Rethinking Retrenchment: North American Social Policy during the Early Clinton and Chrétien Years

Canadian Journal of Political Science

Volumn 33, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 7-35

  Bashevkin, Sylvia ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0034384984     PISSN: 00084239     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0008423900000020     Document Type: Article

References (179)

1. Research for this study was supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. I am grateful to Jean Coleno, Cheryl Collier and Jessie Fyfe for their assistance, and to Maureen Baker, Gerard Boychuk, Mike Burke, Leah Vosko, Lisa Young and the JOURNAL'S assessors for their comments. Earlier versions were presented at the annual meeting of the Canadian Political Science Association, Ottawa, 1998, and the December 1998 workshop on Convergence or Divergence: Path Dependency and Innovation in United States and Canadian Social Policies at Harvard University.
2. Paul Pierson, "The New Politics of the Welfare State," World Politics 48 (1996), 144.
3. Paul Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 1.
4. See Lou Cannon, President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1991), 48, 75, 518-19.
5. See Gwendolyn Mink, Welfare's End (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 6; Therese Jennissen, "Implications for Women: The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in Raymond B. Blake, Penny E. Bryden and J. Frank Strain, eds., The Welfare State in Canada: Past, Present and Future (Toronto: Irwin, 1997), 226; and Allan Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in ibid., 107.
6. See Gwendolyn Mink, Welfare's End (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 6; Therese Jennissen, "Implications for Women: The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in Raymond B. Blake, Penny E. Bryden and J. Frank Strain, eds., The Welfare State in Canada: Past, Present and Future (Toronto: Irwin, 1997), 226; and Allan Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in ibid., 107.
7. See Gwendolyn Mink, Welfare's End (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), 6; Therese Jennissen, "Implications for Women: The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in Raymond B. Blake, Penny E. Bryden and J. Frank Strain, eds., The Welfare State in Canada: Past, Present and Future (Toronto: Irwin, 1997), 226; and Allan Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," in ibid., 107.
8. This exhortation has been made many times in the past. See, for example, Caroline Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State," this JOURNAL 17 (1984), 667-83; Linda Gordon, "The New Feminist Scholarship on the Welfare State," in Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 9-35; and Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, "The Shifting Terrain of Women's Welfare: Theory, Discourse, and Activism," in Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare Slate: Challenges and Change (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 3-27.
9. This exhortation has been made many times in the past. See, for example, Caroline Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State," this JOURNAL 17 (1984), 667-83; Linda Gordon, "The New Feminist Scholarship on the Welfare State," in Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 9-35; and Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, "The Shifting Terrain of Women's Welfare: Theory, Discourse, and Activism," in Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare Slate: Challenges and Change (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 3-27.
10. This exhortation has been made many times in the past. See, for example, Caroline Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State," this JOURNAL 17 (1984), 667-83; Linda Gordon, "The New Feminist Scholarship on the Welfare State," in Linda Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990), 9-35; and Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, "The Shifting Terrain of Women's Welfare: Theory, Discourse, and Activism," in Patricia M. Evans and Gerda R. Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare Slate: Challenges and Change (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1997), 3-27.
11. For a general account of the marginalization of these interests, see Sylvia Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive: Living through Conservative Times (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998). On the increasingly lopsided character of US welfare state debate by the 1990s, see Jean Stefancic and Richard Delgado, No Mercy: How Conservative Think Tanks and Foundations Changed America's Social Agenda (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996), chap. 5.
12. For a general account of the marginalization of these interests, see Sylvia Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive: Living through Conservative Times (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998). On the increasingly lopsided character of US welfare state debate by the 1990s, see Jean Stefancic and Richard Delgado, No Mercy: How Conservative Think Tanks and Foundations Changed America's Social Agenda (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1996), chap. 5.
13. Gerard Boychuk, "Are Canadian and US Social Assistance Policies Converging?" Canadian-American Public Policy 30 (1997), 20-23.
14. On protected versus vulnerable spheres of social policy in the US, see Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State: Tax Expenditures and Social Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). For a discussion of the Canada Health and Social Transfer standards for health care versus their absence for social assistance and social services, see Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107-08.
15. On protected versus vulnerable spheres of social policy in the US, see Christopher Howard, The Hidden Welfare State: Tax Expenditures and Social Policy in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997). For a discussion of the Canada Health and Social Transfer standards for health care versus their absence for social assistance and social services, see Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107-08.
16. On the convergence question, see Boychuk, "Are Canadian and U.S. Social Assistance Policies Converging"; Keith Banting, "The Social Policy Divide: The Welfare State in Canada and the United States," in Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, eds., Degrees of Freedom: Canada and the United States in a Changing World (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 267-309; and Antonia Maioni, "Divergent Pasts, Converging Futures? The Politics of Health Care Reform in Canada and the United States," Canadian-American Public Policy 18 (1994).
17. On the convergence question, see Boychuk, "Are Canadian and U.S. Social Assistance Policies Converging"; Keith Banting, "The Social Policy Divide: The Welfare State in Canada and the United States," in Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, eds., Degrees of Freedom: Canada and the United States in a Changing World (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 267-309; and Antonia Maioni, "Divergent Pasts, Converging Futures? The Politics of Health Care Reform in Canada and the United States," Canadian-American Public Policy 18 (1994).
18. On the convergence question, see Boychuk, "Are Canadian and U.S. Social Assistance Policies Converging"; Keith Banting, "The Social Policy Divide: The Welfare State in Canada and the United States," in Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, eds., Degrees of Freedom: Canada and the United States in a Changing World (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 267-309; and Antonia Maioni, "Divergent Pasts, Converging Futures? The Politics of Health Care Reform in Canada and the United States," Canadian-American Public Policy 18 (1994).
19. The term "single payer" in the Canadian case refers to the provincial government responsible for financing health care programmes within its jurisdiction. See Banting, "The Social Policy Divide," 288.
20. See Donald Savoie, Governing from the Centre: The Concentration of Power in Canadian Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999).
21. See P. Kumar, From Uniformity to Divergence: Industrial Relations in Canada and the United States (Kingston: Queen's University Industrial Relations Centre, 1993).
22. See Banting, "The Social Policy Divide," 267-309; and Boychuk, "Are Canadian and US Social Assistance Policies Converging."
23. See Banting, "The Social Policy Divide," 267-309; and Boychuk, "Are Canadian and US Social Assistance Policies Converging."
24. See Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive; and Donald J. Savoie, Thatcher, Reagan, Mulroney: In Search of a New Bureaucracy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994).
25. See Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive; and Donald J. Savoie, Thatcher, Reagan, Mulroney: In Search of a New Bureaucracy (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994).
26. See Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1964); Gad Horowitz, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966), 143-70; Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990); and Neil Nevitte, The Decline of Deference: Canadian Value Change in Cross- National Perspective (Peterborough: Broadview, 1996).
27. See Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1964); Gad Horowitz, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966), 143-70; Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990); and Neil Nevitte, The Decline of Deference: Canadian Value Change in Cross- National Perspective (Peterborough: Broadview, 1996).
28. See Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1964); Gad Horowitz, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966), 143-70; Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990); and Neil Nevitte, The Decline of Deference: Canadian Value Change in Cross- National Perspective (Peterborough: Broadview, 1996).
29. See Louis Hartz, The Founding of New Societies (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1964); Gad Horowitz, "Conservatism, Liberalism and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation," Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 32 (1966), 143-70; Seymour Martin Lipset, Continental Divide: The Values and Institutions of the United States and Canada (New York: Routledge, 1990); and Neil Nevitte, The Decline of Deference: Canadian Value Change in Cross-National Perspective (Peterborough: Broadview, 1996).
30. See Banting, "The Social Policy Divide," 267-68.
31. See David R. Beam, "New Federalism, Old Realities: The Reagan Administration and Intergovernmental Reform," in Lester M. Salamon and Michael S. Lund, eds., The Reagan Presidency and the Governing of America (Washington, D.C.: Arbor Institute, 1985), 415-42; and James J. Rice and Michael J. Prince, "Lowering the Safety Net and Weakening the Bonds of Nationhood: Social Policy in the Mulroney Years," in Susan D. Phillips, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1993-94 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1993), 381-416.
32. See David R. Beam, "New Federalism, Old Realities: The Reagan Administration and Intergovernmental Reform," in Lester M. Salamon and Michael S. Lund, eds., The Reagan Presidency and the Governing of America (Washington, D.C.: Arbor Institute, 1985), 415-42; and James J. Rice and Michael J. Prince, "Lowering the Safety Net and Weakening the Bonds of Nationhood: Social Policy in the Mulroney Years," in Susan D. Phillips, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1993-94 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1993), 381-416.
33. See Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State; and Paul Pierson and Miriam Smith, "Bourgeois Revolutions? The Policy Consequences of Resurgent Conservatism," Comparative Political Studies 25 (1993), 487-520.
34. See Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State; and Paul Pierson and Miriam Smith, "Bourgeois Revolutions? The Policy Consequences of Resurgent Conservatism," Comparative Political Studies 25 (1993), 487-520.
35. Figures in this article are presented in American dollars with reference to the US and Canadian dollars with reference to Canada. On American levels of indebtedness, see Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge: The Clinton Presidency (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 60; and Paul Pierson, "The Deficit and the Politics of Domestic Reform," in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1998), 174. On Canadian indebtedness, see D'Arcy Jenish, Money to Burn: Trudeau, Mulroney and the Bankruptcy of Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1996) as well as Department of Finance data reported in The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 13, 1998.
36. Figures in this article are presented in American dollars with reference to the US and Canadian dollars with reference to Canada. On American levels of indebtedness, see Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge: The Clinton Presidency (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 60; and Paul Pierson, "The Deficit and the Politics of Domestic Reform," in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1998), 174. On Canadian indebtedness, see D'Arcy Jenish, Money to Burn: Trudeau, Mulroney and the Bankruptcy of Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1996) as well as Department of Finance data reported in The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 13, 1998.
37. Figures in this article are presented in American dollars with reference to the US and Canadian dollars with reference to Canada. On American levels of indebtedness, see Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge: The Clinton Presidency (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 60; and Paul Pierson, "The Deficit and the Politics of Domestic Reform," in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1998), 174. On Canadian indebtedness, see D'Arcy Jenish, Money to Burn: Trudeau, Mulroney and the Bankruptcy of Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1996) as well as Department of Finance data reported in The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 13, 1998.
38. Figures in this article are presented in American dollars with reference to the US and Canadian dollars with reference to Canada. On American levels of indebtedness, see Elizabeth Drew, On the Edge: The Clinton Presidency (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 60; and Paul Pierson, "The Deficit and the Politics of Domestic Reform," in Margaret Weir, ed., The Social Divide: Political Parties and the Future of Activist Government (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1998), 174. On Canadian indebtedness, see D'Arcy Jenish, Money to Burn: Trudeau, Mulroney and the Bankruptcy of Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1996) as well as Department of Finance data reported in The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 13, 1998.
39. See Stefancic and Delgado, No Mercy; and Andrew Cardozo, "Lion Taming: Downsizing the Opponents of Downsizing," in Gene Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1996), 303-36.
40. See Stefancic and Delgado, No Mercy; and Andrew Cardozo, "Lion Taming: Downsizing the Opponents of Downsizing," in Gene Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1996), 303-36.
41. For an application of globalization themes to US/Canada comparisons, see Keith Banting, George Hoberg and Richard Simeon, "Introduction," Banting et al., eds., Degrees of Freedom, 9-12.
42. See, for example, Keith Banting and Richard Simeon, "Changing Economies, Changing Societies," in ibid., 30-33.
43. See Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); and The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).
44. See Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics Against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985); and The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).
45. For general accounts of the health care reform failure, see Jacob S. Hacker, The Road to Nowhere: The Genesis of President Clinton's Plan for Health Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Haynes Johnson and David S. Broder, The System: The American Way of Politics at the Breaking Point (Boston: Little, Brown, 1996); and Theda Skocpol, Boomerang: Health Care Reform and the Turn Against Government (New York: Norton, 1997).
46. For general accounts of the health care reform failure, see Jacob S. Hacker, The Road to Nowhere: The Genesis of President Clinton's Plan for Health Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Haynes Johnson and David S. Broder, The System: The American Way of Politics at the Breaking Point (Boston: Little, Brown, 1996); and Theda Skocpol, Boomerang: Health Care Reform and the Turn Against Government (New York: Norton, 1997).
47. For general accounts of the health care reform failure, see Jacob S. Hacker, The Road to Nowhere: The Genesis of President Clinton's Plan for Health Security (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); Haynes Johnson and David S. Broder, The System: The American Way of Politics at the Breaking Point (Boston: Little, Brown, 1996); and Theda Skocpol, Boomerang: Health Care Reform and the Turn Against Government (New York: Norton, 1997).
48. On changes to federal employment policy after 1993, see Peter Stoyko, "Creating Opportunity or Creative Opportunism? Liberal Labour Market Policy," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1997-98, 85-110; and Rodney Haddow, "How Ottawa Shrivels: Ottawa's Declining Role in Active Labour Market Policy," in Leslie A. Pal, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1998-99 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998), 99-126.
49. On changes to federal employment policy after 1993, see Peter Stoyko, "Creating Opportunity or Creative Opportunism? Liberal Labour Market Policy," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1997-98, 85-110; and Rodney Haddow, "How Ottawa Shrivels: Ottawa's Declining Role in Active Labour Market Policy," in Leslie A. Pal, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1998-99 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998), 99-126.
50. On challenges facing left actors in Canada during this period, see James P. Mulvale, "Defending the Past or Constructing the Future? The Role of Labour in Redefining Social Welfare in Canada," in Dave Broad and Wayne Antony, eds., Citizens or Consumers? Social Policy in a Market Society (Halifax: Fernwood, 1999), 236-58.
51. See Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State; and Pierson, "The New Politics of the Welfare State."
52. See Pierson, Dismantling the Welfare State; and Pierson, "The New Politics of the Welfare State."
53. See R. Kent Weaver, "The Politics of Blame Avoidance," Journal of Public Policy 6 (1986), 371-98.
54. For an application of Pierson's framework that remains within neo-institutional confines, see William D. Coleman, Michael M. Atkinson and Eric Montpetit, "Against the Odds: Retrenchment in Agriculture in France and the United States," World Politics 49 (1997), 453-81.
55. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
56. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
57. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
58. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
59. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
60. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
61. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
62. See, for example, Elizabeth Wilson, Women and the Welfare State (London: Tavistock, 1977); Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; Evans and Wekerle, eds., Women and the Canadian Welfare State; Gordon, ed., Women, the State, and Welfare; Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare States (London: Sage, 1994); Gender, Equality and Welfare States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Diane Sainsbury, ed., Gender and Welfare State Regimes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); Julia S. O'Connor, Ann Shola Orloff and Sheila Shaver, States, Markets, Families: Gender, Liberalism and Social Policy in Australia, Canada, Great Britain and the United States (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); and Margaret Jane Hillyard Little, "No Car, No Radio, No Liquor Permit": The Moral Regulation of Single Mothers in Ontario, 1920-1997 (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998).
63. Barbara J. Nelson, "The Origins of the Two-Channel Welfare State: Workmen's Compensation and Mothers' Aid," in Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare, 129.
64. Critiques of the decommodification thesis are presented in Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare Slates. On the human agency argument, see Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare; Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; and Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (New York: Free Press, 1994).
65. Critiques of the decommodification thesis are presented in Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare Slates. On the human agency argument, see Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare; Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; and Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (New York: Free Press, 1994).
66. Critiques of the decommodification thesis are presented in Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare Slates. On the human agency argument, see Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare; Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; and Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (New York: Free Press, 1994).
67. Critiques of the decommodification thesis are presented in Sainsbury, ed., Gendering Welfare Slates. On the human agency argument, see Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare; Andrew, "Women and the Welfare State"; and Linda Gordon, Pitied but Not Entitled: Single Mothers and the History of Welfare (New York: Free Press, 1994).
68. See Jane Jenson, "Representations of Gender: Policies to 'Protect' Women Workers and Infants in France and the United States Before 1914," in Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare, 152-77; and Nancy Fraser, "Struggle over Needs: Outline of a Socialist-Feminist Critical Theory of Late-Capitalist Political Culture," in ibid., 199-225.
69. See Jane Jenson, "Representations of Gender: Policies to 'Protect' Women Workers and Infants in France and the United States Before 1914," in Gordon, ed., Women, the State and Welfare, 152-77; and Nancy Fraser, "Struggle over Needs: Outline of a Socialist-Feminist Critical Theory of Late-Capitalist Political Culture," in ibid., 199-225.
70. Bill Clinton and Al Gore, Putting People First: How We Can All Change America (New York: Times Books, 1992). For accounts of this policy statement, see Drew, On the Edge, 58-59; and Johnson and Broder, The System, 79-81.
71. Bill Clinton and Al Gore, Putting People First: How We Can All Change America (New York: Times Books, 1992). For accounts of this policy statement, see Drew, On the Edge, 58-59; and Johnson and Broder, The System, 79-81.
72. Bill Clinton and Al Gore, Putting People First: How We Can All Change America (New York: Times Books, 1992). For accounts of this policy statement, see Drew, On the Edge, 58-59; and Johnson and Broder, The System, 79-81.
73. This phrase is attributed to a former staff member at the Democratic Leadership Council, Bruce Reed, who subsequently worked in the Clinton White House. See Bob Woodward, The Agenda: Inside the Clinton White House (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995), 17-18; and R. Kent Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," in Weir, ed., The Social Divide, 361-416.
74. This phrase is attributed to a former staff member at the Democratic Leadership Council, Bruce Reed, who subsequently worked in the Clinton White House. See Bob Woodward, The Agenda: Inside the Clinton White House (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995), 17-18; and R. Kent Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," in Weir, ed., The Social Divide, 361-416.
75. Steven M. Teles, Whose Welfare? AFDC and Elite Politics (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998), 58. On the racial proxy debate, see ibid., 46-48.
76. Steven M. Teles, Whose Welfare? AFDC and Elite Politics (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1998), 58. On the racial proxy debate, see ibid., 46-48.
77. This particular section of Putting People First was called "Rewarding Work"; it relied heavily on the writings of Harvard policy specialist David Ellwood. See David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Woodward, The Agenda, 137; and E. J. Dionne, Jr., They Only Look Dead: Why Progressives Will Dominate the Next Political Era (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 101.
78. This particular section of Putting People First was called "Rewarding Work"; it relied heavily on the writings of Harvard policy specialist David Ellwood. See David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Woodward, The Agenda, 137; and E. J. Dionne, Jr., They Only Look Dead: Why Progressives Will Dominate the Next Political Era (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 101.
79. This particular section of Putting People First was called "Rewarding Work"; it relied heavily on the writings of Harvard policy specialist David Ellwood. See David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Woodward, The Agenda, 137; and E. J. Dionne, Jr., They Only Look Dead: Why Progressives Will Dominate the Next Political Era (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 101.
80. This particular section of Putting People First was called "Rewarding Work"; it relied heavily on the writings of Harvard policy specialist David Ellwood. See David T. Ellwood, Poor Support: Poverty in the American Family (New York: Basic Books, 1988); Woodward, The Agenda, 137; and E. J. Dionne, Jr., They Only Look Dead: Why Progressives Will Dominate the Next Political Era (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1996), 101.
81. See ibid., 100; and Drew, On the Edge, 84.
82. See ibid., 100; and Drew, On the Edge, 84.
83. Ibid., 59. Clinton pledged to halve the federal deficit in four years. His decision to link health care reform, deficit reduction and welfare reform was significant, and largely dictated the ordering of social policy priorities in 1993 and following. See Ellwood, Poor Support; Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 101; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
84. Ibid., 59. Clinton pledged to halve the federal deficit in four years. His decision to link health care reform, deficit reduction and welfare reform was significant, and largely dictated the ordering of social policy priorities in 1993 and following. See Ellwood, Poor Support; Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 101; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
85. Ibid., 59. Clinton pledged to halve the federal deficit in four years. His decision to link health care reform, deficit reduction and welfare reform was significant, and largely dictated the ordering of social policy priorities in 1993 and following. See Ellwood, Poor Support; Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 101; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
86. Ibid., 59. Clinton pledged to halve the federal deficit in four years. His decision to link health care reform, deficit reduction and welfare reform was significant, and largely dictated the ordering of social policy priorities in 1993 and following. See Ellwood, Poor Support; Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 101; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
87. Woodward, The Agenda, 31; and Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, Mad as Hell: Revolt at the Ballot Box, 1992 (New York: Warner Books, 1993), 226-27.
88. Woodward, The Agenda, 31; and Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, Mad as Hell: Revolt at the Ballot Box, 1992 (New York: Warner Books, 1993), 226-27.
89. Ibid., 307.
90. Ibid., 458.
91. Steven A. Shull, A Kinder, Gentler Racism? The Reagan-Bush Civil Rights Legacy (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 83. See also Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 242.
92. Steven A. Shull, A Kinder, Gentler Racism? The Reagan-Bush Civil Rights Legacy (Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1993), 83. See also Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 242.
93. See Johnson and Broder, The System, 89.
94. See Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 30.
95. Drew, On the Edge, 19.
96. Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole, as quoted in Paul J. Quirk and Joseph Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy: The Trials of a Centrist Democrat," in Colin Campbell and Bert A. Rockman, eds., The Clinton Presidency: First Appraisals (Chatham: Chatham House, 1996), 267.
97. Gingrich as quoted in ibid., 267.
98. Skocpol, Boomerang, 101.
99. Dionne, They Only Look Dead, 152.
100. Legislation can be slowed in the US Senate through filibustering, the introduction of numerous amendments or other strategies designed to cause lengthy procedural delays. See Johnson and Broder, The System, 305; and Skocpol, Boomerang, 80.
101. Legislation can be slowed in the US Senate through filibustering, the introduction of numerous amendments or other strategies designed to cause lengthy procedural delays. See Johnson and Broder, The System, 305; and Skocpol, Boomerang, 80.
102. These figures were presented by Ira Magaziner, who was in charge of the health care reform task force with Hillary Rodham Clinton. See Johnson and Broder, The System, 301.
103. George Stephanopoulos, senior advisor to President Clinton, as quoted in Johnson and Broder, The System, 494.
104. See Skocpol, Boomerang, 101; Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy," 276; Johnson and Broder, The System, 347; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
105. See Skocpol, Boomerang, 101; Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy," 276; Johnson and Broder, The System, 347; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
106. See Skocpol, Boomerang, 101; Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy," 276; Johnson and Broder, The System, 347; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
107. See Skocpol, Boomerang, 101; Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy," 276; Johnson and Broder, The System, 347; and Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 381-82.
108. See Johnson and Broder, The System, 43.
109. See Woodward, The Agenda, 183; and Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy." According to one account, Clinton adopted the language and ideas of Ross Perot even before his 1993 inauguration. See Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 518.
110. See Woodward, The Agenda, 183; and Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy." According to one account, Clinton adopted the language and ideas of Ross Perot even before his 1993 inauguration. See Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 518.
111. See Woodward, The Agenda, 183; and Quirk and Hinchliffe, "Domestic Policy." According to one account, Clinton adopted the language and ideas of Ross Perot even before his 1993 inauguration. See Germond and Witcover, Mad as Hell, 518.
112. See Woodward, The Agenda.
113. Robert B. Reich, Locked in the Cabinet (New York: Random House, 1998), 65.
114. Skocpol, Boomerang, 41. See also Hacker, The Road to Nowhere; and Johnson and Broder, The System.
115. Skocpol, Boomerang, 41. See also Hacker, The Road to Nowhere; and Johnson and Broder, The System.
116. Skocpol, Boomerang, 41. See also Hacker, The Road to Nowhere; and Johnson and Broder, The System.
117. Johnson and Broder, The System.
118. See Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It"; and Joel Handler, The Poverty of Welfare Reform (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), chap. 6.
119. See Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It"; and Joel Handler, The Poverty of Welfare Reform (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), chap. 6.
120. On Clinton's six principles of welfare reform, as stated in February 1993, see Gary Bryner, Politics and Public Morality: The Great American Welfare Reform Debate (New York: Norton, 1998), 78. On House Republican proposals following the 1994 mid-term elections, see ibid., 107-15.
121. On Clinton's six principles of welfare reform, as stated in February 1993, see Gary Bryner, Politics and Public Morality: The Great American Welfare Reform Debate (New York: Norton, 1998), 78. On House Republican proposals following the 1994 mid-term elections, see ibid., 107-15.
122. Ibid., 177-78.
123. Ibid., 12; and Mink, Welfare's End, 120.
124. Ibid., 12; and Mink, Welfare's End, 120.
125. Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 380; and John Myles and Paul Pierson, "Friedman's Revenge: The Reform of 'Liberal' Welfare States in Canada and the United States," Politics and Society 25 (1997), 461-64.
126. Weaver, "Ending Welfare as We Know It," 380; and John Myles and Paul Pierson, "Friedman's Revenge: The Reform of 'Liberal' Welfare States in Canada and the United States," Politics and Society 25 (1997), 461-64.
127. See Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive, 108-15.
128. Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada (Ottawa: Liberal Party of Canada, 1993). "Investing in People" was the title of chapter 2 in the Red Book. This policy document was co-authored by Paul Martin, who became federal minister of finance, and Chaviva Hošek, who became a policy advisor in the Prime Minister's Office.
129. Creating Opportunity: The Liberal Plan for Canada (Ottawa: Liberal Party of Canada, 1993). "Investing in People" was the title of chapter 2 in the Red Book. This policy document was co-authored by Paul Martin, who became federal minister of finance, and Chaviva Hošek, who became a policy advisor in the Prime Minister's Office.
130. Creating Opportunity, 9.
131. See Edward Greenspon and Anthony Wilson-Smith, Double Vision: The Inside Story of the Liberals in Power (Toronto: Doubleday, 1997), 43, 64, on Paul Martin's reliance on the ideas of Robert Reich.
132. Creating Opportunity, 73, 74. On the evolution of a collective risk-pool approach to social policy in Canada, see Pat Armstrong, "The Welfare State as History," in Blake et al., eds., The Welfare State in Canada, 54-61.
133. Creating Opportunity, 73, 74. On the evolution of a collective risk-pool approach to social policy in Canada, see Pat Armstrong, "The Welfare State as History," in Blake et al., eds., The Welfare State in Canada, 54-61.
134. See Faron Ellis and Keith Archer, "Reform: Electoral Breakthrough," in Allan Frizzell, Jon H. Pammett and Anthony Westell, eds., The Canadian General Election of 1993 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1996), 62-63.
135. See Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive, 221, 225.
136. Ellis and Archer, "Reform," 59-63, 69-70.
137. For a classic statement of centralist arguments from a left-of-centre position, see Frank R. Scott, Essays on the Constitution: Aspects of Canadian Law and Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977). For a more recent statement of centralist views on the English-Canadian left, see the comments of federal New Democratic Party House Leader Bill Blaikie as quoted in Richard Mackie, "Social Union Gains Support in Ottawa," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 8, 1998, A11. In Blaikie's words, "there are legitimate national or federal concerns that need to be taken seriously, like how do we maintain and define and enforce national standards when it comes to social programs like medicare."
138. For a classic statement of centralist arguments from a left-of-centre position, see Frank R. Scott, Essays on the Constitution: Aspects of Canadian Law and Politics (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1977). For a more recent statement of centralist views on the English-Canadian left, see the comments of federal New Democratic Party House Leader Bill Blaikie as quoted in Richard Mackie, "Social Union Gains Support in Ottawa," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 8, 1998, A11. In Blaikie's words, "there are legitimate national or federal concerns that need to be taken seriously, like how do we maintain and define and enforce national standards when it comes to social programs like medicare."
139. Edward Greenspon, "These Liberals are Different," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 23, 1993, A1.
140. See "The Final Vote," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), October 27, 1993, A14.
141. The Reform party placed second in four Alberta ridings won by the Liberals, five Saskatchewan ridings won by the Liberals or NDP, eight Manitoba ridings won by the Liberals, five BC ridings won by the Liberals or NDP, 56 Ontario ridings won by the Liberals and one territorial riding won by the Liberals.
142. Conservative candidates placed second in 31 ridings in Atlantic Canada, 29 in Ontario, one in the Northwest Territories and one in British Columbia.
143. Liberals won the following seats in British Columbia, with their 1993 vote share in parentheses: Richmond (37.1), Vancouver Centre (31.1), Vancouver East (36.0), Vancouver Quadra (39.5), Vancouver South (35.6) and Victoria (37.2). Vote shares are reported in Appendix to Frizzell, Pammett and Westell, eds., The Canadian General Election of 1993, 203-04.
144. See Greenspon and Wilson-Smith, Double Vision, 276.
145. For example, Conservatives meeting in Winnipeg adopted a resolution stating that, if elected, they would reduce personal and corporate income taxes by 20 per cent during their first term in power; Tory delegates also endorsed a boot camp system for young offenders. See Susan Delacourt, "Charest, Young PCs Bridge Policy Gaps," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), August 23, 1996, A3.
146. See Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer"; Susan D. Phillips, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Fiscal Federalism in Search of a Vision," in Douglas M. Brown and Jonathan W. Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1995), 65-96; Alan M. Maslove, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Forcing Issues," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97, 283-301; and Daniel Conn, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Transferring Resources or Moral Authority between Levels of Government?" in Patrick C. Fafard and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1996 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1996).
147. See Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer"; Susan D. Phillips, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Fiscal Federalism in Search of a Vision," in Douglas M. Brown and Jonathan W. Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1995), 65-96; Alan M. Maslove, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Forcing Issues," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97, 283-301; and Daniel Conn, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Transferring Resources or Moral Authority between Levels of Government?" in Patrick C. Fafard and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1996 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1996).
148. See Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer"; Susan D. Phillips, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Fiscal Federalism in Search of a Vision," in Douglas M. Brown and Jonathan W. Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1995), 65-96; Alan M. Maslove, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Forcing Issues," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97, 283-301; and Daniel Conn, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Transferring Resources or Moral Authority between Levels of Government?" in Patrick C. Fafard and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1996 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1996).
149. See Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer"; Susan D. Phillips, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Fiscal Federalism in Search of a Vision," in Douglas M. Brown and Jonathan W. Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1995), 65-96; Alan M. Maslove, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Forcing Issues," in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1996-97, 283-301; and Daniel Conn, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer: Transferring Resources or Moral Authority between Levels of Government?" in Patrick C. Fafard and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1996 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1996).
150. Greenspon and Wilson-Smith, Double Vision, 230.
151. Until 1990, the federal government paid for one half of all qualifying social programmes in the ten provinces and two territories; after that, the Conservatives enforced a ceiling on Alberta, British Columbia and Ontario such that increases in transfers would be no more than 5 per cent per year for five years. The three wealthiest Canadian provinces were thus made ineligible for matching federal monies that went to other subnational governments, even though taxes collected in those three jurisdictions were a primary source of all federal transfers.
152. Thomas J. Courchene, "CHASTE and Chastened: Canada's New Social Contract," in Blake et al., eds., The Welfare State in Canada, 16.
153. See Alan Toulin, "Public Solidly Behind Axworthy's Reforms," Financial Post (Toronto), October 22-24, 1994, A1.
154. See Jennissen, "Implications for Women," 222, 224; and Shelagh Day and Gwen Brodsky, Women and the Equality Deficit: The Impact of Restructuring Canada's Social Programs (Ottawa: Status of Women Canada, 1998).
155. See Jennissen, "Implications for Women," 222, 224; and Shelagh Day and Gwen Brodsky, Women and the Equality Deficit: The Impact of Restructuring Canada's Social Programs (Ottawa: Status of Women Canada, 1998).
156. CAP had also contained a provision prohibiting the use of work requirements as a condition of receiving social assistance. According to Jennissen, the only CAP principle that remained in the terms of the CHST involved mobility rights, meaning "the right to an income based on need regardless of what province the person is from" ("Implications for Women," 226). See also Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107; and Keith G. Banting, "The Welfare State as Statecraft: Territorial Politics and Canadian Social Policy," in Stephan Leibfried and Paul Pierson, eds., European Social Policy: Between Fragmentation and Integration (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 292. It is notable that while health care standards embodied in the Canada Health Act continued under the terms of the CHST, four out of five social assistance principles contained in CAP were discarded under the new regime. For an argument that the CAP-based social assistance system entailed limited national uniformity, see Gerard Boychuk, "Reforming the Canadian Social Assistance Complex: The Provincial Welfare States and Canadian Federalism," in Brown and Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995, 115-42.
157. CAP had also contained a provision prohibiting the use of work requirements as a condition of receiving social assistance. According to Jennissen, the only CAP principle that remained in the terms of the CHST involved mobility rights, meaning "the right to an income based on need regardless of what province the person is from" ("Implications for Women," 226). See also Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107; and Keith G. Banting, "The Welfare State as Statecraft: Territorial Politics and Canadian Social Policy," in Stephan Leibfried and Paul Pierson, eds., European Social Policy: Between Fragmentation and Integration (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 292. It is notable that while health care standards embodied in the Canada Health Act continued under the terms of the CHST, four out of five social assistance principles contained
158. CAP had also contained a provision prohibiting the use of work requirements as a condition of receiving social assistance. According to Jennissen, the only CAP principle that remained in the terms of the CHST involved mobility rights, meaning "the right to an income based on need regardless of what province the person is from" ("Implications for Women," 226). See also Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107; and Keith G. Banting, "The Welfare State as Statecraft: Territorial Politics and Canadian Social Policy," in Stephan Leibfried and Paul Pierson, eds., European Social Policy: Between Fragmentation and Integration (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 292. It is notable that while health care standards embodied in the Canada Health Act continued under the terms of the CHST, four out of five social assistance principles contained in CAP were discarded under the new regime. For an argument that the CAP-based social assistance system entailed limited national uniformity, see Gerard Boychuk, "Reforming the Canadian Social Assistance Complex: The Provincial Welfare States and Canadian Federalism," in Brown and Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995, 115-42.
159. CAP had also contained a provision prohibiting the use of work requirements as a condition of receiving social assistance. According to Jennissen, the only CAP principle that remained in the terms of the CHST involved mobility rights, meaning "the right to an income based on need regardless of what province the person is from" ("Implications for Women," 226). See also Moscovitch, "The Canada Health and Social Transfer," 107; and Keith G. Banting, "The Welfare State as Statecraft: Territorial Politics and Canadian Social Policy," in Stephan Leibfried and Paul Pierson, eds., European Social Policy: Between Fragmentation and Integration (Washington, D.C.: Brookings, 1995), 292. It is notable that while health care standards embodied in the Canada Health Act continued under the terms of the CHST, four out of five social assistance principles contained in CAP were discarded under the new regime. For an argument that the CAP-based social assistance system entailed limited national uniformity, see Gerard Boychuk, "Reforming the Canadian Social Assistance Complex: The Provincial Welfare States and Canadian Federalism," in Brown and Rose, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1995, 115-42.
160. Compare, for example, data in Cynthia Costello and Anne J. Stone, eds., The American Woman, 1994-95: Where We Stand (New York: Norton, 1994) with those in Women in Canada: A Statistical Report (Ottawa: Minister of Industry, 1995).
161. Compare, for example, data in Cynthia Costello and Anne J. Stone, eds., The American Woman, 1994-95: Where We Stand (New York: Norton, 1994) with those in Women in Canada: A Statistical Report (Ottawa: Minister of Industry, 1995).
162. See Creating Opportunity, 40.
163. Sandra Bach and Susan D. Phillips, "Constructing a New Social Union: Child Care Beyond Infancy?" in Swimmer, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1997-98, 235-58.
164. See Susan D. Phillips, "Rock-a-Bye, Brian: The National Strategy on Child Care," in Katherine A. Graham, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1989-90 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1989), 165-208; and Derek P. J. Hum, "Compromise and Delay: The Federal Strategy on Child Care," in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1989 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1989), 151-65.
165. See Susan D. Phillips, "Rock-a-Bye, Brian: The National Strategy on Child Care," in Katherine A. Graham, ed., How Ottawa Spends, 1989-90 (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1989), 165-208; and Derek P. J. Hum, "Compromise and Delay: The Federal Strategy on Child Care," in Ronald L. Watts and Douglas M. Brown, eds., Canada: The State of the Federation, 1989 (Kingston: Queen's University Institute of Intergovernmental Relations, 1989), 151-65.
166. See Stoyko, "Creating Opportunity or Creative Opportunism"; and Haddow, "How Ottawa Shrivels."
167. See Stoyko, "Creating Opportunity or Creative Opportunism"; and Haddow, "How Ottawa Shrivels."
168. See Bashevkin, Women on the Defensive, 122.
169. Rice and Prince, "Lowering the Safety Net and Weakening the Bonds of Nationhood," 381.
170. Data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study suggested limited room for Reform party growth, even when Quebec was excluded from consideration. See Elisabeth Gidengil, Richard Nadeau, Neil Nevitte and André Biais, "Reform and the Fight for the Right," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), February 16, 1998, A19. Poll data gathered by the Angus Reid organization in January 1998 indicated a decline over time in Reform party strength in Ontario. See Miro Cernetig, "Western Voices," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), February 20, 1998, A19. The NDP vote share in the 1997 federal elections was about 11 per cent, an increase over the 7 per cent obtained in 1993; the NDP won more seats in 1997 than the Progressive Conservatives.
171. Data from the 1997 Canadian Election Study suggested limited room for Reform party growth, even when Quebec was excluded from consideration. See Elisabeth Gidengil, Richard Nadeau, Neil Nevitte and André Biais, "Reform and the Fight for the Right," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), February 16, 1998, A19. Poll data gathered by the Angus Reid organization in January 1998 indicated a decline over time in Reform party strength in Ontario. See Miro Cernetig, "Western Voices," The Globe and Mail (Toronto), February 20, 1998, A19. The NDP vote share in the 1997 federal elections was about 11 per cent, an increase over the 7 per cent obtained in 1993; the NDP won more seats in 1997 than the Progressive Conservatives.
172. This phrase was used with reference to Clinton by former NDP leader Ed Broadbent in a letter to the editor of The Globe and Mail (Toronto), July 6, 1999.
173. See President Bill Clinton, Between Hope and History: Meeting America's Challenges for the 21st Century (New York: Random House, 1996), chap. 2.
174. These comments were made by Human Resources Minister Lloyd Axworthy during fall 1994 discussions of the federal discussion paper titled Improving Social Security in Canada. See Maude Barlow and Bruce Campbell, Straight through the Heart: How the Liberals Abandoned the Just Society (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1995), 183. For a scholarly account, see Keith G. Banting, "The Social Policy Review: Policy Making in a Semi-Sovereign Society," Canadian Public Administration 38 (1995), 283-90.
175. These comments were made by Human Resources Minister Lloyd Axworthy during fall 1994 discussions of the federal discussion paper titled Improving Social Security in Canada. See Maude Barlow and Bruce Campbell, Straight through the Heart: How the Liberals Abandoned the Just Society (Toronto: HarperCollins, 1995), 183. For a scholarly account, see Keith G. Banting, "The Social Policy Review: Policy Making in a Semi-Sovereign Society," Canadian Public Administration 38 (1995), 283-90.
176. Cuts to single-parent benefits, for example, led to serious internal divisions within the parliamentary Labour party. See Anthony Bevins, "Rage, Resignations and Rebellion: Blair Breaks His Party's Heart," The Independent (London), December 11, 1997, 1; Philip Webster and Jill Sherman, "Minister Goes in Revolt on Lone Parents," The Times (London), December 11, 1997, 1; and George Jones and Joy Copley, "Two Quit as Labour Hit by Revolt," The Daily Telegraph (London), December 11, 1997, 1.
177. Cuts to single-parent benefits, for example, led to serious internal divisions within the parliamentary Labour party. See Anthony Bevins, "Rage, Resignations and Rebellion: Blair Breaks His Party's Heart," The Independent (London), December 11, 1997, 1; Philip Webster and Jill Sherman, "Minister Goes in Revolt on Lone Parents," The Times (London), December 11, 1997, 1; and George Jones and Joy Copley, "Two Quit as Labour Hit by Revolt," The Daily Telegraph (London), December 11, 1997, 1.
178. Cuts to single-parent benefits, for example, led to serious internal divisions within the parliamentary Labour party. See Anthony Bevins, "Rage, Resignations and Rebellion: Blair Breaks His Party's Heart," The Independent (London), December 11, 1997, 1; Philip Webster and Jill Sherman, "Minister Goes in Revolt on Lone Parents," The Times (London), December 11, 1997, 1; and George Jones and Joy Copley, "Two Quit as Labour Hit by Revolt," The Daily Telegraph (London), December 11, 1997, 1.
179. Goldsmith, who named his organization the Referendum party, lost his own deposit in the riding of Putney in the 1997 elections. See Nicholas Jones, Campaign 1997: How the General Election Was Won and Lost (London: Indigo, 1997), 260.