Reproduction, compositional demography, and economic growth: Family planning in England long before the fertility decline

Population and Development Review

Volumn 26, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 45-80

  Szreter, Simon ^a   Garrett, Eilidh ^b  

^a ST JOHN S COLLEGE   (United Kingdom)

^b Cambridge Group for the History of Population and Social Structure   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION; ECONOMIC GROWTH; FAMILY PLANNING; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; POPULATION FERTILITY;

UNITED KINGDOM;

EID: 0034025315     PISSN: 00987921     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1728-4457.2000.00045.x     Document Type: Article

References (159)

1. D. L. Anderton and L. L. Bean, "Birth spacing and fertility limitation: A behavioral analysis of a nineteenth century frontier population,' Demography 22 (1985): 169-183; P. A. David and T. A. Mroz, 'Evidence of fertility regulation among rural French villagers, 1749-1789," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26; E. M. Garrett, "The trials of labour: Motherhood versus employment in a nineteenth-century textile centre," Continuity and Change 5 (1990): 121-154; S. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender in Britain. 1860-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 377-382; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, "Fertility decline to Africa: A new type of transition?" Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 211-242.
2. D. L. Anderton and L. L. Bean, "Birth spacing and fertility limitation: A behavioral analysis of a nineteenth century frontier population,' Demography 22 (1985): 169-183; P. A. David and T. A. Mroz, 'Evidence of fertility regulation among rural French villagers, 1749-1789," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26; E. M. Garrett, "The trials of labour: Motherhood versus employment in a nineteenth-century textile centre," Continuity and Change 5 (1990): 121-154; S. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender in Britain. 1860-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 377-382; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, "Fertility decline to Africa: A new type of transition?" Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 211-242.
3. D. L. Anderton and L. L. Bean, "Birth spacing and fertility limitation: A behavioral analysis of a nineteenth century frontier population,' Demography 22 (1985): 169-183; P. A. David and T. A. Mroz, 'Evidence of fertility regulation among rural French villagers, 1749-1789," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26; E. M. Garrett, "The trials of labour: Motherhood versus employment in a nineteenth-century textile centre," Continuity and Change 5 (1990): 121-154; S. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender in Britain. 1860-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 377-382; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, "Fertility decline to Africa: A new type of transition?" Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 211-242.
4. D. L. Anderton and L. L. Bean, "Birth spacing and fertility limitation: A behavioral analysis of a nineteenth century frontier population,' Demography 22 (1985): 169-183; P. A. David and T. A. Mroz, 'Evidence of fertility regulation among rural French villagers, 1749-1789," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26; E. M. Garrett, "The trials of labour: Motherhood versus employment in a nineteenth-century textile centre," Continuity and Change 5 (1990): 121-154; S. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender in Britain. 1860-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 377-382; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, "Fertility decline to Africa: A new type of transition?" Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 211-242.
5. D. L. Anderton and L. L. Bean, "Birth spacing and fertility limitation: A behavioral analysis of a nineteenth century frontier population,' Demography 22 (1985): 169-183; P. A. David and T. A. Mroz, 'Evidence of fertility regulation among rural French villagers, 1749-1789," European Journal of Population 5 (1989): 1-26; E. M. Garrett, "The trials of labour: Motherhood versus employment in a nineteenth-century textile centre," Continuity and Change 5 (1990): 121-154; S. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender in Britain. 1860-1940 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 377-382; J. C. Caldwell, I. O. Orubuloye, and P. Caldwell, "Fertility decline to Africa: A new type of transition?" Population and Development Review 18 (1992): 211-242.
6. g, M, and m, see for example T. W. Guinnane, B. S. Okun, and J. Trussell, "What do we know about the timing of fertility transitions in Europe?" Demography 31 (1994): 1-20.
7. E. A. Wrigley, R. S. Davies, J. E. Oeppen, and R. S. Schofield, English Population History from Family Reconstitution, 1580-1837 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), Table 7.1, p. 355.
8. Census of England and Wales, 1911, Volume XIII, Fertility of Marriage, Part 2 (HMSO, 1923).
9. E. Garrett, A. Reid, K. Schurer, and S. Szreter, Population Change in Context: Place, Class and Demography in England and Wales 1891-1911 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2001); E. Garrett and A. Reid, "Thinking of England and taking care: Family building strategies and infant mortality in England and Wales 1891-1911," International Journal of Population Geography 1 (1995): 69-102.
10. E. Garrett, A. Reid, K. Schurer, and S. Szreter, Population Change in Context: Place, Class and Demography in England and Wales 1891-1911 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming 2001); E. Garrett and A. Reid, "Thinking of England and taking care: Family building strategies and infant mortality in England and Wales 1891-1911," International Journal of Population Geography 1 (1995): 69-102.
11. M. Anderson, "Highly restricted fertility: Very small families in the British fertility decline," Population Studies 52 (1998): 177-199. See Anderton and Bean, "Birth spacing," cited in note 1; Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 377-382.
12. M. Anderson, "Highly restricted fertility: Very small families in the British fertility decline," Population Studies 52 (1998): 177-199. See Anderton and Bean, "Birth spacing," cited in note 1; Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 377-382.
13. M. Anderson, "Highly restricted fertility: Very small families in the British fertility decline," Population Studies 52 (1998): 177-199. See Anderton and Bean, "Birth spacing," cited in note 1; Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 377-382.
14. K. Fisher, "Negotiating the fertility transition: Birth control practices and family planning strategies in Britain, 1925-50," Population and Development Review 26 (forthcoming June 2000); K. Fisher, "'She was quite satisfied with the arrangements I made': Gender and birth control in Britain 1925-50," Past and Present (forthcoming 2000/2001).
15. K. Fisher, "Negotiating the fertility transition: Birth control practices and family planning strategies in Britain, 1925-50," Population and Development Review 26 (forthcoming June 2000); K. Fisher, "'She was quite satisfied with the arrangements I made': Gender and birth control in Britain 1925-50," Past and Present (forthcoming 2000/2001).
16. S. Szreter, "The idea of demographic transition and the study of fertility change: A critical intellectual history," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 659-701, esp. pp. 667-675; see also D. Hodgson, "Demography as social science and policy science, " Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 1-34; P. Demeny, "Social science and population policy," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 451-479. The most important work in this area advocating population curbs in order to achieve successful capital accumulation and industrialization was carried out at the Princeton Office of Population Research under Frank W. Notestein's directorship, culminating in the highly influential publication by Ansley J. Coale and Edgar M. Hoover, Population Growth and Economic Development in Low-Income Countries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958).
17. S. Szreter, "The idea of demographic transition and the study of fertility change: A critical intellectual history," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 659-701, esp. pp. 667-675; see also D. Hodgson, "Demography as social science and policy science, " Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 1-34; P. Demeny, "Social science and population policy," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 451-479. The most important work in this area advocating population curbs in order to achieve successful capital accumulation and industrialization was carried out at the Princeton Office of Population Research under Frank W. Notestein's directorship, culminating in the highly influential publication by Ansley J. Coale and Edgar M. Hoover, Population Growth and Economic Development in Low-Income Countries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958).
18. S. Szreter, "The idea of demographic transition and the study of fertility change: A critical intellectual history," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 659-701, esp. pp. 667-675; see also D. Hodgson, "Demography as social science and policy science, " Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 1-34; P. Demeny, "Social science and population policy," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 451-479. The most important work in this area advocating population curbs in order to achieve successful capital accumulation and industrialization was carried out at the Princeton Office of Population Research under Frank W. Notestein's directorship, culminating in the highly influential publication by Ansley J. Coale and Edgar M. Hoover, Population Growth and Economic Development in Low-Income Countries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958).
19. S. Szreter, "The idea of demographic transition and the study of fertility change: A critical intellectual history," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 659-701, esp. pp. 667-675; see also D. Hodgson, "Demography as social science and policy science, " Population and Development Review 9 (1983): 1-34; P. Demeny, "Social science and population policy," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 451-479. The most important work in this area advocating population curbs in order to achieve successful capital accumulation and industrialization was carried out at the Princeton Office of Population Research under Frank W. Notestein's directorship, culminating in the highly influential publication by Ansley J. Coale and Edgar M. Hoover, Population Growth and Economic Development in Low-Income Countries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1958).
20. A. M. Carr-Saunders, The Population Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922) provided demographers with an exhaustive, widely read inventory of nineteenth-century ethnographic and early anthropological material of relevance to their interests. Many other important compilations and collections have since followed, such as the survey by Moni Nag, Factors Affecting Human Fertility in Non-Industrial Societies: A Cross-Cultural Study (New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press, 1976). Above all, the influential article coauthored by Kingsley Davis, one of the leading influences in postwar American demography, clearly demonstrated and attempted to classify demographers' knowledge of a wide range of fertility-reducing institutions and practices: K. Davis and J. Blake, "Social structure and fertility: An analytic framework," Economic Development and Cultural Change 4 (1956): 211-235.
21. A. M. Carr-Saunders, The Population Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922) provided demographers with an exhaustive, widely read inventory of nineteenth-century ethnographic and early anthropological material of relevance to their interests. Many other important compilations and collections have since followed, such as the survey by Moni Nag, Factors Affecting Human Fertility in Non-Industrial Societies: A Cross-Cultural Study (New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press, 1976). Above all, the influential article coauthored by Kingsley Davis, one of the leading influences in postwar American demography, clearly demonstrated and attempted to classify demographers' knowledge of a wide range of fertility-reducing institutions and practices: K. Davis and J. Blake, "Social structure and fertility: An analytic framework," Economic Development and Cultural Change 4 (1956): 211-235.
22. A. M. Carr-Saunders, The Population Problem (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1922) provided demographers with an exhaustive, widely read inventory of nineteenth-century ethnographic and early anthropological material of relevance to their interests. Many other important compilations and collections have since followed, such as the survey by Moni Nag, Factors Affecting Human Fertility in Non-Industrial Societies: A Cross-Cultural Study (New Haven: Human Relations Area Files Press, 1976). Above all, the influential article coauthored by Kingsley Davis, one of the leading influences in postwar American demography, clearly demonstrated and attempted to classify demographers' knowledge of a wide range of fertility-reducing institutions and practices: K. Davis and J. Blake, "Social structure and fertility: An analytic framework," Economic Development and Cultural Change 4 (1956): 211-235.
23. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
24. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
25. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
26. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
27. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
28. L. Henry, "Some data on natural fertility," Eugenics Quarterly 8 (1961): 81-91; see also his Anciennes familles génévoises: étude démographique (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1956); A. J. Coale, "Age patterns of marriage," Population Studies 25 (1971): 193-214; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Model fertility schedules: Variations in the age structure of childbearing in human populations," Population Index 40 (1974): 185-258, and "Erratum," Population Index 41 (1975): 572; A. J. Coale and T. J. Trussell, "Technical note: Finding the two parameters that specify a model schedule of marital fertility," Population Index 44 (1978): 203-213.
29. A. J. Coale, "Factors associated with the development of low fertility: An historic survey," in Proceedings of the World Population Conference, Belgrade 1965, vol. II (New York: United Nations, 1967), pp. 205-209.
30. A. J. Coale, "The demographic transition reconsidered," in International Population Conference, Liège, vol. I (Liège: IUSSP, 1973), pp. 53-72.
31. P. Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-83 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992).
32. As cited in P, Kane, Victorian Families in Fact and Fiction (London: Macmillan, 1995), p. 134. Kane further explores an antipathy to numerous offspring in this period.
33. Thomas Robert Malthus, An Essay on the Principle of Population, 1798, ch. IV, from The Works of Thomas Robert Malthus, Vol. 1, ed. E. A. Wrigley and D. Souden (London: William Pickering), pp. 26-28.
34. S. Hindle, "The problem of pauper marriage in seventeenth-century England," Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (1998): 71-89.
35. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
36. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
37. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
38. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
39. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
40. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
41. J. A. Banks originally drew attention to the importance of this literature and its preoccupations with "The 'proper' time to marry," as he titled chapter 3 of his classic account, Prosperity and Parenthood: A Study of Family Planning Among the Victorian Middle Classes (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954). On the extensive literature of the period, see J. A. Banks and D. V. Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles on the population question published in Britain in the period 1793 to 1880," in D. V. Glass (ed.). Introduction to Malthus (New York: Wiley, 1953). For further and more detailed accounts of both clerics and the dismal scientists who took up the debate with Malthus, see in particular R. A. Soloway, Prelates and People: Ecclesiastical Social Thought in England 1783-1552 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1969); J. A. Banks, Victorian Values: Secularism and the Size of Families (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1981); B. Hilton, The Age of Atonement: The Influence of Evangelicalism on Social and Economic Thought 1785-1865 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988); A. M. C. Waterman, Revolution, Economics and Religion: Christian Political Economy 1798-1833 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); and M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexual Attitudes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994).
42. P. Laslett and R. Wall (eds.). Household and Family in Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge Univesity Press, 1972); E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1981); Wrigley et al., English Population History, cited in note 3.
43. P. Laslett and R. Wall (eds.). Household and Family in Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge Univesity Press, 1972); E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1981); Wrigley et al., English Population History, cited in note 3.
44. P. Laslett and R. Wall (eds.). Household and Family in Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge Univesity Press, 1972); E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1981); Wrigley et al., English Population History, cited in note 3.
45. P. Laslett and R. Wall (eds.). Household and Family in Past Time (Cambridge: Cambridge Univesity Press, 1972); E. A. Wrigley and R. S. Schofield, The Population History of England 1541-1871: A Reconstruction (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); A. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry in Early Modern England (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1981); Wrigley et al., English Population History, cited in note 3.
46. P. Kane, The Second Billion: Population and Family Planning in China (New York: Penguin Books, 1987), pp. 30-32.
47. J. Hajnal, "European marriage patterns in perspective," in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley (eds.), Population in History: Essays in Historical Demography (London: Edward Arnold, 1965), pp. 101-143; the institutional context was dearly laid out in R. M. Smith, "Fertility, economy, and household formation in England over three centuries," Population and Development Review 7 (1981): 595-622.
48. J. Hajnal, "European marriage patterns in perspective," in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley (eds.), Population in History: Essays in Historical Demography (London: Edward Arnold, 1965), pp. 101-143; the institutional context was dearly laid out in R. M. Smith, "Fertility, economy, and household formation in England over three centuries," Population and Development Review 7 (1981): 595-622.
49. E. A. Wrigley, "Fertility strategy for the individual and the group," in C. Tilly (ed.), Historical Studies of Changing Fertility (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 133-154; Smith, "Fertility, economy, and household," cited in note 20, pp. 618-619.
50. E. A. Wrigley, "Fertility strategy for the individual and the group," in C. Tilly (ed.), Historical Studies of Changing Fertility (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), pp. 133-154; Smith, "Fertility, economy, and household," cited in note 20, pp. 618-619.
51. Wrigley and Sehofield, Population History, cited in note 18, pp. 236-248, 476; R. Schofield, "Family structure, demographic behaviour, and economic growth," in J. Walter and R, Schofield (eds.), Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 279-304.
52. Wrigley and Sehofield, Population History, cited in note 18, pp. 236-248, 476; R. Schofield, "Family structure, demographic behaviour, and economic growth," in J. Walter and R, Schofield (eds.), Famine, Disease and the Social Order in Early Modern Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 279-304.
53. Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, cited in note 18, p. 26.
54. K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985), esp. chs. 1-2; Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, died in note 18, Part III.
55. K. D. M. Snell, Annals of the Labouring Poor: Social Change and Agrarian England, 1660-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985), esp. chs. 1-2; Kussmaul, Servants in Husbandry, died in note 18, Part III.
56. We accept that the decline of live-in service may well have been one of the reasons for the fall in marriage age down to 1816, on the argument that young women elected for earlier marriage since it provided an alternative means to attain economic independence from the parental home. However, the opposite effect is being argued for here for the period after 1816. This is not necessarily logically inconsistent, since it is perfectly plausible that the decline in live-in service simultaneously had the potential to affect marriage age in these two diametrically opposed directions. Whether or not the first or the second effect was dominant would then depend on other significant factors in the historically changing context. The two following text paragraphs discuss such important and relevant changes between the pre-and post-1816 periods.
57. Hence, David Levine's Family Formation in an Age of Nascent Capitalism (New York: Academic Press, 1977), ch. 5, found signs of marital fertility control among Shepshed cottage industry workers during the economic difficulties that followed the Napoleonic Wars.
58. In 1795 the Justices of the Peace in Speenhamland parish in Hampshire published a scale of allowances in aid of wages for unemployed men, setting out the amounts they would receive to supplement their incomes in order to maintain their families, calculated according to the price of bread and the number of dependents in the household. The system was never formally adopted on a national basis but was deemed, especially by its opponents, to be typical of an over-generous approach that characterized the closing decades of the eighteenth century and the period of the Napoleonic Wars before reaction set in. For an accessible introduction to this complex and much-debated era of British history, see J. D. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, 1795-1334 (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2nd edition, 1985).
59. P. Lindert, "Unequal living standards," in R. Floud and D. N. McCloskey (eds.). The Economic History of Britain since 1700, Vol. I, 1700-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2nd edition, 1994), pp. 368-372. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, cited in note 27, Table 1, pp. 28-29. "Less eligibility" refers to the deliberate policy of curtailing "outdoor relief" (cash payments to the unemployed in their homes) and, instead, insisting that the unemployed and their families leave their homes and reside in the prison-like, sex-segregated workhouses, where they would receive "indoor relief" in return for compulsory work.
60. P. Lindert, "Unequal living standards," in R. Floud and D. N. McCloskey (eds.). The Economic History of Britain since 1700, Vol. I, 1700-1860 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2nd edition, 1994), pp. 368-372. Marshall, The Old Poor Law, cited in note 27, Table 1, pp. 28-29. "Less eligibility" refers to the deliberate policy of curtailing "outdoor relief" (cash payments to the unemployed in their homes) and, instead, insisting that the unemployed and their families leave their homes and reside in the prison-like, sex-segregated workhouses, where they would receive "indoor relief" in return for compulsory work.
61. R. Schofield, "English marriage patterns revisited," Journal of Family History 10 (1985): 2-20, Table 2, p. 10, Schofield's best estimates of average female age at marriage indicate a value of 22.6 years for those marrying in the 1810s (the birth cohort of 1791) and a value of 25.2 years for those marrying in the 1840s (the birth cohort of 1816). This prescient article by Schofield anticipated many of the themes taken up here, in particular an interest in the possible implications of compositional differences in nuptiality (pp. 5 and 17) and the point that the early modern institution of late marriage had a history and was not just a constant (p. 15). However, Schofield, like Levine (see note 75 below), remained impressed with the "demographic transition" perspective, envisaging an epochal shift from traditional to modern forms of fertility control around the 1870s (pp. 15-16).
62. C. H. Feinstein, "Pessimism perpetuated: Real wages and the standard of living in Britain during and after the industrial revolution," Journal of Economic History 58 (1998): 625-658.
63. Ibid.
64. Wrigley and Schofield, Population History, cited in note 18, Table 10.3, p. 437 gives figures for female singulate mean age at marriage calculated from the decennial census, which show age at marriage falling from 25.77 years in 1851 to 25.13 years in 1871 (subsequently rising back to 26.27 years by 1901).
65. E. van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction of 82 Départements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), ch. 7, section IV; D. Weir, "New estimates of nuptiality and marital fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-331, esp. pp. 322-323.
66. E. van de Walle, The Female Population of France in the Nineteenth Century: A Reconstruction of 82 Départements (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), ch. 7, section IV; D. Weir, "New estimates of nuptiality and marital fertility in France, 1740-1911," Population Studies 48 (1994): 307-331, esp. pp. 322-323.
67. H. Bergues et al., La prévention des naissances dans la famille: ses origines dans les temps modernes (INED, Travaux et documents, cahier no. 35, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960), pp. 253-307, 317-321, 345-355, 369-382 (with thanks to Jacques Beauroy, for lending his copy of this book); J-L. Fiandrin, "Contraception, marriage and sexual relations in the Christian West," in R. Forster and O. Ranum (eds.), The Biology of Man in History (selections from Annales, trans, by E. Forster and P. Ranum), pp. 23-47; J-L. Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. by R. Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus and the control of natural fertility," Population Studies 49 (1995): 19-43.
68. H. Bergues et al., La prévention des naissances dans la famille: ses origines dans les temps modernes (INED, Travaux et documents, cahier no. 35, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960), pp. 253-307, 317-321, 345-355, 369-382 (with thanks to Jacques Beauroy, for lending his copy of this book); J-L. Fiandrin, "Contraception, marriage and sexual relations in the Christian West," in R. Forster and O. Ranum (eds.), The Biology of Man in History (selections from Annales, trans, by E. Forster and P. Ranum), pp. 23-47; J-L. Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. by R. Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus and the control of natural fertility," Population Studies 49 (1995): 19-43.
69. H. Bergues et al., La prévention des naissances dans la famille: ses origines dans les temps modernes (INED, Travaux et documents, cahier no. 35, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960), pp. 253-307, 317-321, 345-355, 369-382 (with thanks to Jacques Beauroy, for lending his copy of this book); J-L. Fiandrin, "Contraception, marriage and sexual relations in the Christian West," in R. Forster and O. Ranum (eds.), The Biology of Man in History (selections from Annales, trans, by E. Forster and P. Ranum), pp. 23-47; J-L. Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. by R. Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus and the control of natural fertility," Population Studies 49 (1995): 19-43.
70. H. Bergues et al., La prévention des naissances dans la famille: ses origines dans les temps modernes (INED, Travaux et documents, cahier no. 35, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1960), pp. 253-307, 317-321, 345-355, 369-382 (with thanks to Jacques Beauroy, for lending his copy of this book); J-L. Fiandrin, "Contraception, marriage and sexual relations in the Christian West," in R. Forster and O. Ranum (eds.), The Biology of Man in History (selections from Annales, trans, by E. Forster and P. Ranum), pp. 23-47; J-L. Flandrin, Families in Former Times: Kinship, Household and Sexuality, trans. by R. Southern (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus and the control of natural fertility," Population Studies 49 (1995): 19-43.
71. On Britain, see below, notes 76 and 77.
72. E. A. Wrigley, "The fall of marital fertility in nineteenth-century France: Exemplar or exception?" in E. A. Wrigley, People, Cities and Wealth: The Transformation of Traditional Society (Oxford; Blackwell, 1987), pp. 270-321, esp. pp. 287-291;
73. Bergues et al., La prévention des naissances, cited in note 34, p. 319.
74. Weir, "New estimates," cited in note 33, pp. 317-318.
75. J. A. Goldstone, "The demographic revolution in England: A re-examination," Population Studies 40 (1986): 5-33.
76. N. E. Himes, "Editor's introduction" to Francis Place, Illustrations and Proofs of the Principle of Population (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1930; first edition 1822); N. E. Himes, A Medical History of Contraception (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1936), esp. p. 213;
77. N. E. Himes, "Editor's introduction" to Francis Place, Illustrations and Proofs of the Principle of Population (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1930; first edition 1822); N. E. Himes, A Medical History of Contraception (Baltimore: Williams & Wilkins, 1936), esp. p. 213;
78. see also Banks and Glass, "A list of books, pamphlets and articles," cited in note 17, esp. Section 8, "For and against family limitation."
79. From 1538 to 1750 prenuptial pregnancies accounted for about 15-30 percent of first births in the Cambridge Group's sample of 26 reconstituted parishes, rising to just over 35 percent from 1775 to 1837: Wrigley et al., English Population History, cited in note 3, Table 7.27, p. 421. In addition to the relatively low prevalence of prenuptial pregnancy in preindustrial times, about half of those who were prenuptially pregnant gave birth 6-9 months after marriage, suggesting that sex had only been undertaken when marriage was already imminent.
80. Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17.
81. Y. Charbit, Du malthusianisme au populationnisme: les économistes français et la population 1840-1870 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1981), pp. 63-64. See also next endnote.
82. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, p. 410. France at this time witnessed substantial, conservative moral mobilization over issues of birth control and sexuality, with the passing in July 1920 of a law against contraception. However, this had virtually no connection with French thought or policy during the first half of the nineteenth century. Its origins lay in a distinctive, late-nineteenth-century pronatalist anxiety at France's low birth rate, a discourse on "dépopulation et décadence," that dated from defeat in the Franco - Prussian War of 1870-71 and was, by 1920, exacerbated by the massive losses sustained in World War I. See M. S. Teitelbaum and J. M. Winter, The Fear of Population Decline (Orlando: Academic-Press, 1985), pp. 18-30.
83. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, p. 410. France at this time witnessed substantial, conservative moral mobilization over issues of birth control and sexuality, with the passing in July 1920 of a law against contraception. However, this had virtually no connection with French thought or policy during the first half of the nineteenth century. Its origins lay in a distinctive, late-nineteenth-century pronatalist anxiety at France's low birth rate, a discourse on "dépopulation et décadence," that dated from defeat in the Franco - Prussian War of 1870-71 and was, by 1920, exacerbated by the massive losses sustained in World War I. See M. S. Teitelbaum and J. M. Winter, The Fear of Population Decline (Orlando: Academic-Press, 1985), pp. 18-30.
84. The principal evidence supporting the inference that sexual restraint among young adults was deeply institutionalized has been the repeated findings from a number of historians using various sources that illegitimacy rates in England were comparatively tow and that they fluctuated in sympathy with the marriage rate, rather than as an alternative to it: P. Laslett and K. Oosterveen, "Long-term trends in bastardy in England: A study of the illegitimacy figures in the parish registers and in the reports of the registrar general, 1561-1960," Population Studies 27 (1973): 255-286; P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen, and R. Smith (eds.), Bastardy and Its Comparative History (London: Edward Arnold, 1980); R. Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996). Also see note 40 above. The same perhaps cannot be said for the Welsh or the Highland Scots (but probably pertains to the lowland Scots). On Wales and Scotland, see S. Szreter, "Falling fertilities and changing sexualities in Europe since c.1850: A comparative survey of national demographic patterns," in L. A. Hall, F. Eder, and G. Hekma (eds.). Sexual Cultures in Europe, Vol. II, Themes in Sexuality (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), pp. 159-194, esp. pp. 163-164.
85. The principal evidence supporting the inference that sexual restraint among young adults was deeply institutionalized has been the repeated findings from a number of historians using various sources that illegitimacy rates in England were comparatively tow and that they fluctuated in sympathy with the marriage rate, rather than as an alternative to it: P. Laslett and K. Oosterveen, "Long-term trends in bastardy in England: A study of the illegitimacy figures in the parish registers and in the reports of the registrar general, 1561-1960," Population Studies 27 (1973): 255-286; P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen, and R. Smith (eds.), Bastardy and Its Comparative History (London: Edward Arnold, 1980); R. Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996). Also see note 40 above. The same perhaps cannot be said for the Welsh or the Highland Scots (but probably pertains to the lowland Scots). On Wales and Scotland, see S. Szreter, "Falling fertilities and changing sexualities in Europe since c.1850: A comparative survey of national demographic patterns," in L. A. Hall, F. Eder, and G. Hekma (eds.). Sexual Cultures in Europe, Vol. II, Themes in Sexuality (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), pp. 159-194, esp. pp. 163-164.
86. The principal evidence supporting the inference that sexual restraint among young adults was deeply institutionalized has been the repeated findings from a number of historians using various sources that illegitimacy rates in England were comparatively tow and that they fluctuated in sympathy with the marriage rate, rather than as an alternative to it: P. Laslett and K. Oosterveen, "Long-term trends in bastardy in England: A study of the illegitimacy figures in the parish registers and in the reports of the registrar general, 1561-1960," Population Studies 27 (1973): 255-286; P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen, and R. Smith (eds.), Bastardy and Its Comparative History (London: Edward Arnold, 1980); R. Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996). Also see note 40 above. The same perhaps cannot be said for the Welsh or the Highland Scots (but probably pertains to the lowland Scots). On Wales and Scotland, see S. Szreter, "Falling fertilities and changing sexualities in Europe since c.1850: A comparative survey of national demographic patterns," in L. A. Hall, F. Eder, and G. Hekma (eds.). Sexual Cultures in Europe, Vol. II, Themes in Sexuality (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), pp. 159-194, esp. pp. 163-164.
87. The principal evidence supporting the inference that sexual restraint among young adults was deeply institutionalized has been the repeated findings from a number of historians using various sources that illegitimacy rates in England were comparatively tow and that they fluctuated in sympathy with the marriage rate, rather than as an alternative to it: P. Laslett and K. Oosterveen, "Long-term trends in bastardy in England: A study of the illegitimacy figures in the parish registers and in the reports of the registrar general, 1561-1960," Population Studies 27 (1973): 255-286; P. Laslett, K. Oosterveen, and R. Smith (eds.), Bastardy and Its Comparative History (London: Edward Arnold, 1980); R. Adair, Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996). Also see note 40 above. The same perhaps cannot be said for the Welsh or the Highland Scots (but probably pertains to the lowland Scots). On Wales and Scotland, see S. Szreter, "Falling fertilities and changing sexualities in Europe since c.1850: A comparative survey of national demographic patterns," in L. A. Hall, F. Eder, and G. Hekma (eds.). Sexual Cultures in Europe, Vol. II, Themes in Sexuality (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999), pp. 159-194, esp. pp. 163-164.
88. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
89. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
90. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
91. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
92. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
93. On the early modern era, see M. Ingram, "The reformation of manners in early modern England," in P. Griffiths, A. Fox, and S. Hindle (eds.), The Experience of Authority in Early Modern England (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996), pp. 47-88; K. Wrightson and D. Levine, Poverty and Piety in an English Village: Terling 1525-1700 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, Revised ed., 1995), "Postscript." On the late-eighteenth-century and Victorian movements, see, for instance: M. J. Quinlan, Victorian Prelude: A History of English Manners 1700-1830 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1941); F. K. Brown, Fathers of the Victorians: The Age of Wilberforce (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17, esp. ch. 2, section 1; and on its long-lasting influence, see S. Szreter, "Victorian Britain, 1837-1963: Towards a social history of sexuality," Journal of Victorian Culture 1 (1996): 136-149.
94. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
95. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
96. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
97. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
98. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
99. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
100. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
101. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
102. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
103. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 392-393. For studies of the history of sexuality that broadly support the interpretation of a long-standing culture of sexual restraint among young adults temporarily losing its relevance for plebeians during the second half of the eighteenth century and therefore eliciting the strong reassertions of the need for self-control found among such late-eighteenth-century texts as those of Hannah More, Thomas Malthus, and their ilk, see R. Porter, "Mixed feelings: The Enlightenment and sexuality in eighteenth-century Britain," in P.-G. Boucé (ed.), Sexuality in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982), pp. 1-27; J. R. Gillis, For Better, for Worse: British Marriages, 1600 to the Present (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985); T. Laqueur, "Orgasm, generation and the politics of reproductive biology," in C. Gallagher and T. Laqueur (eds.), The Making of the Modern Body: Sexuality and Society in the Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-41; I. McCalman, Radical Underworld: Prophets, Revolutionaries and Pornographers in London, 1795-1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Culture of Sensibility: Sex and Society in Eighteenth-Century Britain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992); M. Mason, The Making of Victorian Sexuality: Sexual Behaviour and Its Understanding (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994); Mason, Victorian Sexual Attitudes, cited in note 17; A. Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and D. Wahrman, "Percy's prologue: From gender play to gender panic in eighteenth-century England," Past and Present 159 (1998): 113-160.
104. On male self-restraint, see Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46.
105. S. Szreter, "Economic growth, disruption, deprivation, disease, and death: on the importance of the politics of public health for development," Population and Development Review 23 (1997): 693-728.
106. The eight counties in question were Cheshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Yorkshire. Figures for the eighteenth century from Langford, Polite and Commercial People, cited in note 13, p. 673, Table 7, with additional calculations for the nineteenth century from B. R. Mitchell and P. Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), pp. 6, 20-22. The combined midland and northern counties would have represented almost 45 percent of the total in 1901 had Northumberland and Durham also been included with the eight other counties.
107. The eight counties in question were Cheshire, Derbyshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, and Yorkshire. Figures for the eighteenth century from Langford, Polite and Commercial People, cited in note 13, p. 673, Table 7, with additional calculations for the nineteenth century from B. R. Mitchell and P. Deane, Abstract of British Historical Statistics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), pp. 6, 20-22. The combined midland and northern counties would have represented almost 45 percent of the total in 1901 had Northumberland and Durham also been included with the eight other counties.
108. These calculations are derived from figures to be presented in Garrett et al., Population Change in Context, cited in note 5. The definition of the south and the north in the text here is in terms of the 11 regions used by the Registrar-General in 1921 to divide England and Wales, with "the South" comprising 5 regions: London, South-East, South-West, East Anglia, and South Midlands. "The north" (including the industrial midlands) is defined here as six regions: West Midlands, North Midlands, Yorkshire, North-West, North, and Wales.
109. S. Szreter and G. Mooney, "Urbanisation, mortality and the standard of living debate: New estimates of the expectation of life at birth in nineteenth-century British cities," Economic History Review 50 (1998): 84-112. There would, of course, be many localized exceptions to these regional generalizations. Poorer districts in London, such as the East End, would inevitably have had very high mortality; and Reay's study of the Blean district of rural Kent indicates a deteriorating health record there from 1834 to 1880, though the rates of infant mortality reported there were still much lower in 1880 than those typical in northern towns: B. Reay, Microhistories: Demography, Society and Culture in Rural England, 1800-1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), ch. 3. On differential mortality in London and recent progress with its measurement, see G. Mooney, B. Luckin, and A. Tanner, "Patient pathways: Solving the problem of institutional mortality in London during the later nineteenth century," Social History of Medicine 12 (1999): 227-269.
110. S. Szreter and G. Mooney, "Urbanisation, mortality and the standard of living debate: New estimates of the expectation of life at birth in nineteenth-century British cities," Economic History Review 50 (1998): 84-112. There would, of course, be many localized exceptions to these regional generalizations. Poorer districts in London, such as the East End, would inevitably have had very high mortality; and Reay's study of the Blean district of rural Kent indicates a deteriorating health record there from 1834 to 1880, though the rates of infant mortality reported there were still much lower in 1880 than those typical in northern towns: B. Reay, Microhistories: Demography, Society and Culture in Rural England, 1800-1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), ch. 3. On differential mortality in London and recent progress with its measurement, see G. Mooney, B. Luckin, and A. Tanner, "Patient pathways: Solving the problem of institutional mortality in London during the later nineteenth century," Social History of Medicine 12 (1999): 227-269.
111. S. Szreter and G. Mooney, "Urbanisation, mortality and the standard of living debate: New estimates of the expectation of life at birth in nineteenth-century British cities," Economic History Review 50 (1998): 84-112. There would, of course, be many localized exceptions to these regional generalizations. Poorer districts in London, such as the East End, would inevitably have had very high mortality; and Reay's study of the Blean district of rural Kent indicates a deteriorating health record there from 1834 to 1880, though the rates of infant mortality reported there were still much lower in 1880 than those typical in northern towns: B. Reay, Microhistories: Demography, Society and Culture in Rural England, 1800-1930 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), ch. 3. On differential mortality in London and recent progress with its measurement, see G. Mooney, B. Luckin, and A. Tanner, "Patient pathways: Solving the problem of institutional mortality in London during the later nineteenth century," Social History of Medicine 12 (1999): 227-269.
112. This is confirmed by the only evidence for agricultural communities in the rural South for this period: Reay, Microhistories, cited in note 51, ch. 2, Table 2.13. In the Blean district of Kent, Reay found a marked disinclination to marry starting around the time of the enactment of the New Poor Law, 1834, and continuing across the subsequent period to 1880. He also found evidence of consistent curtailment of marital fertility in these rural communities from the same date.
113. J. D. Chambers "The course of population change," in Glass and Eversley (eds.), Population in History, cited in note 20, p. 332, Tables 1 and 2.
114. T. H. Hollingsworth, "The demography of the British peerage," Supplement to Population Studies 18 (1964); R. T. Vann and D. E. C. Eversley, Friends in Life and Death: The British and Irish Quakers in the Demographic Transition 1650-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), ch. 3; V. Brodsky Elliott, "Single women in the London marriage market: Age, status and mobility, 1598-1619," in R. B. Outhwaite (ed.), Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982), pp. 81-100, esp. Table II, p. 85.
115. T. H. Hollingsworth, "The demography of the British peerage," Supplement to Population Studies 18 (1964); R. T. Vann and D. E. C. Eversley, Friends in Life and Death: The British and Irish Quakers in the Demographic Transition 1650-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), ch. 3; V. Brodsky Elliott, "Single women in the London marriage market: Age, status and mobility, 1598-1619," in R. B. Outhwaite (ed.), Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982), pp. 81-100, esp. Table II, p. 85.
116. T. H. Hollingsworth, "The demography of the British peerage," Supplement to Population Studies 18 (1964); R. T. Vann and D. E. C. Eversley, Friends in Life and Death: The British and Irish Quakers in the Demographic Transition 1650-1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), ch. 3; V. Brodsky Elliott, "Single women in the London marriage market: Age, status and mobility, 1598-1619," in R. B. Outhwaite (ed.), Marriage and Society: Studies in the Social History of Marriage (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982), pp. 81-100, esp. Table II, p. 85.
117. Vann and Eversley, Friends in Life and Death, cited in note 54, ch. 3, esp. Table 3.8. These urban Quakers were not resident in industrializing northern cities but mainly drawn from the flourishing ancient port of Bristol.
118. Ibid., Table 3.8.
119. A. Sharlin, "Natural decrease in early modern cities: A reconsideration," Past and Present 79 (1978): 126-138; J. de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 190; K. Lynch, "The European marriage pattern in the cities: Variations on a theme by Hajnal," Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 79-96; C. Galley, "A model of early modern urban demography," Economic History Review 48 (1995): 448-469; S. King, 'Dying with style: Infant death and its context in a rural industrial township 1650-1830," Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 3-24.
120. A. Sharlin, "Natural decrease in early modern cities: A reconsideration," Past and Present 79 (1978): 126-138; J. de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 190; K. Lynch, "The European marriage pattern in the cities: Variations on a theme by Hajnal," Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 79-96; C. Galley, "A model of early modern urban demography," Economic History Review 48 (1995): 448-469; S. King, 'Dying with style: Infant death and its context in a rural industrial township 1650-1830," Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 3-24.
121. A. Sharlin, "Natural decrease in early modern cities: A reconsideration," Past and Present 79 (1978): 126-138; J. de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 190; K. Lynch, "The European marriage pattern in the cities: Variations on a theme by Hajnal," Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 79-96; C. Galley, "A model of early modern urban demography," Economic History Review 48 (1995): 448-469; S. King, 'Dying with style: Infant death and its context in a rural industrial township 1650-1830," Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 3-24.
122. A. Sharlin, "Natural decrease in early modern cities: A reconsideration," Past and Present 79 (1978): 126-138; J. de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 190; K. Lynch, "The European marriage pattern in the cities: Variations on a theme by Hajnal," Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 79-96; C. Galley, "A model of early modern urban demography," Economic History Review 48 (1995): 448-469; S. King, 'Dying with style: Infant death and its context in a rural industrial township 1650-1830," Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 3-24.
123. A. Sharlin, "Natural decrease in early modern cities: A reconsideration," Past and Present 79 (1978): 126-138; J. de Vries, European Urbanization 1500-1800 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984), p. 190; K. Lynch, "The European marriage pattern in the cities: Variations on a theme by Hajnal," Journal of Family History 16 (1991): 79-96; C. Galley, "A model of early modern urban demography," Economic History Review 48 (1995): 448-469; S. King, 'Dying with style: Infant death and its context in a rural industrial township 1650-1830," Social History of Medicine 10 (1997): 3-24.
124. S. Lauricella, "Economic and social influences on marriage in Banbury, 1730-1841" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997), pp. 63-91.
125. Wrigley, "Fertility strategy," cited in note 21, pp. 133-154.
126. Hindle, "The problem of pauper marriage," cited in note 16.
127. C. Ansell, Jr., On the Rate of Mortality in Early Periods of Life, the Age at Marriage, the Number of Children to a Marriage, the Length of Generation, and Other Statistics of Families in the Upper and Professional Classes (1874), p. 45. Ansell's data referred to the period 1841-71.
128. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 382-398.
129. Census of England and Wales, 1911, Volume 13, Fertility of Marriage, Part 2 (London: HMSO, 1923), Table VII, p. xvii.
130. Banks, Prosperity and Parenthood, cited in note 17, chs. 3-6; J. A. Banks and O. Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England: Studies in the Life of Women (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964), pp. 29-30 and ch. 3; Banks, Victorian Values, cited in note 17. The Bankses' thesis documented the spiraling consumption aspirations of the mid-Victorian propertied classes, emphasizing the way in which competition to enter the security of the professional vocations drove up the costs of education so that restraining family size became critical. Recently John Tosh has also addressed this issue, though focusing primarily on the closing decades of the nineteenth century: J. Tosh, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), ch. 8.
131. Banks, Prosperity and Parenthood, cited in note 17, chs. 3-6; J. A. Banks and O. Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England: Studies in the Life of Women (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964), pp. 29-30 and ch. 3; Banks, Victorian Values, cited in note 17. The Bankses' thesis documented the spiraling consumption aspirations of the mid-Victorian propertied classes, emphasizing the way in which competition to enter the security of the professional vocations drove up the costs of education so that restraining family size became critical. Recently John Tosh has also addressed this issue, though focusing primarily on the closing decades of the nineteenth century: J. Tosh, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), ch. 8.
132. Banks, Prosperity and Parenthood, cited in note 17, chs. 3-6; J. A. Banks and O. Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England: Studies in the Life of Women (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964), pp. 29-30 and ch. 3; Banks, Victorian Values, cited in note 17. The Bankses' thesis documented the spiraling consumption aspirations of the mid-Victorian propertied classes, emphasizing the way in which competition to enter the security of the professional vocations drove up the costs of education so that restraining family size became critical. Recently John Tosh has also addressed this issue, though focusing primarily on the closing decades of the nineteenth century: J. Tosh, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), ch. 8.
133. Banks, Prosperity and Parenthood, cited in note 17, chs. 3-6; J. A. Banks and O. Banks, Feminism and Family Planning in Victorian England: Studies in the Life of Women (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1964), pp. 29-30 and ch. 3; Banks, Victorian Values, cited in note 17. The Bankses' thesis documented the spiraling consumption aspirations of the mid-Victorian propertied classes, emphasizing the way in which competition to enter the security of the professional vocations drove up the costs of education so that restraining family size became critical. Recently John Tosh has also addressed this issue, though focusing primarily on the closing decades of the nineteenth century: J. Tosh, A Man's Place: Masculinity and the Middle-Class Home in Victorian England (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1999), ch. 8.
134. Hollingsworth, "The demography of the British peerage," cited in note 54.
135. Razzell found, not surprisingly during this period of population growth, warfare, and expanding imperial commitments, that between the later eighteenth century and the 1830s both the lower-status Indian Army and the higher-status British Home Army more than doubled their officer complements at all levels. However, in this unreformed honorific career, where rank was bought not merited, the principal additional recruits were not derived from the expanding middle classes but disproportionately from among the sons of the longer-living landed gentry and the aristocracy. The latter were so keen to avoid actual service abroad in unhealthy climates that there was a roaring black market in commissions in the Home Army and an unseemly scramble among the underemployed elite - those with titles to their names - to acquire the highest ranks in the most fashionable regiments. P. E. Razzell, "Social origins of officers in the Indian and British Home Army: 1758-1962," British Journal of Sociology 14 (1963): 248-260, esp. Tables 1, 7, 9, 10. We are grateful to one of the anonymous reviewers for alerting us to the relevance of this rarely cited but important and detailed study.
136. The classic study of the genesis of the ideology of separate spheres among the middle classes in Britain is L. Davidoff and C. Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1780-1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). On the "redundant woman" issue, see Banks and Banks, Feminisim and Family Planning, cited in note 64, pp. 27-54.
137. The classic study of the genesis of the ideology of separate spheres among the middle classes in Britain is L. Davidoff and C. Hall, Family Fortunes: Men and Women of the English Middle Class 1780-1850 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). On the "redundant woman" issue, see Banks and Banks, Feminisim and Family Planning, cited in note 64, pp. 27-54.
138. See for instance, G. Jones, British Multinational Banking 1830-1990 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 49.
139. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
140. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
141. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
142. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
143. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
144. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
145. The effect of age-related declines in virility and sexual activity is attributable to at least four interrelated influences. First, male erectile dysfunction, which Bancroft reports to affect 10 percent of men by age 55 and 20 percent by age 65: J. Bancroft, Human Sexuality and Its Problems (Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone, 2nd edition, 1989), p. 288. Second, the declining inclination to sexual activity in both sexes with age. The most recent detailed evidence on this for Britain in the early 1990s indicates a sharp fall, from six to three acts per month, among both married and cohabiting couples during their 40s: K. Wellings, Sexual Behaviour in Britain: The National Survey of Sexual Attitudes and Lifestyles (London: Penguin Books, 1994), pp. 136-140. Third, and Interacting with the first two phenomena, the encompassing "Victorian" culture of sexual inhibition and anxiety, which would have contributed further to male functional impotence (see the discussion in Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 410-411, 561-562; and Bancroft, Human Sexuality, pp. 362-364, 392-395, 655-657). Fourth, and again interacting, the incidence of sexually transmitted diseases that might be presumed to be higher among later-marrying males, since the principal clients of prostitutes were unmarried men (see Tosh, A Man's Place, cited in note 64, pp. 130-131; Mason, Victorian Sexuality, cited in note 46, p. 102). The incidence of sexually transmitted diseases was officially estimated in 1911 to have been higher among middle-class males than among all but the poorest working-class men. Their prolonged periods of bachelorhood may well have been the primary cause of this, effectively increasing their period at risk before marriage: see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 393-394. There is now a fifth hypothesis under scientific investigation: that male sperm quality deteriorates significantly above the age of 39 (The Independent newspaper, 3 July 1999, reporting the research of Dr. Orhan Bukulmez of Hacettepe University, Ankara, Turkey).
146. Garrett et al., Population Change in Context, cited in note 5.
147. This was never, of course, a socially uniform pattern even in the 1950s and 1960s in Britain, Western Europe, or North America. On important exceptions documented by urban sociologists at the time see, for instance, M. D. Young and P. Wilmott, Family and Kinship in East London (Penguin Books, 1957); and L. Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex, Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1960).
148. This was never, of course, a socially uniform pattern even in the 1950s and 1960s in Britain, Western Europe, or North America. On important exceptions documented by urban sociologists at the time see, for instance, M. D. Young and P. Wilmott, Family and Kinship in East London (Penguin Books, 1957); and L. Rainwater, And the Poor Get Children: Sex, Contraception, and Family Planning in the Working Class (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1960).
149. J. Hajnal, "Age at marriage and proportions marrying," Population Studies 7 (1953): 111-136.
150. Nevertheless, there has always been evidence in the demographic record that in some periods early modern couples did restrain the fertility of their marriages, presumably by abstinence or withdrawal. Wrigley emphasized precisely this finding when presenting the re-suits of his first-ever British family reconstitution study of Colyton: E. A. Wrigley, "Family limitation in pre-industrial England," Economic History Review 18 (1966): 82-109; see also the results found by Levine and by Reay, cited above in notes 26 and 51 respectively.
151. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 389-398; and see references in notes 44-46 above.
152. On the concept of communication communities and its application to the study of fertility change, see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 533-558 and Figure 7.1 (p. 312). A communication community is a collectivity of similarly socialized persons and families, sharing aspirations, manners, values, norms, and dialect. This is a crucial difference of historical interpretation from the earlier work of David Levine. Levine's Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), ch. 3, esp. pp. 115-137, demonstrated, with the example of the proto-industrial cottage industry framework knitters he had studied in Shepshed, Leicestershire, the important compositional point, which we are laboring here: that the behavior of national average indexes of demographic change may fail to reflect the actual experience of the regions and social groups that it averages. However, Levine seemed to believe this to be true only of the early modern period, as he then proceeded to offer in Reproducing Families, ch. 4, an overall interpretation of fertility change in nineteenth-century Britain quite at variance with this insight by arguing that the fertility decline among all working-class communities could be subsumed within a single explanatory model of diffusing "respectability," On the contrary, we see the compositional diversity point as becoming even more significant over the period 1815-1914 than over the previous century (for an extensive critique of Levine's interpretation, see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 55-60).
153. On the concept of communication communities and its application to the study of fertility change, see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 533-558 and Figure 7.1 (p. 312). A communication community is a collectivity of similarly socialized persons and families, sharing aspirations, manners, values, norms, and dialect. This is a crucial difference of historical interpretation from the earlier work of David Levine. Levine's Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), ch. 3, esp. pp. 115-137, demonstrated, with the example of the proto-industrial cottage industry framework knitters he had studied in Shepshed, Leicestershire, the important compositional point, which we are laboring here: that the behavior of national average indexes of demographic change may fail to reflect the actual experience of the regions and social groups that it averages. However, Levine seemed to believe this to be true only of the early modern period, as he then proceeded to offer in Reproducing Families, ch. 4, an overall interpretation of fertility change in nineteenth-century Britain quite at variance with this insight by arguing that the fertility decline among all working-class communities could be subsumed within a single explanatory model of diffusing "respectability," On the contrary, we see the compositional diversity point as becoming even more significant over the period 1815-1914 than over the previous century (for an extensive critique of Levine's interpretation, see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 55-60).
154. On the concept of communication communities and its application to the study of fertility change, see Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 533-558 and Figure 7.1 (p. 312). A communication community is a collectivity of similarly socialized persons and families, sharing aspirations, manners, values, norms, and dialect. This is a crucial difference of historical interpretation from the earlier work of David Levine. Levine's Reproducing Families: The Political Economy of English Population History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), ch. 3, esp. pp. 115-137, demonstrated, with the example of the proto-industrial cottage industry framework knitters he had studied in Shepshed, Leicestershire, the important compositional point, which we are laboring here: that the behavior of national average indexes of demographic change may fail to reflect the actual experience of the regions and social groups that it averages. However, Levine seemed to believe this to be true only of the early modern period, as he then proceeded to offer in Reproducing
155. Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 335-350, 382-398, 398-439.
156. Thus postwar surveys and oral history inquiries, where they have asked the right questions, have found substantial continuing levels of use of withdrawal and even abstinence long after the latex condom, cap, diaphragm, and even the pill have become the more conventional methods: Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 402-407. K. Fisher, "An oral history of birth control practice c.1925-50: A study of Oxford and South Wales," (unpublished Oxford D. Phil., 1997), p. 277, summarizing findings on preferences for withdrawal over the condom. See also M. G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus in the twentieth century," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 767-792.
157. Thus postwar surveys and oral history inquiries, where they have asked the right questions, have found substantial continuing levels of use of withdrawal and even abstinence long after the latex condom, cap, diaphragm, and even the pill have become the more conventional methods: Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 402-407. K. Fisher, "An oral history of birth control practice c.1925-50: A study of Oxford and South Wales," (unpublished Oxford D. Phil., 1997), p. 277, summarizing findings on preferences for withdrawal over the condom. See also M. G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus in the twentieth century," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 767-792.
158. Thus postwar surveys and oral history inquiries, where they have asked the right questions, have found substantial continuing levels of use of withdrawal and even abstinence long after the latex condom, cap, diaphragm, and even the pill have become the more conventional methods: Szreter, Fertility, Class and Gender, cited in note 1, pp. 402-407. K. Fisher, "An oral history of birth control practice c.1925-50: A study of Oxford and South Wales," (unpublished Oxford D. Phil., 1997), p. 277, summarizing findings on preferences for withdrawal over the condom. See also M. G. Santow, "Coitus interruptus in the twentieth century," Population and Development Review 19 (1993): 767-792.
159. J. Knodel and E. van de Walle, "Lessons from the past: Policy implications of historical fertility studies," Population and Development Review 5 (19795:217-245.