Power repertoires and globalization

Politics and Society

Volumn 28, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 413-430

  Piven, Frances Fox ^a   Cloward, Richard A ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0034375042     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329200028003006     Document Type: Article

References (68)

1. For a recent analysis that raises questions about the impact of globalization, see Arthur S. Alderson, "Explaining Deindustrialization: Globalization, Failure or Success?" American Sociological Review 64, no. 5 (1999): 701-21. For more familiar arguments that debunk globalization talk or at least put it in historical perspective, see David Gordon, "The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundations," New Left Review, no. 168 (1988): 24-64; Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," in The New Shape of World Politics (New York: Norton, 1997); Frances Fox Piven, "Is It Global Economics or Neo-Laissez Faire?" New Left Review, no. 212 (1995); and Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance," PS: Political Science and Politics 32, no. 4 (1999): 693-700.
2. For a recent analysis that raises questions about the impact of globalization, see Arthur S. Alderson, "Explaining Deindustrialization: Globalization, Failure or Success?" American Sociological Review 64, no. 5 (1999): 701-21. For more familiar arguments that debunk globalization talk or at least put it in historical perspective, see David Gordon, "The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundations," New Left Review, no. 168 (1988): 24-64; Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," in The New Shape of World Politics (New York: Norton, 1997); Frances Fox Piven, "Is It Global Economics or Neo-Laissez Faire?" New Left Review, no. 212 (1995); and Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance," PS: Political Science and Politics 32, no. 4 (1999): 693-700.
3. For a recent analysis that raises questions about the impact of globalization, see Arthur S. Alderson, "Explaining Deindustrialization: Globalization, Failure or Success?" American Sociological Review 64, no. 5 (1999): 701-21. For more familiar arguments that debunk globalization talk or at least put it in historical perspective, see David Gordon, "The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundations," New Left Review, no. 168 (1988): 24-64; Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," in The New Shape of World Politics (New York: Norton, 1997); Frances Fox Piven, "Is It Global Economics or Neo-Laissez Faire?" New Left Review, no. 212 (1995); and Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance," PS: Political Science and Politics 32, no. 4 (1999): 693-700.
4. For a recent analysis that raises questions about the impact of globalization, see Arthur S. Alderson, "Explaining Deindustrialization: Globalization, Failure or Success?" American Sociological Review 64, no. 5 (1999): 701-21. For more familiar arguments that debunk globalization talk or at least put it in historical perspective, see David Gordon, "The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundations," New Left Review, no. 168 (1988): 24-64; Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," in The New Shape of World Politics (New York: Norton, 1997); Frances Fox Piven, "Is It Global Economics or Neo-Laissez Faire?" New Left Review, no. 212 (1995); and Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance," PS: Political Science and Politics 32, no. 4 (1999): 693-700.
5. For a recent analysis that raises questions about the impact of globalization, see Arthur S. Alderson, "Explaining Deindustrialization: Globalization, Failure or Success?" American Sociological Review 64, no. 5 (1999): 701-21. For more familiar arguments that debunk globalization talk or at least put it in historical perspective, see David Gordon, "The Global Economy: New Edifice or Crumbling Foundations," New Left Review, no. 168 (1988): 24-64; Paul Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," in The New Shape of World Politics (New York: Norton, 1997); Frances Fox Piven, "Is It Global Economics or Neo-Laissez Faire?" New Left Review, no. 212 (1995); and Kenneth Waltz, "Globalization and Governance," PS: Political Science and Politics 32, no. 4 (1999): 693-700.
6. See Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics," in Charles Bright and Susan Hording, eds., Statemaking and Social Movements (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 308. See also by Tilly, "Britain Creates the Social Movement," in James E. Cronin and Jonathan Schneer, eds., Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1982), 21-51.
7. See Charles Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics," in Charles Bright and Susan Hording, eds., Statemaking and Social Movements (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984), 308. See also by Tilly, "Britain Creates the Social Movement," in James E. Cronin and Jonathan Schneer, eds., Social Conflict and the Political Order in Modern Britain (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1982), 21-51.
8. We say "partly" because we think Tilly's formulation dismisses the actual persistence of older forms of struggle, particularly among more marginal groups. See Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, "Normalizing Collective Protest," in Aldon D. Morris and Carol McClurg Mueller, eds., Frontiers in Social Movement Theory (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), 301-25.
9. Marc W. Steinberg uses the term dialogic to explain particularly what he calls the discursive level of repertoires. We think it applies as well to instrumental strategies shaped in actual effort to exercise labor power. See "The Roar of the Crowd: Repertoires of Discourse and Collective Action among the Spitalfields Silk Weavers in Nineteenth-Century London," in Mark Traugott, ed., Repertoires and Cycles of Collective Action (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1984), 57-87.
10. See David M. Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 149-51.
11. See Jeremy Brecher, Strikes (Boston: South End, 1997), 45.
12. See James Gray Pope, "Labor's Constitution of Freedom," Yale Law Journal, 106, no. 4 (1997): 941-1031.
13. See Karren Orren, Belated Feudalism: Labor, the Law, and Liberal Development in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), particularly for her discussion of the persisting reliance by the courts in feudal master-servant law. See also William Forbath, "The Shaping of the American Labor Movement," Harvard Law Review 102, no. 6 (1989): 1111-256. On property law, see Morton J. Horowitz, The Transformation of American Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977).
14. See Karren Orren, Belated Feudalism: Labor, the Law, and Liberal Development in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), particularly for her discussion of the persisting reliance by the courts in feudal master-servant law. See also William Forbath, "The Shaping of the American Labor Movement," Harvard Law Review 102, no. 6 (1989): 1111-256. On property law, see Morton J. Horowitz, The Transformation of American Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977).
15. See Karren Orren, Belated Feudalism: Labor, the Law, and Liberal Development in the United States (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), particularly for her discussion of the persisting reliance by the courts in feudal master-servant law. See also William Forbath, "The Shaping of the American Labor Movement," Harvard Law Review 102, no. 6 (1989): 1111-256. On property law, see Morton J. Horowitz, The Transformation of American Law (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1977).
16. On this point, see E. E. Schattschneider, Party Government (New York: Rinehart, 1942), especially chaps. 5 and 6.
17. See Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, "Movements and Dissensus Politics," in Piven and Cloward, eds., The Breaking of the American Social Compact (New York: New Press, 1997).
18. See Victoria C. Hattam, Labor Visions and State Power: The Origins of Business Unionism in the United States (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993), 168-69, for the argument that the renowned emphasis on voluntarism by American unions was a response to government resistance to labor's demands.
19. Cited in Brecher, Strikes, 94.
20. The words were used by Samuel Gompers in describing the union shop campaign at the American Federation of Labor 1901 convention. See David Brian Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop: Labor and Business Strategies in the Battle for American Labor Markets," Studies in American Political Development 13, no. 1 (1999): 150.
21. See Gordon et al., Segmented Work, 121-27; Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly J. Silver, Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 182-83; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brecher, Strikes; Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop."
22. See Gordon et al., Segmented Work, 121-27; Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly J. Silver, Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 182-83; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brecher, Strikes; Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop."
23. See Gordon et al., Segmented Work, 121-27; Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly J. Silver, Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 182-83; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brecher, Strikes; Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop."
24. See Gordon et al., Segmented Work, 121-27; Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly J. Silver, Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 182-83; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brecher, Strikes; Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop."
25. See Gordon et al., Segmented Work, 121-27; Giovanni Arrighi and Beverly J. Silver, Chaos and Governance in the Modern World System (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 182-83; David Montgomery, Workers' Control in America (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Brecher, Strikes; Robertson, "Voluntarism against the Open Shop."
26. On rising labor conflict, see Arrighi and Silver, Chaos, 284; Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (New York: Verso, 1997), 181. See also Leo Panitch, Working-Class Politics in Crisis (London: Verso, 1986), chap. 4, who attributes a large role to the defensive militancy of the English labor movement in the evolution of English neoliberal policies.
27. On rising labor conflict, see Arrighi and Silver, Chaos, 284; Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (New York: Verso, 1997), 181. See also Leo Panitch, Working-Class Politics in Crisis (London: Verso, 1986), chap. 4, who attributes a large role to the defensive militancy of the English labor movement in the evolution of English neoliberal policies.
28. On rising labor conflict, see Arrighi and Silver, Chaos, 284; Kim Moody, Workers in a Lean World: Unions in the International Economy (New York: Verso, 1997), 181. See also Leo Panitch, Working-Class Politics in Crisis (London: Verso, 1986), chap. 4, who attributes a large role to the defensive militancy of the English labor movement in the evolution of English neoliberal policies.
29. See Karen Paget, "Lessons of Right-Wing Philanthropy," American Prospect, no. 40 (1998); Sally Covington, Moving a Public Policy Agenda: The Strategic Philanthropy of Conservative Foundations (Washington, DC: National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997); Lucy Williams, "The Right's Attack on Aid to Families with Dependent Children," The Public Eye 10 (1996): 5; and David Callahan, "State Think Tanks on the Move," The Nation, 12 October 1998.
30. See Karen Paget, "Lessons of Right-Wing Philanthropy," American Prospect, no. 40 (1998); Sally Covington, Moving a Public Policy Agenda: The Strategic Philanthropy of Conservative Foundations (Washington, DC: National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997); Lucy Williams, "The Right's Attack on Aid to Families with Dependent Children," The Public Eye 10 (1996): 5; and David Callahan, "State Think Tanks on the Move," The Nation, 12 October 1998.
31. See Karen Paget, "Lessons of Right-Wing Philanthropy," American Prospect, no. 40 (1998); Sally Covington, Moving a Public Policy Agenda: The Strategic Philanthropy of Conservative Foundations (Washington, DC: National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997); Lucy Williams, "The Right's Attack on Aid to Families with Dependent Children," The Public Eye 10 (1996): 5; and David Callahan, "State Think Tanks on the Move," The Nation, 12 October 1998.
32. See Karen Paget, "Lessons of Right-Wing Philanthropy," American Prospect, no. 40 (1998); Sally Covington, Moving a Public Policy Agenda: The Strategic Philanthropy of Conservative Foundations (Washington, DC: National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997); Lucy Williams, "The Right's Attack on Aid to Families with Dependent Children," The Public Eye 10 (1996): 5; and David Callahan, "State Think Tanks on the Move," The Nation, 12 October 1998.
33. See Moody, Workers, 24.
34. See Jeremy Brecher, "World Crisis and Worker Response," unpublished paper delivered at the conference on "Strikes! - Past and Future," Center for Labor Studies, University of Washington, 1999, 8.
35. Chris Tilly reports that the rate of involuntary terminations of workers was higher during 1991-93 than during the deep recession years of 1981 to 1983. See "Part-Time Work: A Mobilizing Issue," New Politics 24 (1998): 21.
36. Moody calls the new method "management-by-stress," in Workers, chap. 5.
37. See Tilly, "Part-Time Work," 20, for the estimate that employment in temporary agencies expanded twenty-fold from the early 1960s to the late 1990s.
38. See Moody, Workers, 92, 246-47; and Don Wells, "Building Transnational Coordinative Unionism," in Huberto Juarez Nunez and Steve Babson, eds., Confronting Change: Lean Production in the North American Auto Industry (Detroit, MI: Wayne University Press, 1998), 489.
39. See Moody, Workers, 92, 246-47; and Don Wells, "Building Transnational Coordinative Unionism," in Huberto Juarez Nunez and Steve Babson, eds., Confronting Change: Lean Production in the North American Auto Industry (Detroit, MI: Wayne University Press, 1998), 489.
40. During 1996, almost a million legal immigrants were admitted to the United States, the largest number since 1914. See Peter H. Schuck, "The Open Society," New Republic, 13 April 1998.
41. For a review of these cutbacks, see Frances Fox Piven, "Welfare and Work," Social Justice 25, no. 1 (1998): 67-81.
42. Wells, "Building," 489.
43. See Don Wells, "Fighting the Mexico Mantra," Our Times (November/December 1998): 23; Moody, Workers in a Lean World, 106-9. Bennett Harrison argues that many even formally independent firms are de facto branch plants of a larger firm and that there is overwhelming evidence that decentralized and dispersed production has been accompanied by increasingly concentrated control. See Lean and Mean: The Changing Landscape of Corporate Power in the Age of Flexibility (New York: Basic Books, 1995), 151-71.
44. See Don Wells, "Fighting the Mexico Mantra," Our Times (November/December 1998): 23; Moody, Workers in a Lean World, 106-9. Bennett Harrison argues that many even formally independent firms are de facto branch plants of a larger firm and that there is overwhelming evidence that decentralized and dispersed production has been accompanied by increasingly concentrated control. See Lean and Mean: The Changing Landscape of Corporate Power in the Age of Flexibility (New York: Basic Books, 1995), 151-71.
45. See Don Wells, "Fighting the Mexico Mantra," Our Times (November/December 1998): 23; Moody, Workers in a Lean World, 106-9. Bennett Harrison argues that many even formally independent firms are de facto branch plants of a larger firm and that there is overwhelming evidence that decentralized and dispersed production has been accompanied by increasingly concentrated control. See Lean and Mean: The Changing Landscape of Corporate Power in the Age of Flexibility (New York: Basic Books, 1995), 151-71.
46. See Paul N. Doremus, William W. Kelley, Louis W. Pauly, and Simon Reich, The Myth of the Global Corporation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998); and Moody, Workers, 82. Moody makes the point that the sunk investment in the mother country in telecommunications especially is enormous.
47. See Paul N. Doremus, William W. Kelley, Louis W. Pauly, and Simon Reich, The Myth of the Global Corporation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998); and Moody, Workers, 82. Moody makes the point that the sunk investment in the mother country in telecommunications especially is enormous.
48. See Moody, Workers, 249-51.
49. Wells, "Fighting the Mexico Mantra," 23, provides brief descriptions of each of these events. On UPS actions in particular, see also Sarah Anderson and John Cavanagh with Thea Lee, "We Can Fight, We Can Win," The Nation, 6 December 1999, 24-25.
50. Wells, "Fighting the Mexico Mantra," 23, provides brief descriptions of each of these events. On UPS actions in particular, see also Sarah Anderson and John Cavanagh with Thea Lee, "We Can Fight, We Can Win," The Nation, 6 December 1999, 24-25.
51. Personal communication. For a parallel argument that focuses on the rise of networks of nongovernmental organizations, see Peter Evans, "Counter-Hegemonic Globalization: Transnational Networks as Political Tools for Fighting Marginalization," Contemporary Sociology, January 2000.
52. Women now constitute 37 percent of organized labor's membership, and the percentage of black, Asian, and Latino membership is rising rapidly. See Robin D. G. Kelley, "Building Bridges: The Challenge of Organized Labor in Communities of Color," New Labor Forum no. 5 (fall/winter 1999).
53. See Martha Gruelle, "UPS Strike: A Landmark Victory," New Politics 24 (1998), 27-31.
54. See Steven Greenhouse, "Clergy and Unions Teaming Up Again," New York Times, 6 September 1999. See also Michael Kazin, "Faith in Labor," The Nation, 11 October 1999, 20-22.
55. See Steven Greenhouse, "Clergy and Unions Teaming Up Again," New York Times, 6 September 1999. See also Michael Kazin, "Faith in Labor," The Nation, 11 October 1999, 20-22.
56. See "World Crisis and Worker Response," prepared for Politics & Society, 15.
57. The numbers of workers covered by these agreements are not so far very large, however. See David Reynolds, "The Living Wage Movement Sweeps the Nation," Working USA (September/October 1999): 61-80.
58. See Tom Juravich and Kate Bronfenbrenner, "Steelworkers' Victory at Ravenswood: Picket Line around the World," Working USA (July/August 1999): 53-64.
59. See Moody, Workers, especially 24-27 and part 3 for an extensive review of these efforts. For a discussion of Mexican-U.S. cross-border cooperation, see Jonathan Fox, "Assessing Binational Civil Society Coalitions" (paper presented at conference on Dilemmas of Change in Mexican Politics, University of California, San Diego, 8-9 October 1999).
60. Quoted in Abby Scher, "Scofflaw Star: Avondale," Dollars and Sense (September/October 1999): 31.
61. On the janitors, see Kelley, "Building Bridges," 52-53. For the argument that labor should turn to social movement tactics, see Stephen Lerner, "Reviving Unions: A Call for Direct Action," Boston Review 21 (1996).
62. On the janitors, see Kelley, "Building Bridges," 52-53. For the argument that labor should turn to social movement tactics, see Stephen Lerner, "Reviving Unions: A Call for Direct Action," Boston Review 21 (1996).
63. In fact, during the campaign against Jessica McClintock on behalf of Southern Californian garment workers, McClintock Inc. filed charges against the lead organization in the campaign, Asian Immigrant Women Advocates (AIWA), with the claim that AIWA was a de facto labor union. See Randy Shaw, Reclaiming America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 107.
64. Anderson and Cavanagh with Lee, "We Can Fight," 25.
65. See Shaw, Reclaiming, 91.
66. http://www.wslc.org/reports/latest.htm.
67. For a seasoned discussion of the mixed possibilities this represents, see Leo Panitch, "The State in a Changing World: Social Democratizing Global Capitalism," Monthly Review 50, no. 5 (1998): 11-22.
68. See Howard Wachtel, "Labor's Stake in the WTO," American Prospect 37 (1998): 34-39.