The crime of the century? The case for the Holocaust

Crime, Law and Social Change

Volumn 34, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 21-41

  Friedrichs, David O ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SCRANTON   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0034368647     PISSN: 09254994     EISSN: 15730751     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1008322402290     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. Geis, Gilbert and Leigh B. Bienen, Crimes of the Century: From Leopold and Loeb to O.J. Simpson (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998). Geis and Bienen's cases involve one or more of the following elements: celebrity, wealth, an element of mystery, a denial of guilt, and blatant injustice.
2. The term "the Holocaust" here refers to the systematic extermination of millions of people by the Nazis during the early 1930s, with Jews as the principal victims. The term "holocaust" has been applied to other genocides and events - somewhat controversially - and some Jews prefer the term "the Shoah" for the Nazi war against the Jews.
3. Alain Finkielkraut, Remembering in Vain: The Klaus Barbie Trial and Crimes Against Humanity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992).
4. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide - Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
5. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide - Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
6. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide - Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
7. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide - Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
8. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide - Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
9. Sources on the "uniqueness" question include Avishai Margalit and Gabriel Motzkin, "The Uniqueness of the Holocaust," Philosophy and Public Affairs 1996 (25), 65-85: Allan S. Rosenbaum (ed.), Is the Holocaust Unique? Perspectives on Comparative Genocides (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996); Gavriel D. Rosenfeld, "The Politics of Uniqueness: Reflections on the Recent Polemical Turn in Holocaust and Genocide Scholarship," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1999 (13), 28-61. An especially concise rendition of the uniqueness claim has been formulated by Eberhard Jaeckel: "The Nazi extermination of the Jews was unique because never before had a state, under the responsible authority of its leader, decided and announced that a specific group of human beings, including the old, the women, the children, and the infants, would be killed to the very last one, and implemented this decision with all the means at its disposal." (Eberhard Jaeckel, quoted in Inga Clendinnen, Reading the Holocaust (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999). On the other hand a claim to fundamental uniqueness has been challenged on a number of grounds (For example, see David E. Stannard, "Uniqueness as Denial: The Politics of Genocide Scholarship," in Rosenbaum, op. cit., 163-208, and Samuel Totten, William S. Parsons and Israel W. Charny, editors, Century of Genocide -Eyewitness Accounts and Critical Views (New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1997).
10. See Stannard, op. cit.
11. For example, see Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986) and Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts - Mao's Secret Famine (New York: The Free Press, 1997). According to one source, as many as 70 million people died as a consequence of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Roy Baumeister, Evil - Inside Human Cruelty and Violence (New York: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1997).).
12. For example, see Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986) and Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts - Mao's Secret Famine (New York: The Free Press, 1997). According to one source, as many as 70 million people died as a consequence of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Roy Baumeister, Evil - Inside Human Cruelty and Violence (New York: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1997).).
13. For example, see Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror-Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986) and Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts - Mao's Secret Famine (New York: The Free Press, 1997). According to one source, as many as 70 million people died as a consequence of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Roy Baumeister, Evil - Inside Human Cruelty and Violence (New York: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1997).).
14. In her study of events in 1937 Iris Chang observes that "The torture that the Japanese inflicted upon the native population at Nanking almost surpasses the limits of human comprehension." It included live burials, disembowelments, nailing of prisoners to wooden boards and running over them, gouging out of eyes, hacking off of noses and ears, mass incineration, intentionally freezing people to death, burying victims to their waists and then allowing dogs to rip them apart, saturating victims in acid, impaling babies on bayonets, and hanging people by their tongues; in addition, as many as 80,000 women were brutally raped. Iris Chang, The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II (New York: Penguin Books, 1997). And Ervin Staub makes this observation: ". . . extreme evil defies comparisons of magnitude. What is the degree of evil in the act of torturers who insert a tube into a man's anus or a woman's vagina and seal into it a rat, which then tries to get out by gnawing its way through the victim's body? This method of torture was used in Argentina." Ervin Staub, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Forms of Group Violence (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989). The military in the "dirty war" in Argentina also allegedly tortured children in front of their parents (Clendinnen, op. cit., 14).
15. In her study of events in 1937 Iris Chang observes that "The torture that the Japanese inflicted upon the native population at Nanking almost surpasses the limits of human comprehension." It included live burials, disembowelments, nailing of prisoners to wooden boards and running over them, gouging out of eyes, hacking off of noses and ears, mass incineration, intentionally freezing people to death, burying victims to their waists and then allowing dogs to rip them apart, saturating victims in acid, impaling babies on bayonets, and hanging people by their tongues; in addition, as many as 80,000 women were brutally raped. Iris Chang, The Rape of Nanking: The Forgotten Holocaust of World War II (New York: Penguin Books, 1997). And Ervin Staub makes this observation: ". . . extreme evil defies comparisons of magnitude. What is the degree of evil in the act of torturers who insert a tube into a man's anus or a woman's vagina and seal into it a rat, which then tries to get out by gnawing its way through the victim's body? This method of torture was used in Argentina." Ervin Staub, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Forms of Group Violence (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989). The military in the "dirty war" in Argentina also allegedly tortured children in front of their parents (Clendinnen, op. cit., 14).
16. An impression of the extraordinary scope of the literature on the Holocaust can be obtained by consulting the journal Holocaust and Genocide Studies, as well as Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck (eds), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Re-Examined (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998), and Michael Dobkowski, "The Holocaust," in M.N. Dobkowski and Isidor Walliman (eds), Genocide in Our Time: An Annotated Bibliography with Analytical Introductions (Ann Arbor, MI: Pierian Press, 1992).
17. An impression of the extraordinary scope of the literature on the Holocaust can be obtained by consulting the journal Holocaust and Genocide Studies, as well as Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck (eds), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Re-Examined (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998), and Michael Dobkowski, "The Holocaust," in M.N. Dobkowski and Isidor Walliman (eds), Genocide in Our Time: An Annotated Bibliography with Analytical Introductions (Ann Arbor, MI: Pierian Press, 1992).
18. An impression of the extraordinary scope of the literature on the Holocaust can be obtained by consulting the journal Holocaust and Genocide Studies, as well as Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J. Peck (eds), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Re-Examined (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1998), and Michael Dobkowski, "The Holocaust," in M.N. Dobkowski and Isidor Walliman (eds), Genocide in Our Time: An Annotated Bibliography with Analytical Introductions (Ann Arbor, MI: Pierian Press, 1992).
19. Raphael Lemkin, Axis Rule in Occupied Europe (New York: Columbia University Press, 1944).
20. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
21. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
22. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
23. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
24. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
25. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
26. Much debate has surrounded the question of how to best define genocide, then, and I will not here attempt to engage with this debate other than to adopt the position that it is probably now futile to insist on a single correci usage of the term. Rather, those who invoke the term genocide in a particular context should then clarify which usage of the term they are adopting. For some noteworthy contributions to the definitional debate see Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide," Policy Studies Review 1985 (4), 397-406; Frank Chalk, "Definitions of Genocide and their Implications for Prediction and Prevention," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1989 (4), 149-160; Israel W. Charny (ed.), The Widening Circle of Genocide (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Irving Louis Horowitz, Taking Lives: Genocide and State Power, Fourth edition (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1997). For an especially provocative contribution to this discussion see Ward Churchill, A Little Matter of Genocide: Holocaust and Denial in the Americas, 1492 to the Present (San Francisco: City Lights, 1997). We also have the introduction of some related terms - such as politicide and democide - into the literature (e.g., see Barbara Harff, "Recognizing Genocides and Politicides," in Helen Fein (ed.), Genocide Watch (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992), and R.J. Rummel, Democide: Nazi Genocide and Mass Murder (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1992).
27. See Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) for a historical survey of genocide and discussion of the definitional issue. See also Kurt Jonassohn with Karin Solveig Bjornson, Genocide and Gross Human Rights Violations in Comparative Perspective (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998).
28. See Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) for a historical survey of genocide and discussion of the definitional issue. See also Kurt Jonassohn with Karin Solveig Bjornson, Genocide and Gross Human Rights Violations in Comparative Perspective (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998).
29. For just one representative source on the interdisciplinary literature on the Holocaust see Saul S. Friedman, Holocaust Literature - A Handbook of Critical, Historical and Literary Writings (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1993).
30. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
31. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
32. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
33. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in-Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
34. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
35. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
36. This relative neglect has been noted by William S. Laufer, "The Forgotten Criminology of Genocide," in William S. Laufer and Freda Adler (eds.), The Criminology of Criminal Law (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publications, 1999), and has been documented by George S. Yacoubian, Jr., "Underestimating the Magnitude of International Crime: Implications of Genocidal Behavior for the Discipline of Criminology," Injustice Studies November, 1997 (1:1) (http://wolf.its.ilstud.edu/injstice/yacoubiandoc.htm). A few exceptions to the proposition that criminologists have largely ignored the Holocaust include: Alexander Alaverez, "Adjusting to Genocide: The Techniques of Neutralization and the Holocaust," Social Science History 1997 (21), 139-178; Alexander Alvarez, "States of Destruction: Government, Genocide, and the Criminological Imagination," A Work-in- Progress; Augustine Brannigan, "Criminology and the Holocaust: Xenophobia, Evolution, and Genocide," Crime & Delinquency 1998 (4), 257-276; L. Edward Day and Margaret Vandiver, "What Do We Know About Genocide and Mass Killing: Testing Theories Against Current Examples," A Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology, San Diego, November, 1997. Brannigan applies principles of evolutionary psychology to an understanding of the Holocaust as a manifestation of xenophobia, with this approach generating a theory of genocide. Alvarez specifically applies the criminological theory of neutralization, developed by Sykes and Matza, to explain the kinds of genocidal crime exemplified by the Holocaust, and in his larger work is attempting to develop a comparative understanding of the Holocaust, with some attention to the criminological contribution. Day and Vandiver explore the relevance of theories developed by Bauman, Goldhagen, Kelman and Rummel to an understanding of genocide, with some special attention to the relevance of specifically criminological ideas for these theoretical approaches. The distinguished criminologist Gilbert Geis has explored comparisons between medieval persecution of witches, especially in Germany, and the Holocaust, and has looked at links between Germany's traditional xenophobia and current immigration policies in that country (Gilbert Geis, "Is Germany's Xenophobia Qualititatively Different from Everybody Else's?" Crime, Law and Social Change 1995 (24), 65-75).
37. Some exceptions to this proposition are identified in the previous note. In a companion piece to the present paper I have explored parallel issues in the neglect of crime in high places, and specifically presidential crime (see David O. Friedrichs, "Crime in High Places: A Criminological Perspective on the Clinton Case," in Jeffery Ulmer (ed.), Sociology of Crime, Law, and Deviance (Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, forthcoming).
38. Edwin H. Sutherland, "White-Collar Criminality," American Sociological Review 1940 (5), 1-12. For one fairly recent review of the white collar crime literature see David O. Friedrichs, Trusted Criminals: White Collar Crime in Contemporary Society (Belmont, CA: ITP/Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1996).
39. Edwin H. Sutherland, "White-Collar Criminality," American Sociological Review 1940 (5), 1-12. For one fairly recent review of the white collar crime literature see David O. Friedrichs, Trusted Criminals: White Collar Crime in Contemporary Society (Belmont, CA: ITP/Wadsworth Publishing Co., 1996).
40. Edwin H. Sutherland, White Collar Crime (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1949).
41. In my white collar crime text I discuss genocide as a form of governmental crime (more narrowly, of state crime), which in turn is treated as having a cognate relationship to white collar crime (see Friedrichs, op. cit.). Gary Green classifies genocide as a form of "state authority occupational crime" (Gary S. Green, Occupational Crime, 2nd edition (Chicago, IL: Nelson-Hall, 1997)).
42. David O. Friedrichs, "Governmental Crime, Hitler and White Collar Crime: A Problematic Relationship," Caribbean Journal of Criminology and Social Psychology 1996 (2), 44-63.
43. For one discussion of the interrelation of crime and the political see Stanley Cohen, "Crime and Politics: Spot the Difference," British Journal of Sociology 1996 (47), 1-21.
44. Frank E. Hagan, Political Crime: Ideology and Criminality (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1997).
45. Richard Harding, "Nuclear Energy and the Destiny of Mankind - Some Criminological Perspectives," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1983 (16): 81-92; William J. Chambliss, "State-organized Crime," Criminology 1989 (27), 183-208; Stanley Cohen, "Human Rights and Crimes of the State: The Culture of Denial," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1993 (26), 97-115.
46. Richard Harding, "Nuclear Energy and the Destiny of Mankind - Some Criminological Perspectives," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1983 (16): 81-92; William J. Chambliss, "State-organized Crime," Criminology 1989 (27), 183-208; Stanley Cohen, "Human Rights and Crimes of the State: The Culture of Denial," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1993 (26), 97-115.
47. Richard Harding, "Nuclear Energy and the Destiny of Mankind - Some Criminological Perspectives," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1983 (16): 81-92; William J. Chambliss, "State-organized Crime," Criminology 1989 (27), 183-208; Stanley Cohen, "Human Rights and Crimes of the State: The Culture of Denial," Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology 1993 (26), 97-115.
48. E.g., see Gregg Barak, ed., Crimes by the Capitalist State, 1991 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Controlling State Crime (New York: Garland Press, 1995); David O. Friedrichs, ed., State Crime, Volumes I & II (Aldershot, UK: Dartmouth/Ashgate, 1998); David Kauzlarich and Ronald C. Kramer, Crimes of the American Nuclear State (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Varieties of State Crime and Its Control (Monsey, NY: Criminal Jutice Press, forthcoming).
49. E.g., see Gregg Barak, ed., Crimes by the Capitalist State, 1991 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Controlling State Crime (New York: Garland Press, 1995); David O. Friedrichs, ed., State Crime, Volumes I & II (Aldershot, UK: Dartmouth/Ashgate, 1998); David Kauzlarich and Ronald C. Kramer, Crimes of the American Nuclear State (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Varieties of State Crime and Its Control (Monsey, NY: Criminal Jutice Press, forthcoming).
50. E.g., see Gregg Barak, ed., Crimes by the Capitalist State, 1991 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Controlling State Crime (New York: Garland Press, 1995); David O. Friedrichs, ed., State Crime, Volumes I & II (Aldershot, UK: Dartmouth/Ashgate, 1998); David Kauzlarich and Ronald C. Kramer, Crimes of the American Nuclear State (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Varieties of State Crime and Its Control (Monsey, NY: Criminal Jutice Press, forthcoming).
51. E.g., see Gregg Barak, ed., Crimes by the Capitalist State, 1991 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Controlling State Crime (New York: Garland Press, 1995); David O. Friedrichs, ed., State Crime, Volumes I & II (Aldershot, UK: Dartmouth/Ashgate, 1998); David Kauzlarich and Ronald C. Kramer, Crimes of the American Nuclear State (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Varieties of State Crime and Its Control (Monsey, NY: Criminal Jutice Press, forthcoming).
52. E.g., see Gregg Barak, ed., Crimes by the Capitalist State, 1991 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Controlling State Crime (New York: Garland Press, 1995); David O. Friedrichs, ed., State Crime, Volumes I & II (Aldershot, UK: Dartmouth/Ashgate, 1998); David Kauzlarich and Ronald C. Kramer, Crimes of the American Nuclear State (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998); Jeffrey Ian Ross, ed., Varieties of State Crime and Its Control (Monsey, NY: Criminal Jutice Press, forthcoming).
53. Jeffrey Ian Ross, "Situating the Academic Study of Controlling State Crime," Crime, Law & Social Change 1998 (29), 331-340; see also, J.I. Ross, G. Barak, J. Ferrell, D. Kauzlarich, M. Hamm, D. Friedrichs, R. Matthews, S. Pickering, M. Presdee, P. Kraska and V. Kappeler, "The State of State Crime Research: A Commentary," Humanity & Society 1999 (23), 273-281.
54. Jeffrey Ian Ross, "Situating the Academic Study of Controlling State Crime," Crime, Law & Social Change 1998 (29), 331-340; see also, J.I. Ross, G. Barak, J. Ferrell, D. Kauzlarich, M. Hamm, D. Friedrichs, R. Matthews, S. Pickering, M. Presdee, P. Kraska and V. Kappeler, "The State of State Crime Research: A Commentary," Humanity & Society 1999 (23), 273-281.
55. See Alvarez, work-in-progress, op. cit.
56. Gabriel Schoenfeld, "Auschwitz and the Professors," Commentary 1998 (June), 42-46.
57. Alvin H. Rosenfeld, "The Americanization of the Holocaust," Commentary 1995 (June), 35-40.
58. See Lawrence Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York, Oxford University Press, 1995).
59. Elie Wiesel, One Generation After (New York: Avon, 1970).
60. The fact that Himmler was concerned with maintaining the secrecy of the extermination enterprise suggests at least an awareness that in terms of conventional morality it would never be viewed as justifiable (Saul Friedlander, "The 'Final Solution': On the Unease in Historical Interpretation," in Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust in a Changing World (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991).
61. John Lukacs, The Hitler of History (New York: Knopf, 1997).
62. Richard Breitman, The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution (Hannover, NH: University Press of New England, 1992). Clendinnen, op. cit., 91, points out the bizarre incongruities in Himmler's apparent outlook, when he commends the SS killers for their "decency" but condemns the immorality of stealing a watch.
63. Richard Breitman, The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution (Hannover, NH: University Press of New England, 1992). Clendinnen, op. cit., 91, points out the bizarre incongruities in Himmler's apparent outlook, when he commends the SS killers for their "decency" but condemns the immorality of stealing a watch.
64. Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem - A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: The Viking Press, 1963).
65. The question of just who should be included among the perpetrators is somewhat complicated (Clendinnen, op. cit., 62). For example, by some criteria the "Sonderkommando" - principally Jewish men who participated in the extermination process but were largely fated for extermination themselves - were perpetrators, but by other criteria they were obviously victims.
66. Christopher R. Browning, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
67. Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1992); Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1996).
68. Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1992); Daniel Jonah Goldhagen, Hitler's Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1996).
69. Norman G. Finkelstein and Ruth Bettina Birn, A Nation on Trial - The Goldhagen Thesis and the Historical Truth (New York: Henry Holt, 1998); Franklin H. Littell, Hyping the Holocaust - Scholars Answer Goldhagen (East Rockaway, NY: Cummings and Hathaway, 1997); Robert R. Shandley, Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
70. Norman G. Finkelstein and Ruth Bettina Birn, A Nation on Trial - The Goldhagen Thesis and the Historical Truth (New York: Henry Holt, 1998); Franklin H. Littell, Hyping the Holocaust - Scholars Answer Goldhagen (East Rockaway, NY: Cummings and Hathaway, 1997); Robert R. Shandley, Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
71. Norman G. Finkelstein and Ruth Bettina Birn, A Nation on Trial - The Goldhagen Thesis and the Historical Truth (New York: Henry Holt, 1998); Franklin H. Littell, Hyping the Holocaust - Scholars Answer Goldhagen (East Rockaway, NY: Cummings and Hathaway, 1997); Robert R. Shandley, Unwilling Germans? The Goldhagen Debate (Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
72. As Clendinnen, op. cit., 118, notes, Goldhagen is not really curious about the "Order Police" because he already knows why they did what they did.
73. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this
74. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this basis the argument could be made that he is not a proper subject for criminological concern. However, McNamara was very directly involved in the decision-making process leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese lives (as well as some 58,000 American lives). In his published account of the Vietnam war McNamara famously conceded that "We were wrong, terribly wrong."(Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Times Books, 1995)). Much evidence indicates that McNamara's intentions were hardly genocidal and that McNamara endured from at least 1966 on much anguish over the Vietnam issue. But he did not speak out against American military involvement while he was Secretary of Defense (through 1968) when it might have made a difference. His rationale for having failed to do so is that it would have been improper and disloyal for him to challenge the President under whom he served. Consequently McNamara may be held to have complicity in the unnecessary loss of many lives.
75. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this basis the argument could be made that he is not a proper subject for criminological concern. However, McNamara was very directly involved in the decision-making process leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese lives (as well as some 58,000 American lives). In his published account of the Vietnam war McNamara famously conceded that "We were wrong, terribly wrong."(Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Times Books, 1995)). Much evidence indicates that McNamara's intentions were hardly genocidal and that McNamara endured from at least 1966 on much anguish over the Vietnam issue. But he did not speak out against American military involvement while he was Secretary of Defense (through 1968) when it might have made a difference. His rationale for having failed to do so is that it would have been improper and disloyal for him to challenge the President under whom he served. Consequently McNamara may be held to have complicity in the unnecessary loss of many lives.
76. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this basis the argument could be made that he is not a proper subject for criminological concern. However, McNamara was very directly involved in the decision-making process leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese lives (as well as some 58,000 American lives). In his published account of the Vietnam war McNamara famously conceded that "We were wrong, terribly wrong."(Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Times Books, 1995)). Much evidence indicates that McNamara's intentions were hardly genocidal and that McNamara endured from at least 1966 on much anguish over the Vietnam issue. But he did not speak out against American military involvement while he was Secretary of Defense (through 1968) when it might have made a difference. His rationale for having failed to do so is that it would have been improper and disloyal for him to challenge the President under whom he served. Consequently McNamara may be held to have complicity in the unnecessary loss of many lives.
77. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this basis the argument could be made that he is not a proper subject for criminological concern. However, McNamara was very directly involved in the decision-making process leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese lives (as well as some 58,000 American lives). In his published account of the Vietnam war McNamara famously conceded that "We were wrong, terribly wrong."(Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Times Books, 1995)). Much evidence indicates that McNamara's intentions were hardly genocidal and that McNamara endured from at least 1966 on much anguish over the Vietnam issue. But he did not speak out against American military involvement while he was Secretary of Defense (through 1968) when it might have made a difference. His rationale for having failed to do so is that it would have been improper and disloyal for him to challenge the President under whom he served. Consequently McNamara may be held to have complicity in the unnecessary loss of many lives.
78. See Joachim C. Fest, The Faces of the Third Reich (New York: Ace, 1970), and Dan van der Vat, The Good Nazi: The Life and Lies of Albert Speer (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1997). Robert McNamara, Secretary of Defense under Kennedy and Johnson and a prime architect of the American involvement in the Vietnam War, also fits this profile (For a powerful analysis on this theme see Paul Hendrickson, The Living and the Dead: Robert MacNamara and Five Lives of a Lost War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1996)). Obviously any attempt to characterize American actions in Vietnam in genocidal terms is controversial. However, at least some observers have characterized it this way. The International Tribunal conducted by Bertrand Russell and Jean-Paul Sartre specifically characterized American involvement in Vietnam as genocidal (e.g., see Jean-Paul Sartre, On Genocide (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968); see also Telford Taylor, Nuremberg and Vietnam: An American Tragedy New York: Bantam, 1970)). Robert McNamara was never formally charged with or tried for any form of criminal wrong-doing. On this basis the argument could be made that he is not a proper subject for criminological concern. However, McNamara was very directly involved in the decision-making process leading to the loss of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese lives (as well as some 58,000 American lives). In his published account of the Vietnam war McNamara famously conceded that "We were wrong, terribly wrong."(Robert S. McNamara, In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam (New York: Times Books, 1995)). Much evidence indicates that McNamara's intentions were hardly genocidal and that McNamara endured from at least 1966 on much anguish over the Vietnam issue. But he did not speak out against American military involvement while he was Secretary of Defense (through 1968) when it might have made a difference. His rationale for having failed to do so is that it would have been improper and disloyal for him to challenge the President under whom he served. Consequently McNamara may be held to have complicity in the unnecessary loss of many lives.
79. Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1970); Albert Speer, Spandau - The Secret Diaries (London: Collins, 1976).
80. Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1970); Albert Speer, Spandau - The Secret Diaries (London: Collins, 1976).
81. Gitta Sereny, Albert Speer - His Battle with Truth (London: MacMillan, 1995).
82. Van der Vat, op. cit.
83. Fest, op. cit., 411.
84. Wolfgang Sofsky, The Order of Terror: The Concentration Camp (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996).
85. On various aspects of this conflict see: Geoffrey H. Hartman, The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996); Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking About the Holocaust: After Half a Century (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997); Alan Rosenberg and Gerald E. Myers (eds), Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections from a Dark Time (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988).
86. On various aspects of this conflict see: Geoffrey H. Hartman, The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996); Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking About the Holocaust: After Half a Century (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997); Alan Rosenberg and Gerald E. Myers (eds), Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections from a Dark Time (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988).
87. On various aspects of this conflict see: Geoffrey H. Hartman, The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996); Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking About the Holocaust: After Half a Century (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997); Alan Rosenberg and Gerald E. Myers (eds), Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections from a Dark Time (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988).
88. On various aspects of this conflict see: Geoffrey H. Hartman, The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996); Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking About the Holocaust: After Half a Century (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997); Alan Rosenberg and Gerald E. Myers (eds), Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections from a Dark Time (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988).
89. On various aspects of this conflict see: Geoffrey H. Hartman, The Longest Shadow: In the Aftermath of the Holocaust (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1996); Peter Hayes (ed.), Lessons and Legacies: The Meaning of the Holocaust (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1991); Lawrence L. Langer, Admitting the Holocaust: Collected Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Alvin H. Rosenfeld (ed.), Thinking About the Holocaust: After Half a Century (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1997); Alan Rosenberg and Gerald E. Myers (eds), Echoes from the Holocaust: Philosophical Reflections from a Dark Time (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1988).
90. See Browning, op. cit., 1992.
91. William Brustein, The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). For other sources on support for the Hitler and the Nazis see: Conan Fischer, The Rise of the Nazis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1995); Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Detlef Muhlberger, Hitler's Followers: Studies on the Sociology of the Nazi Movement (London: Routledge, 1990).
92. William Brustein, The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). For other sources on support for the Hitler and the Nazis see: Conan Fischer, The Rise of the Nazis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1995); Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Detlef Muhlberger, Hitler's Followers: Studies on the Sociology of the Nazi Movement (London: Routledge, 1990).
93. William Brustein, The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). For other sources on support for the Hitler and the Nazis see: Conan Fischer, The Rise of the Nazis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1995); Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Detlef Muhlberger, Hitler's Followers: Studies on the Sociology of the Nazi Movement (London: Routledge, 1990).
94. William Brustein, The Logic of Evil: The Social Origins of the Nazi Party, 1925-1933 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996). For other sources on support for the Hitler and the Nazis see: Conan Fischer, The Rise of the Nazis (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 1995); Richard F. Hamilton, Who Voted for Hitler? (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982); Detlef Muhlberger, Hitler's Followers: Studies on the Sociology of the Nazi Movement (London: Routledge, 1990).
95. Lukacs, op. cit.
96. Robert N. Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1999).
97. Walter Ott and Ranziska Buob, "Did Legal Positivism Render German Jurists Defenseless During the Third Reich?", Social and Legal Studies 1993 (2), 91-104.
98. Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide - From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1995).
99. David Fraser, "Law before Auschwitz: Aryan and Jew in the Nazi Rechtsstaat," in P. Cheah, David Fraser and Judith Grbich, Thinking Through the Body of Law (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Matthew Lippman, "They Shoot Lawyers Don't They?: Law in the Third Reich and the Global Threat to the Independence of the Judiciary," California Western International Law Journal 1993 (23), 257-318; Richard Lawrence Miller, Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995); Ingo Muller, Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michael Stolleis, The Law Under the Swastika (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
100. David Fraser, "Law before Auschwitz: Aryan and Jew in the Nazi Rechtsstaat," in P. Cheah, David Fraser and Judith Grbich, Thinking Through the Body of Law (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Matthew Lippman, "They Shoot Lawyers Don't They?: Law in the Third Reich and the Global Threat to the Independence of the Judiciary," California Western International Law Journal 1993 (23), 257-318; Richard Lawrence Miller, Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995); Ingo Muller, Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michael Stolleis, The Law Under the Swastika (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
101. David Fraser, "Law before Auschwitz: Aryan and Jew in the Nazi Rechtsstaat," in P. Cheah, David Fraser and Judith Grbich, Thinking Through the Body of Law (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Matthew Lippman, "They Shoot Lawyers Don't They?: Law in the Third Reich and the Global Threat to the Independence of the Judiciary," California Western International Law Journal 1993 (23), 257-318; Richard Lawrence Miller, Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995); Ingo Muller, Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michael Stolleis, The Law Under the Swastika (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
102. David Fraser, "Law before Auschwitz: Aryan and Jew in the Nazi Rechtsstaat," in P. Cheah, David Fraser and Judith Grbich, Thinking Through the Body of Law (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Matthew Lippman, "They Shoot Lawyers Don't They?: Law in the Third Reich and the Global Threat to the Independence of the Judiciary," California Western International Law Journal 1993 (23), 257-318; Richard Lawrence Miller, Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995); Ingo Muller, Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michael Stolleis, The Law Under the Swastika (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
103. David Fraser, "Law before Auschwitz: Aryan and Jew in the Nazi Rechtsstaat," in P. Cheah, David Fraser and Judith Grbich, Thinking Through the Body of Law (New York: New York University Press, 1996); Matthew Lippman, "They Shoot Lawyers Don't They?: Law in the Third Reich and the Global Threat to the Independence of the Judiciary," California Western International Law Journal 1993 (23), 257-318; Richard Lawrence Miller, Nazi Justiz: Law of the Holocaust (Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers, 1995); Ingo Muller, Hitler's Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991); Michael Stolleis, The Law Under the Swastika (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
104. The literature on the Nuremberg trials, as well as subsequent trials of Nazis, is very large. A highly selective introduction to this literature could include: M. Cherif Bassiouni, "International Law and the Holocaust," California Western International Law Journal 1979 (9), 202-298; Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983); David A. Hackett, Elusive Justice: War Crimes and the Buchenwald Trials (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Telford Taylor, The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials (New York: Knopf, 1992); Robert Wolfe, "Flaws in the Nuremberg Legacy: An Impediment to International War Crimes Tribunals' Prosecution of Crimes Against Humanity," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1998 (12), 434-453.
105. The literature on the Nuremberg trials, as well as subsequent trials of Nazis, is very large. A highly selective introduction to this literature could include: M. Cherif Bassiouni, "International Law and the Holocaust," California Western International Law Journal 1979 (9), 202-298; Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983); David A. Hackett, Elusive Justice: War Crimes and the Buchenwald Trials (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Telford Taylor, The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials (New York: Knopf, 1992); Robert Wolfe, "Flaws in the Nuremberg Legacy: An Impediment to International War Crimes Tribunals' Prosecution of Crimes Against Humanity," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1998 (12), 434-453.
106. The literature on the Nuremberg trials, as well as subsequent trials of Nazis, is very large. A highly selective introduction to this literature could include: M. Cherif Bassiouni, "International Law and the Holocaust," California Western International Law Journal 1979 (9), 202-298; Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983); David A. Hackett, Elusive Justice: War Crimes and the Buchenwald Trials (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Telford Taylor, The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials (New York: Knopf, 1992); Robert Wolfe, "Flaws in the Nuremberg Legacy: An Impediment to International War Crimes Tribunals' Prosecution of Crimes Against Humanity," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1998 (12), 434-453.
107. The literature on the Nuremberg trials, as well as subsequent trials of Nazis, is very large. A highly selective introduction to this literature could include: M. Cherif Bassiouni, "International Law and the Holocaust," California Western International Law Journal 1979 (9), 202-298; Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983); David A. Hackett, Elusive Justice: War Crimes and the Buchenwald Trials (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Telford Taylor, The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials (New York: Knopf, 1992); Robert Wolfe, "Flaws in the Nuremberg Legacy: An Impediment to International War Crimes Tribunals' Prosecution of Crimes Against Humanity," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1998 (12), 434-453.
108. The literature on the Nuremberg trials, as well as subsequent trials of Nazis, is very large. A highly selective introduction to this literature could include: M. Cherif Bassiouni, "International Law and the Holocaust," California Western International Law Journal 1979 (9), 202-298; Robert E. Conot, Justice at Nuremberg (New York: Harper & Row, 1983); David A. Hackett, Elusive Justice: War Crimes and the Buchenwald Trials (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1998); Telford Taylor, The Anatomy of the Nuremberg Trials (New York: Knopf, 1992); Robert Wolfe, "Flaws in the Nuremberg Legacy: An Impediment to International War Crimes Tribunals' Prosecution of Crimes Against Humanity," Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1998 (12), 434-453.
109. Gregg Barak, Integrating Criminologies (Boston: Allyn & Bacon, 1998).
110. Diane Vaughan, "Boundary Work: Levels of Analysis, the Macro-Micro Link, and the Social Control of Organizations," in Patricia Ewick, Robert A. Kagan and Austin Sarat (eds), Social Science, Social Policy, and the Law (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1999).
111. See Friedrichs, forthcoming, op. cit., for a parallel characterization of an integrative criminological approach to crime in high places.
112. Harding, op. cit. Kauzlarich and Kramer, op. cit., is one important exception to this proposition.