The Turkish-Israeli rapprochement in the post-Cold War era

Middle Eastern Studies

Volumn 36, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 172-191

  Altunisik, Meliha ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

GEOPOLITICS; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS; POST-COLD WAR;

ISRAEL; TURKEY;

EID: 0034115014     PISSN: 00263206     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00263200008701313     Document Type: Article

References (61)

1. Most vocal critics of the Turkish-Israeli relations have been Syria and Iran. The Iraqi regime has also been highly critical, but, being aware of its vulnerability, voiced its criticism less frequently. Egypt's attitude, on the other hand, has been the most curious one and has ranged from understanding to harsh condemnation. This seemed to originate out of the difficult position the Egyptian government finds itself in its quest for regional leadership, by trying to maintain ties with both the pro-Western states and others in the region
2. See, for instance, D. Sezer, 'Turkey's Grand Strategy Facing a Dilemma', International Spectator, Vol.27, No. 1 (January-March 1992).
3. M.B. Aykan, 'The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s', International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.25, No.1 (1993), p.103; A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu, 'Turkey's Discreet Foreign Policy Between Western Europe and the Middle East', in A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu and S. Taşhan (eds.), Middle East, Turkey and the Atlantic Alliance (Ankara, 1987); H. Yavuz, 'Turkey's Relations with Israel', Foreign Policy (Ankara), Vol.5, No.3-4 (1990), pp.48-50.
4. M.B. Aykan, 'The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s', International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.25, No.1 (1993), p.103; A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu, 'Turkey's Discreet Foreign Policy Between Western Europe and the Middle East', in A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu and S. Taşhan (eds.), Middle East, Turkey and the Atlantic Alliance (Ankara, 1987); H. Yavuz, 'Turkey's Relations with Israel', Foreign Policy (Ankara), Vol.5, No.3-4 (1990), pp.48-50.
5. M.B. Aykan, 'The Palestinian Question in Turkish Foreign Policy from the 1950s to the 1990s', International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.25, No.1 (1993), p.103; A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu, 'Turkey's Discreet Foreign Policy Between Western Europe and the Middle East', in A.L. Karaosmanoǧlu and S. Taşhan (eds.), Middle East, Turkey and the Atlantic Alliance (Ankara, 1987); H. Yavuz, 'Turkey's Relations with Israel', Foreign Policy (Ankara), Vol.5, No.3-4 (1990), pp.48-50.
6. See for instance, Hasan Cemal, 'Ortadoǧu'da Türkiye...' (Turkey in the Middle East), Sabah, 5 Dec. 1997.
7. For an analysis of Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East in the 1960s and 1970s see O. Kürkcüoǧlu, Turkiye'nin Arap Orta Doǧusuna Karşi Politikasi (Ankara, 1973)
8. Before the oil crisis of 1973-74, Turkey's economic ties with the Arab world were negligible. Turkey's export to the Middle East was only 6 per cent in the 1960s and 7 per cent in the early 1970s. E. Manisali, Foreign Economic Relations of Turkey: A General Appraisal of Turkey's Economic Relations (Istanbul, 1979), pp.7-8.
9. Between 1973 and 1985 the total value of Turkish contracts for work undertaken in Saudi Arabia, Libya and Iraq totaled 14.5 billion dollars. F. Chalabi, 'Prospects for Arab-Turkish Economic Cooperation', paper presented at the Arab-Turkish Seminar, Amman, 18-19 March 1996, p.2.
10. On the issue of water between Turkey and its two neighbours, namely Iraq and Syria, see, for instance, A.İ. Baǧiş, 'Turkey's Hydropolitics of the Euphrates-Tigris Basin', Water Resources Development, Vol.13, No.4 (1997), pp.567-81; S. Bölükbaşi, 'Turkey Challenges Iraq and Syria: The Euphrates Dispute', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. Vol.16, No.4 (1993), pp.9-32; J.F. Kolars and W.A. Mitchell, The Euphrates River and the Southeast Anatolia Development Project (Carbondale, IL, 1991).
11. On the issue of water between Turkey and its two neighbours, namely Iraq and Syria, see, for instance, A.İ. Baǧiş, 'Turkey's Hydropolitics of the Euphrates-Tigris Basin', Water Resources Development, Vol.13, No.4 (1997), pp.567-81; S. Bölükbaşi, 'Turkey Challenges Iraq and Syria: The Euphrates Dispute', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. Vol.16, No.4 (1993), pp.9-32; J.F. Kolars and W.A. Mitchell, The Euphrates River and the Southeast Anatolia Development Project (Carbondale, IL, 1991).
12. On the issue of water between Turkey and its two neighbours, namely Iraq and Syria, see, for instance, A.İ. Baǧiş, 'Turkey's Hydropolitics of the Euphrates-Tigris Basin', Water Resources Development, Vol.13, No.4 (1997), pp.567-81; S. Bölükbaşi, 'Turkey Challenges Iraq and Syria: The Euphrates Dispute', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies. Vol.16, No.4 (1993), pp.9-32; J.F. Kolars and W.A. Mitchell, The Euphrates River and the Southeast Anatolia Development Project (Carbondale, IL, 1991).
13. R. Olson, 'Turkey-Syria Relations since the Gulf War: Kurds and Water', Middle East Policy, Vol.5, No.2 (1997), pp. 169-70.
14. It is claimed that after the signing of the protocol Asad temporarily sent Ocalan to the Beqaa valley in Lebanon. Olson, ibid., p. 170.
15. Middle East International, 23 Oct. 1992, p.3.
16. This visit was later realized in November 1993.
17. Middle East Monitor, Vol.23, No. 1 (1993), p.3.
18. Milliyet, 7 Feb. 1994.
19. Sabah, 7 Feb. 1994.
20. Hürriyet, 27 Jan. 1994.
21. See, for instance, Jerusalem Qol Yisra'el, 5 Nov. 1994, in Foreign Broadcast and Information Services-Near and South East (hereafter FBIS-NES), 7 Nov. 1994, p.36.
22. Jerusalem Qol Yisra'el, 6 Nov. 1994, in FBIS-NES, 7 Nov. 1994, p.36.
23. For a similar view see A. Makovsky, 'Israeli-Turkish Relations: A Turkish "Periphery Strategy"?', in H. Barkey (ed.), The Reluctant Neighbor: Turkey's Role in the Middle East (Washington, DC, 1991), pp.150 and 169.
24. See, for instance, Milliyet and Cumhuriyet, 5 Sept. 1996.
25. Before the Gulf crisis Iraq was Turkey's second largest trading partner. However, due to the embargo the trade between the two countries virtually stopped. In addition, the border trade, which was a source of economic vitality for the impoverished south-eastern part of Turkey, almost disappeared. And, finally, as a result of the closing of the Kerkuk-Yumurtalik pipeline, the Turkish treasury lost an estimated 750,000 US dollars a day in revenue.
26. Under these circumstances Turkey tried to have influence over the developments in northern Iraq by mainly keeping its contacts with all the Kurdish groups there open. However, in recent years Ankara increasingly began to support Massoud Barzani's KDP (Kurdish Democratic Party) when the relations between the two main groups in northern Iraq, namely the KDP and Jalal Talabani's PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan) deteriorated and at times turned into an all out war. Furthermore, also recently a new element has been introduced to Turkish policy in Iraq, i.e. the so-called 'Turcoman card'.
27. FBIS-WEU, 24 June 1996.
28. Hürriyet, 17 Sept. 1995.
29. Hürriyet, 1 Aug. 1996.
30. Appearing in a Turkish TV show, Al-Shara denied that they signed a defense agreement with Greece. But added that the two countries had good relations. Istanbul SHOW Television in Turkish 1930 GMT 2 July 1996, in FBIS-WEU, 3 July 1996, p.38.
31. For Turkish-Iranian relations in the post-revolutionary era, see S. Bölükbaşi, 'Turkey Copes with Revolutionary Iran', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.13, No.1 and 2 (1989); A. Eralp, 'Facing the Challenge', in H. Barkey (ed.), Reluctant Neighbor.
32. For Turkish-Iranian relations in the post-revolutionary era, see S. Bölükbaşi, 'Turkey Copes with Revolutionary Iran', Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies, Vol.13, No.1 and 2 (1989); A. Eralp, 'Facing the Challenge', in H. Barkey (ed.), Reluctant Neighbor.
33. In February 1997 'Jerusalem Day' celebrations were organized by the mayor of Sincan, a suburb of Ankara, who was of the Welfare Party. During these celebrations the Iranian ambassador to Turkey made a speech that called for the adoption of the Sharia in Turkey. Following this event the ambassador was declared persona non grata. Iran responded by expelling the Turkish ambassador.
34. The alignment between Iran and Syria goes back to the beginning of the 1980s. For more on this alliance see A. Ehteshami and R. Hinnebusch, Syria and Iran: Middle Powers in a Penetrated Regional System (London, 1997).
35. NSC is a constitutional advisory body that deals with domestic and foreign issues and composed of top level civilian and military officials.
36. This process was explained by retired ambassador Şükrü Elekdaǧ in his column in a daily newspaper. Milliyet, 12 May 1997.
37. Yeni Yüzyil, 6 Jan. 1998.
38. M.A. Birand, Sabah, 26 May 1997.
39. Hürriyet, 1 July 1996.
40. Hürriyet, 8 May 1996. Erbakan's coming to power and such remarks by him and other Welfare officials were welcomed by the Asad regime. Syrian newspapers quoted president Asad as saying that Erbakan's election 'opens new horizons to establish ties on the bases of mutual trust and common interests.' Olson, op. cit., p.184.
41. Hürriyet, 8 May 1996. Erbakan's coming to power and such remarks by him and other Welfare officials were welcomed by the Asad regime. Syrian newspapers quoted president Asad as saying that Erbakan's election 'opens new horizons to establish ties on the bases of mutual trust and common interests.' Olson, op. cit., p.184.
42. For the argument for continuity see, for instance, Philip Robins, 'Turkish Foreign Policy Under Erbakan', Survival, Vol.39, No.2 (Summer 1997). For discussion specifically on Welfare Party's Middle East policy, see M. Altunisik, Güvenlik Kiskacinda Türkiye-Orta Doǧu İliskileri', in G. Özcan and S. Kut (eds.), Turkiye'nin Ulusal Guvenlik ve Diş Politika Gündeminde Doksanli Yillar; En Uzun On Yil (Istanbul, 1998).
43. For the argument for continuity see, for instance, Philip Robins, 'Turkish Foreign Policy Under Erbakan', Survival, Vol.39, No.2 (Summer 1997). For discussion specifically on Welfare Party's Middle East policy, see M. Altunisik, Güvenlik Kiskacinda Türkiye-Orta Doǧu İliskileri', in G. Özcan and S. Kut (eds.), Turkiye'nin Ulusal Guvenlik ve Diş Politika Gündeminde Doksanli Yillar; En Uzun On Yil (Istanbul, 1998).
44. The leader of the Welfare Party, Erbakan, used to call Operation 'Provide Comfort' the 'Second Sèvres', a reference to the Treaty of Sèvres, which was imposed on the Ottoman Empire after the First World War in 1920, and aimed to bring virtual foreign tutelage over the government and divide up the country into different spheres of influence by the European powers.
45. Cumhuriyet, 2 July 1996.
46. ATV Television, Evening News, 5 May 1997.
47. Yeni Yuzyil, 18 March 1998.
48. A. Esmer, 'Caught in the Middle East Quandary', Turkish Probe, 11 July 1998.
49. Ha'aretz (English Edition), 14 Oct. 1998.
50. The Free Trade Agreement became effective in 1 May 1997. The other agreements that were signed between the two countries were: An Agreement on Commercial, Economic. Technical and Scientific Cooperation, signed in January 1996, became effective in 16 June 1996; An Agreement for the Prevention of Double Taxation signed in March 1996, ratified by the Turkish parliament in February 1998 and expected to enter into force in January 1999; The Agreement for Mutual Encouragement and Protection of Investments entered into force earlier than expected, on 27 August 1998.
51. Lower labour costs in Turkey have the potential to attract some Israeli businesses. For example in the summer of 1998 Rav-Car Industries, a publicly quoted company manufacturing air-conditioning units for cars and trucks, announced its decision to close down its business in Israel and signed an agreement to establish a joint venture plant in Turkey. Ha'aretz (English Edition), 12 June 1998.
52. Later the unofficial text of this agreement have been published first in a weekly, Aksiyon, 18-24 June 1996, and later in a daily, Hürriyet, 14 July 1996.
53. Yeni Yüzyil, 29 Aug. 1996.
54. For instance see Yeni Yüzyil, 2 May 1997.
55. Five Turkish, Israeli and American warships took part, along with naval reconnaissance aircraft and helicopters of the three countries. Washington Post, 7 Jan. 1988.
56. Washington Post, 5 Jan. 1998.
57. Yeni Yüzyil, 4 Sept. 1995.
58. The Middle East Dispatch, Daily News From Israel, Issue 358, 18 May 1997.
59. Ha'aretz (English Edition), 14 July 1998. On Greece's response to Turkish-Israeli relations in general see A. Nachmani, 'The Remarkable Turkish-Israeli Tie', Middle East Quarterly Vol.5, No.2 (1998).
60. Ha'aretz (English Edition), 14 July 1998. On Greece's response to Turkish-Israeli relations in general see A. Nachmani, 'The Remarkable Turkish-Israeli Tie', Middle East Quarterly Vol.5, No.2 (1998).
61. For instance, during his visit to Egypt in June 1998 Ehud Barak, then opposition leader, asked Mubarak to convey to the Syrians that they need not be concerned over the tightening military co-operation between Israel and Turkey. Ha'aretz (English Edition), 16 June 1998.