given in A W Ward, The Protestant collapse (1620-30)', idem, 'Gustavus Adolphus (1630-2)', idem, 'Wallenstein and Bernard of Weimar (1632-5)', idem. The later years of the Thirty Years' War (1635-48)', in A W Ward, G W Prothero and S Leathes (eds), The Cambridge modern history, vol. 4, The Thirty Years' War, Cambridge University Press, 1906, pp. 64-117, 190-222, 223-55, 364-94.
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    • note 87 above
    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 203; M van Creveld, Supplying war: logistics from Wollenstein to Patton, Cambridge University Press, 1977, p. 5; P Limm, The Thirty Years War, London, Longman, 1984, pp. 83-4; R G Asch, 'Warfare in the age of the Thirty Years War 1598-1648', in J Black (ed.), European warfare 1453-1815, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1999, pp. 45-68, on pp. 56-9; cf. Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 45-6.
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    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 203; M van Creveld, Supplying war: logistics from Wollenstein to Patton, Cambridge University Press, 1977, p. 5; P Limm, The Thirty Years War, London, Longman, 1984, pp. 83-4; R G Asch, 'Warfare in the age of the Thirty Years War 1598-1648', in J Black (ed.), European warfare 1453-1815, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1999, pp. 45-68, on pp. 56-9; cf. Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 45-6.
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    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 203; M van Creveld, Supplying war: logistics from Wollenstein to Patton, Cambridge University Press, 1977, p. 5; P Limm, The Thirty Years War, London, Longman, 1984, pp. 83-4; R G Asch, 'Warfare in the age of the Thirty Years War 1598-1648', in J Black (ed.), European warfare 1453-1815, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1999, pp. 45-68, on pp. 56-9; cf. Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 45-6.
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 21 above
    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 203; M van Creveld, Supplying war: logistics from Wollenstein to Patton, Cambridge University Press, 1977, p. 5; P Limm, The Thirty Years War, London, Longman, 1984, pp. 83-4; R G Asch, 'Warfare in the age of the Thirty Years War 1598-1648', in J Black (ed.), European warfare 1453-1815, Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1999, pp. 45-68, on pp. 56-9; cf. Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, pp. 45-6.
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 89 above
    • Van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199; idem, op. cit. note 5 above, pp. 77-8.
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    • Van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199; idem, op. cit. note 5 above, pp. 77-8.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 199
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 5 above
    • Van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199; idem, op. cit. note 5 above, pp. 77-8.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 77-78
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 21 above
    • Van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 199
    • Parker1
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 24 above
    • Bodart, op cit., note 24 above, pp. 22-3, 85; Asch, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 57.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 22-23
    • Bodart1
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 89 above
    • Bodart, op cit., note 24 above, pp. 22-3, 85; Asch, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 57.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 57
    • Asch1
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 87 above
    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 445. Wallenstein's report is in van Creveld's translation, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 251, note 19, where it is mistakenly attributed to Gustavus Adolphus.
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    • Roberts1
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    • Basingstoke, Macmillan, note 89 above
    • Roberts, op. cit., note 87 above, vol. 2, p. 445. Wallenstein's report is in van Creveld's translation, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 251, note 19, where it is mistakenly attributed to Gustavus Adolphus.
    • European Warfare 1453-1815 , pp. 251
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    • Contributions in the Thirty Years' War
    • F Redlich, 'Contributions in the Thirty Years' War', Econ. Hist. Rev., 1959-60, 12: 247-54, pp. 251-2; G Benecke, Germany in the Thirty Years War, London, Edward Arnold, 1978, pp. 25-6.
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    • F Redlich, 'Contributions in the Thirty Years' War', Econ. Hist. Rev., 1959-60, 12: 247-54, pp. 251-2; G Benecke, Germany in the Thirty Years War, London, Edward Arnold, 1978, pp. 25-6.
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    • note 21 above
    • Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 200; Benecke, op. cit., note 99 above, pp. 68-69 gives details of a similar incident in Swabia in 1632; see also Friedrichs, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 186-7. Wedgwood returns to the theme when reviewing the War up to 1637, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 410-14.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 200
    • Parker1
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    • note 99 above
    • Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 200; Benecke, op. cit., note 99 above, pp. 68-69 gives details of a similar incident in Swabia in 1632; see also Friedrichs, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 186-7. Wedgwood returns to the theme when reviewing the War up to 1637, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 410-14.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 68-69
    • Benecke1
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    • note 5 above
    • Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 200; Benecke, op. cit., note 99 above, pp. 68-69 gives details of a similar incident in Swabia in 1632; see also Friedrichs, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 186-7. Wedgwood returns to the theme when reviewing the War up to 1637, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 410-14.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 186-187
    • Friedrichs1
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    • note 36 above
    • Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 200; Benecke, op. cit., note 99 above, pp. 68-69 gives details of a similar incident in Swabia in 1632; see also Friedrichs, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 186-7. Wedgwood returns to the theme when reviewing the War up to 1637, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 410-14.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 410-414
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    • note 33 above
    • The epidemiology of pneumonic plague is quite different but there is no evidence that it was present on any substantial scale in Europe during this period: Bradley, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 12-13; Slack, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 9.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 12-13
    • Bradley1
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    • note 33 above
    • The epidemiology of pneumonic plague is quite different but there is no evidence that it was present on any substantial scale in Europe during this period: Bradley, op. cit., note 33 above, pp. 12-13; Slack, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 9.
    • Germany in the Thirty Years War , pp. 9
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    • 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot
    • W Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1921, vol. 2.1, p. 341; van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199. Sombart's estimate is accepted as a reasonable one by F Braudel, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 2, The wheels of commerce, London, Fontana Paperbacks, 1985, p. 350. The total number of horses, including not only draught horses but also farm animals, in Germany at the time of which Sombart was writing was several million (H Kellenbenz, 'Germany', in C Wilson and G Parker (eds), An introduction to the sources of European economic history 1500-1800, vol. 1, Western Europe, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977, p. 198.)
    • (1921) Der Moderne Kapitalismus: Historisch-systematische Darstellung des Gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von Seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd Ed. , vol.21 , pp. 341
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    • W Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1921, vol. 2.1, p. 341; van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199. Sombart's estimate is accepted as a reasonable one by F Braudel, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 2, The wheels of commerce, London, Fontana Paperbacks, 1985, p. 350. The total number of horses, including not only draught horses but also farm animals, in Germany at the time of which Sombart was writing was several million (H Kellenbenz, 'Germany', in C Wilson and G Parker (eds), An introduction to the sources of European economic history 1500-1800, vol. 1, Western Europe, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977, p. 198.)
    • Der Moderne Kapitalismus: Historisch-systematische Darstellung des Gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von Seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd Ed. , pp. 6
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    • note 21 above
    • W Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1921, vol. 2.1, p. 341; van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199. Sombart's estimate is accepted as a reasonable one by F Braudel, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 2, The wheels of commerce, London, Fontana Paperbacks, 1985, p. 350. The total number of horses, including not only draught horses but also farm animals, in Germany at the time of which Sombart was writing was several million (H Kellenbenz, 'Germany', in C Wilson and G Parker (eds), An introduction to the sources of European economic history 1500-1800, vol. 1, Western Europe, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977, p. 198.)
    • Der Moderne Kapitalismus: Historisch-systematische Darstellung des Gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von Seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd Ed. , pp. 199
    • Parker1
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    • W Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1921, vol. 2.1, p. 341; van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199. Sombart's estimate is accepted as a reasonable one by F Braudel, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 2, The wheels of commerce, London, Fontana Paperbacks, 1985, p. 350. The total number of horses, including not only draught horses but also farm animals, in Germany at the time of which Sombart was writing was several million (H Kellenbenz, 'Germany', in C Wilson and G Parker (eds), An introduction to the sources of European economic history 1500-1800, vol. 1, Western Europe, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977, p. 198.)
    • (1985) Civilization and Capitalism 15th-18th Century, Vol. 2, the Wheels of Commerce , vol.2 , pp. 350
    • Braudel, F.1
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    • W Sombart, Der moderne Kapitalismus: historisch-systematische Darstellung des gesamteuropäischen Wirtschaftslebens von seinen Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart, 2nd ed., 2 vols in 4, Munich and Leipzig, Duncker & Humblot, 1921, vol. 2.1, p. 341; van Creveld, op. cit., note 89 above, p. 6; Parker, op. cit., note 21 above, p. 199. Sombart's estimate is accepted as a reasonable one by F Braudel, Civilization and capitalism 15th-18th century, vol. 2, The wheels of commerce, London, Fontana Paperbacks, 1985, p. 350. The total number of horses, including not only draught horses but also farm animals, in Germany at the time of which Sombart was writing was several million (H Kellenbenz, 'Germany', in C Wilson and G Parker (eds), An introduction to the sources of European economic history 1500-1800, vol. 1, Western Europe, London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1977, p. 198.)
    • (1977) An Introduction to the Sources of European Economic History 1500-1800, Vol. 1, Western Europe , vol.1 , pp. 198
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    • H Poser (ed.), Bremen-Horn, W Dorn
    • E Keyset, 'Die Ausbreitung der Pest in den deutschen Städten', in H Poser (ed.), Ergebnisse und Probleme moderner geographische Forschung, Festgabe H. Mortensen, Bremen-Horn, W Dorn, 1954, pp. 207-15; Eckert, op. cit., note 9 above, pp. 147-54.
    • (1954) Ergebnisse und Probleme Moderner Geographische Forschung, Festgabe H. Mortensen , pp. 207-215
    • Keyset, E.1
  • 187
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    • Bremen-Horn, W Dorn, note 36 above
    • A W Ward, The later years', note 85 above, pp. 366-84; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 368-40; E A Beller, 'The Thirty Years War', in J P Cooper (ed.), The decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159, The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp. 345-9; Biraben, op. cit., note 74 above, pp. 141-3; R J Bonney, 'France's "war by diversion" ', in Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 129-37.
    • Ergebnisse und Probleme Moderner Geographische Forschung, Festgabe H. Mortensen , pp. 368-440
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  • 188
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    • A W Ward, The later years', note 85 above, pp. 366-84; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 368-40; E A Beller, 'The Thirty Years War', in J P Cooper (ed.), The decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159, The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp. 345-9; Biraben, op. cit., note 74 above, pp. 141-3; R J Bonney, 'France's "war by diversion" ', in Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 129-37.
    • (1970) The Decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159 , vol.4 , pp. 345-349
    • Beller, E.A.1
  • 189
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    • The New Cambridge Modern History, note 74 above
    • A W Ward, The later years', note 85 above, pp. 366-84; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 368-40; E A Beller, 'The Thirty Years War', in J P Cooper (ed.), The decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159, The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp. 345-9; Biraben, op. cit., note 74 above, pp. 141-3; R J Bonney, 'France's "war by diversion" ', in Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 129-37.
    • The Decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159 , pp. 141-143
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  • 190
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    • The New Cambridge Modern History, Parker (ed.), note 5 above
    • A W Ward, The later years', note 85 above, pp. 366-84; Wedgwood, op. cit., note 36 above, pp. 368-40; E A Beller, 'The Thirty Years War', in J P Cooper (ed.), The decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159, The New Cambridge Modern History, vol. 4, Cambridge University Press, 1970, pp. 345-9; Biraben, op. cit., note 74 above, pp. 141-3; R J Bonney, 'France's "war by diversion" ', in Parker (ed.), op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 129-37.
    • The Decline of Spain and the Thirty Years War 1609-48159 , pp. 129-137
    • Bonney, R.J.1
  • 194
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    • note 77 above
    • Snyder, op. cit., note 77 above; Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413, idem, Epidemic streets, note 75 above, pp. 191-3; V A Harden, 'Typhus, epidemic', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1080-4.
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  • 195
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    • note 75 above
    • Snyder, op. cit., note 77 above; Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413, idem, Epidemic streets, note 75 above, pp. 191-3; V A Harden, 'Typhus, epidemic', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1080-4.
    • Urban Famine , pp. 413
    • Hardy1
  • 196
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    • note 75 above
    • Snyder, op. cit., note 77 above; Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413, idem, Epidemic streets, note 75 above, pp. 191-3; V A Harden, 'Typhus, epidemic', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1080-4.
    • Epidemic Streets , pp. 191-193
    • Hardy1
  • 197
    • 0041949014 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
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    • Kiple, note 79 above
    • Snyder, op. cit., note 77 above; Hardy, 'Urban famine', note 75 above, p. 413, idem, Epidemic streets, note 75 above, pp. 191-3; V A Harden, 'Typhus, epidemic', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1080-4.
    • Epidemic Streets , pp. 1080-1084
    • Harden, V.A.1
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    • note 81 above
    • MacArthur, op. cit., note 81 above, pp. 271-2; K D Patterson, 'Typhus and its control in Russia, 1870-1940', Med. Hist., 1993, 37: 361-81, on p. 374.
    • Epidemic Streets , pp. 271-272
    • MacArthur1
  • 199
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    • MacArthur, op. cit., note 81 above, pp. 271-2; K D Patterson, 'Typhus and its control in Russia, 1870-1940', Med. Hist., 1993, 37: 361-81, on p. 374.
    • (1993) Med. Hist. , vol.37 , pp. 361-381
    • Patterson, K.D.1
  • 200
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    • Typhoid fever
    • Kiple, note 79 above
    • C W LeBaron and D W Taylor, 'Typhoid fever', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1071-7; K D Patterson, 'Amebic dysentery', ibid., pp. 568-71; dem, 'Bacillary dysentery', ibid., pp. 604-6.
    • Med. Hist. , pp. 1071-1077
    • LeBaron, C.W.1    Taylor, D.W.2
  • 201
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    • C W LeBaron and D W Taylor, 'Typhoid fever', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1071-7; K D Patterson, 'Amebic dysentery', ibid., pp. 568-71; idem, 'Bacillary dysentery', ibid., pp. 604-6.
    • Med. Hist. , pp. 568-571
    • Patterson, K.D.1
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    • C W LeBaron and D W Taylor, 'Typhoid fever', in Kiple, op. cit., note 79 above, pp. 1071-7; K D Patterson, 'Amebic dysentery', ibid., pp. 568-71; idem, 'Bacillary dysentery', ibid., pp. 604-6.
    • Med. Hist. , pp. 604-606
    • Patterson, K.D.1
  • 203
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    • note 8 above
    • The most well known example is the Protestant migration from Bohemia to Saxony subsequent to the Bohemian counter-Reformation of 1623-4 (Blaschke, op. cit., note 8 above, pp. 113-15). P G Wallace, Communities and conflict in early modern Colmar: 1575-1730, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, Humanities Press, 1995, pp. 16-17, 85, provides another example.
    • Med. Hist. , pp. 113-115
    • Blaschke1
  • 204
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    • The most well known example is the Protestant migration from Bohemia to Saxony subsequent to the Bohemian counter-Reformation of 1623-4 (Blaschke, op. cit., note 8 above, pp. 113-15). P G Wallace, Communities and conflict in early modern Colmar: 1575-1730, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, Humanities Press, 1995, pp. 16-17, 85, provides another example.
    • (1995) Communities and Conflict in Early Modern Colmar: 1575-1730 , pp. 16-17
    • Wallace, P.G.1
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    • R Oberlé, La République de Mulhouse pendant la guerre de trente ans, Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de Strasbourg, Paris, Les Belles Lettres, 1965, pp. 257-62.
    • (1965) La République de Mulhouse Pendant la Guerre de Trente Ans , pp. 257-262
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    • F Redlich, The German military enterpriser and his work force, 2 vols, Wiesbaden, F Steiner, 1964-65, vol. 1, p. 456, cited by G Parker, 'The universal soldier', in Parker, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 171-86, on p. 172.
    • (1964) The German Military Enterpriser and His Work Force , vol.1 , pp. 456
    • Redlich, F.1
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    • F Redlich, The German military enterpriser and his work force, 2 vols, Wiesbaden, F Steiner, 1964-65, vol. 1, p. 456, cited by G Parker, 'The universal soldier', in Parker, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 171-86, on p. 172.
    • The German Military Enterpriser and His Work Force , pp. 171-186
    • Parker, G.1
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    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
    • (1994) Hist. Med. , vol.7 , pp. 89-113
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    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
    • (1988) Soc. Hist. Med , vol.1 , pp. 5-37
    • Szreter, S.1
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    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
    • (1988) Popul. Stud , vol.42 , pp. 343-366
    • Woods, R.I.1    Watterson, P.A.2    Woodward, J.H.3
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    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
    • (1990) What We Know about Health Transition: The Cultural, Social and Behavioural Determinants of Health , vol.1 , pp. 116-149
    • Ewbank, D.C.1    Preston, S.H.2
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    • Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University
    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
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    • note 75 above
    • S Guha, 'The importance of social intervention in England's mortality decline: the evidence reviewed', 50c. Hist. Med., 1994, 7: 89-113; S Szreter, 'The importance of social intervention in Britain's mortality decline c. 1850-1914: a re-interpretation of the role of public health', Soc. Hist. Med, 1988, 1: 5-37; R I Woods, P A Watterson and J H Woodward, 'The causes of rapid infant mortality decline in England and Wales, 1861-1921 Part I', Popul. Stud, 1988, 42: 343-66; D C Ewbank and S H Preston, 'Personal health behaviour and the decline in infant and child mortality: the United States, 1900-1930', in J Caldwell, S Findley, P Caldwell, G Santow, W Cosford, J Braid and D Broers-Freeman (eds), What we know about health transition: the cultural, social and behavioural determinants of health, Health Transition Series 2, 2 vols, Canberra, Health Transition Centre, Australian National University, 1990, vol. 1, pp. 116-49; E van de Walle and F van de Walle, 'The private and the public child', in ibid., pp. 150-64; Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above.
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    • For example, Hardy, Epidemic streets, note 75 above, p. 282.
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    • Hardy1
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    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
    • (1983) Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.) , vol.19 , pp. 329-352
    • Wheatcroft, S.G.1
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    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
    • (1946) Milbank Meml. Fund Q. Bull. , vol.24 , pp. 215-234
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    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
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    • 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office
    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
    • (1948) Malnutrition and Starvation in Western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945 , vol.1 , pp. 25
  • 231
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    • Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand
    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
    • (1981) Disasters , vol.5 , pp. 23-31
    • Adler, J.1
  • 232
    • 9444297925 scopus 로고
    • Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda
    • My brief review of those few famines for which reasonably reliable cause of death data are available shows that this empirical generalization has no obvious exceptions. For the Soviet famine of the early 1920s, a study of Saratov Gubernia found that 10 per cent of the excess mortality in 1921 and 16 per cent in 1922 was recorded as due to "starvation and scurvy" (Russian Civil War) (S G Wheatcroft, 'Famine and epidemic crises in Russia, 1918-22', Ann. Demogr. Hist. (Fr.), 1983, 19: 329-52); studies of famines in Athens in 1942, the Warsaw Ghetto and the western Netherlands in 1945 found that "hunger", "frank starvation" or "malnutrition" were the causes of death in a significant proportion of cases (Second World War) (V G Valaoras, 'Some effects of famine on the population of Greece', Milbank meml. Fund q. Bull., 1946, 24: 215-34, p. 222; A van der Lern, 'Food entitlements and coping strategies in the Warsaw Ghetto famine', BA Dissertation, University of Leeds, 1995; [Government of the Netherlands], Malnutrition and starvation in western Netherlands: September 1944-July 1945, 2 vols., The Hague, General State Printing Office, 1948, vol. 1, p. 25). A study of Kampuchean refugees encamped on the Thai-Cambodia border in 1979 found that "malnutrition" accounted for 21 per cent of the deaths recorded in the first fortnight of the camp's operations (Khmer Rouge insurgency) (J Adler et al., 'Medical mission to a refugee camp in Thailand', Disasters, 1981, 5: 23-31). A study conducted during the 1980 famine in Karamoja district, Uganda, gave "starvation" as the cause of death in 78 per cent of cases (civil unrest following the Tanzanian invasion of Uganda) (R J Beillick, and P L Henderson, 'Mortality, nutritional status and diet during the famine in Karamoja, Uganda', Lancet, 1980, ii: 1330-3).
    • (1980) Lancet , vol.2 , pp. 1330-1333
    • Beillick, R.J.1    Henderson, P.L.2
  • 233
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    • note 46 above
    • Wrigley and Schofield, op. cit., note 46 above, table A3.3, estimate a population increase in England of 3.5 per cent over the 1639-51 Civil War period as a whole. Population falls of 17,000 and 8,000 are estimated for 1643-44 and 1649-50, respectively. Wrigley and Schofield, ibid., pp. 31-2, warn that defective registration during the Civil War renders estimates for these years relatively imprecise.
    • Lancet
    • Wrigley1    Schofield2
  • 234
    • 12444253599 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Wrigley and Schofield, op. cit., note 46 above, table A3.3, estimate a population increase in England of 3.5 per cent over the 1639-51 Civil War period as a whole. Population falls of 17,000 and 8,000 are estimated for 1643-44 and 1649-50, respectively. Wrigley and Schofield, ibid., pp. 31-2, warn that defective registration during the Civil War renders estimates for these years relatively imprecise.
    • Lancet , pp. 31-32
    • Wrigley1    Schofield2
  • 235
    • 85088002908 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The demographic impact of early modern warfare
    • forthcoming
    • Q Outram, 'The demographic impact of early modern warfare', Soc. Sci. Hist., forthcoming.
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    • Outram, Q.1
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    • A B Appleby, Famine in Tudor and Stuart England, Liverpool University Press, 1978, pp. 126, 147-56. These conclusions are endorsed by Walter and Schofield, op. cit., note 68 above, p. 34.
    • (1978) Famine in Tudor and Stuart England , pp. 126
    • Appleby, A.B.1
  • 237
    • 12444346481 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note 68 above
    • A B Appleby, Famine in Tudor and Stuart England, Liverpool University Press, 1978, pp. 126, 147-56. These conclusions are endorsed by Walter and Schofield, op. cit., note 68 above, p. 34.
    • Famine in Tudor and Stuart England , pp. 34
    • Walter1    Schofield2
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    • The political economy of internal war: Asset transfer, complex emergencies and international aid
    • J Macrae and A Zwi (eds), London, Zed Books in association with Save the Children Fund (UK)
    • M Duffield, 'The political economy of internal war: asset transfer, complex emergencies and international aid', in J Macrae and A Zwi (eds), War and hunger: rethinking international responses to complex emergencies, London, Zed Books in association with Save the Children Fund (UK), 1994, pp. 50-69; D Keen, The benefits of famine: a political economy of famine and relief in Southwestern Sudan, 1983-1989, Princeton University Press, 1994.
    • (1994) War and Hunger: Rethinking International Responses to Complex Emergencies , pp. 50-69
    • Duffield, M.1
  • 239
    • 0003495657 scopus 로고
    • Princeton University Press
    • M Duffield, 'The political economy of internal war: asset transfer, complex emergencies and international aid', in J Macrae and A Zwi (eds), War and hunger: rethinking international responses to complex emergencies, London, Zed Books in association with Save the Children Fund (UK), 1994, pp. 50-69; D Keen, The benefits of famine: a political economy of famine and relief in Southwestern Sudan, 1983-1989, Princeton University Press, 1994.
    • (1994) The Benefits of Famine: A Political Economy of Famine and Relief in Southwestern Sudan, 1983-1989
    • Keen, D.1
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    • Warlord studies
    • D Lary, 'Warlord studies', Mod. China, 1980, 6: 439-70; Q Outram, '"It's terminal either way": an analysis of armed conflict in Liberia, 1989-1996', Rev. Afr. Polit. Econ., 1997, 73: 355-71.
    • (1980) Mod. China , vol.6 , pp. 439-470
    • Lary, D.1
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    • "It's terminal either way": An analysis of armed conflict in Liberia, 1989-1996
    • D Lary, 'Warlord studies', Mod. China, 1980, 6: 439-70; Q Outram, '"It's terminal either way": an analysis of armed conflict in Liberia, 1989-1996', Rev. Afr. Polit. Econ., 1997, 73: 355-71.
    • (1997) Rev. Afr. Polit. Econ. , vol.73 , pp. 355-371
    • Outram, Q.1


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