Jane Addams and the ward boss revisited: Class, politics, and public health in Chicago, 1890-1930

Environmental History

Volumn 5, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 194-222

  Platt, Harold L ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DISEASE PREVALENCE; ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS; PUBLIC HEALTH; URBAN HISTORY;

CHICAGO; ILLINOIS; UNITED STATES;

EID: 0033925901     PISSN: 10845453     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3985635     Document Type: Article

References (156)

1. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
2. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
3. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
4. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
5. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
6. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
7. Terrence J. McDonald, "The Burdens of Urban History: The Theory of the State in Recent American Social History," Studies in American Political Development (1989): 12, 3-29; Ira Katznelson, "The Burden of Urban History: Comment," Ibid., 30-51; and McDonald, "Reply," Ibid., 51-55. Also see Terrence J. McDonald, "Introduction," in Plunkitt of Tammany Hall . . . by William L. Riordon, ed. Terrence J. McDonald (New York and Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 1994), 1-41. For early statements of the problem, see Eugene D. Genovese and Elizabeth Fox-Genovese, "The Political Crisis of Social History: A Marxian Perspective," Journal of Social History 10 (1976): 205-20; and Jon C. Teaford, "Finis for Tweed and Steffens: Rewritting the History of Urban Rule," Reviews in American History 10 (1982): 133-49. For a critique similar to McDonald's from the point of view of a political scientist, see Kenneth Finegold, Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in New York, Cleveland, and Chicago (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 3-32, and note 8 below.
8. For definitions of working-class environrnentalism, see Giovanna Di Chiro, "Nature as Community: The Convergence of Environment and Social Justice," in Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: Norton, 1995), 298-320; and Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945-1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).
9. For definitions of working-class environrnentalism, see Giovanna Di Chiro, "Nature as Community: The Convergence of Environment and Social Justice," in Uncommon Ground: Toward Reinventing Nature, ed. William Cronon (New York: Norton, 1995), 298-320; and Andrew Hurley, Environmental Inequalities: Class, Race, and Industrial Pollution in Gary, Indiana, 1945-1980 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995).
10. In the case of Chicago, see Robin Einhorn, Property Rules: Political Economy in Chicago, 1833-1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), for the early period. Also see Clifton K. Yearly, The Money Machines: The Breakdown and Reform of Governmental and Party Finance in the North, 1860-1920 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1970); and Terrence J. McDonald, The Parameters of Urban Fiscal Policy: Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in San Francisco, 1860-1906 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For insight on how local government works today, see the Chicago Tribune's investigation of a day in the life of the city council, Chicago Tribune, November 2-4, 1997.
11. In the case of Chicago, see Robin Einhorn, Property Rules: Political Economy in Chicago, 1833-1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), for the early period. Also see Clifton K. Yearly, The Money Machines: The Breakdown and Reform of Governmental and Party Finance in the North, 1860-1920 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1970); and Terrence J. McDonald, The Parameters of Urban Fiscal Policy: Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in San Francisco, 1860-1906 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For insight on how local government works today, see the Chicago Tribune's investigation of a day in the life of the city council, Chicago Tribune, November 2-4, 1997.
12. In the case of Chicago, see Robin Einhorn, Property Rules: Political Economy in Chicago, 1833-1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), for the early period. Also see Clifton K. Yearly, The Money Machines: The Breakdown and Reform of Governmental and Party Finance in the North, 1860-1920 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1970); and Terrence J. McDonald, The Parameters of Urban Fiscal Policy: Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in San Francisco, 1860-1906 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For insight on how local government works today, see the Chicago Tribune's investigation of a day in the life of the city council, Chicago Tribune, November 2-4, 1997.
13. In the case of Chicago, see Robin Einhorn, Property Rules: Political Economy in Chicago, 1833-1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), for the early period. Also see Clifton K. Yearly, The Money Machines: The Breakdown and Reform of Governmental and Party Finance in the North, 1860-1920 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1970); and Terrence J. McDonald, The Parameters of Urban Fiscal Policy: Socio-Economic Change and Political Culture in San Francisco, 1860-1906 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986). For insight on how local government works today, see the Chicago Tribune's investigation of a day in the life of the city council, Chicago Tribune, November 2-4, 1997.
14. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
15. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
16. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
17. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
18. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
19. Anne Firor Scott, "Saint Jane and the Ward Boss," American Heritage (1960): 12-17, 94-99, 98 (quote). Of course, representations of the classic duel between Addams and Powers date back to contemporary times. See Ray S. Baker, "Hull-House and the Ward Boss," Outlook 58 (March 28, 1898): 256-57. For a useful bibliographical essay on Addams, see Eleanor J. Stebner, The Women of Hull-House: A Study in Spirituality, Vocation, and Friendship (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997), 11-26. On John Powers, who would serve from 1888 to 1927, see Humbert S. Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 1880-1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 88-124; William T. Stead, If Christ Came to Chicago (Chicago: Laird and Lee, 1894), 171-86; and for a classic account see Lloyd Wendt and Herman Kogan, Bosses in Lusty Chicago (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1971 [1943]).
20. Jane Addams, Chicago Tribune, February 20, 1900, as quoted in Scott, "Saint Jane," 98.
21. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
22. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
23. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
24. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
25. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
26. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
27. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
28. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
29. Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull-House, Signet Classic ed. (New York: New American Library, 1960 [1910]), 81 (quote); Kathryn Kish Sklar, Florence Kelley and the Nation's Work (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 140-285, for background on Kelley's contributions to Hull-House. She served not only as a state official, but also as an agent for the U.S. Bureau of Labor in its pioneering survey of American cities. See Illinois, Bureau of Labor Statistics, Annual Reports of the Factory Inspectors of Illinois (1892-97), passim; United States, Commissioner of Labor [Carroll D. Wright], Seventh Special Report of the Commissioner of Labor. The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1894); and Residents of Hull-House, Hull-House Maps and Papers (Boston: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1895). The crescent-shaped ring around the central business district was also a choice site for the city's livery stables. (Photographic evidence from the Near North Side supports this analysis.) Addams observed at first hand the disproportion horse population in the area. She also reported that it also served as a central collection point for the city's rags. See Residents of Hull-House [Maud Gernon, Gertrude Howe, and Alice Hamilton], An Inquiry into the Causes of the Recent Epidemic of Typhoid Fever in Chicago, Made by the Residents of Hull-House (Chicago: City Holmes Association, 1903), 19-20. Jane Addams, "Why the Ward Boss Rules," in Plunkett, 117-22; and Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 95. Nelli estimates that only 9,000 of the ward's 50,000 eligible voters, or less than 20 percent, were registered.
30. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
31. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
32. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
33. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
34. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
35. Thomas M. Guterbock, Machine Politics in Transition: Party and Community in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980), 3; M. Craig Brown and Charles N. Halaby, "Machine Politics in America, 1870-1945," Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1987): 587-612; Finegold, Experts and Politicians. For payroller figures on the Nineteenth Ward, see Jane Addams, "Ward Boss," 117-22. For a overview of Chicago's political history, see Paul M. Green and Melvin G. Holli, eds., The Mayors: The Chicago Political Tradition (Carbondale and Edwardsville: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987). On Harrison's close ties to the bosses and the underworld, see Edward R. Kantowitz, "Carter H. Harrison II: The Politics of Balance," Ibid., 16-32; Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal (New York: Praeger, 1991); and Carter Harrison II, The Stormy Years (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1935).
36. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
37. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
38. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
39. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
40. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
41. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
42. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
43. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
44. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
45. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
46. Sklar, Kelley, 221-22, for the first quotation; Ibid., xi-xvi, 206-36, 300-302; Addams, "Ward Boss," 121, for the second quotation. To be sure, Addams makes ethnic references, but they seem to be used as a rhetorical tongue-and-cheek in order to disarm the prejudices of her audience. For example, she begins by calling the mostly Italian residents of the ward "peasants," and "primitive people." However, she quickly shifts from an ethnic-to a class-based mode of analysis. See Ibid., 117-22; and Allen F. Davis, Spearheads for Reform: The Social Settlements and the Progressive Movement, 1890-1914 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), 148-62. On the independent role played by Chicago's middle-class women in the public sphere, see two important articles by Maureen A. Flanagan, "Gender and Urban Political Reform: The City Club and the Women's City Club of Chicago in the Progressive Era," American Historical Review 95 (1990): 1032-50; and Maureen Flanagan, "The City Profitable, the City Livable: Environmental Policy, Gender, and Power in Chicago in the 1910s," Journal of Urban History 22 (1996): 163-90. For additional insight on women settlement house workers as political activists, see Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 99-109; and Karen M. Mason, "Mary McDowell and Municpal Housekeeping: Women's Political Activism in Chicago, 1890-1920," in Midwestern Women: Work, Community and Leadership at the Crossroads, ed. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy and Wendy Hamand Venet (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), 60-75; and Joan E. Draper, "The Art and Science of Park Planning in the United States: Chicago's Small Parks, 1902-1905," in Planning the Twentieth-Century American City, ed. Mary Corbin Sies and Christoper Silver (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 98-119.
47. Addams, Twenty Years, 200-205.
48. Robert Hunter, Tenement Conditions in Chicago: Report by the Investigating Committee of the City Homes Association (Chicago: City Homes Association, 1901), preface; Edith Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago, 1880-1935 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), 50-61; and Philpott, The Slum, 26-41, for a good, brief description of the report. For insight on the women's innovative use of maps, see Mary Jo Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892-1918 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1988), 55-70.
49. Robert Hunter, Tenement Conditions in Chicago: Report by the Investigating Committee of the City Homes Association (Chicago: City Homes Association, 1901), preface; Edith Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago, 1880-1935 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), 50-61; and Philpott, The Slum, 26-41, for a good, brief description of the report. For insight on the women's innovative use of maps, see Mary Jo Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892-1918 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1988), 55-70.
50. Robert Hunter, Tenement Conditions in Chicago: Report by the Investigating Committee of the City Homes Association (Chicago: City Homes Association, 1901), preface; Edith Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago, 1880-1935 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), 50-61; and Philpott, The Slum, 26-41, for a good, brief description of the report. For insight on the women's innovative use of maps, see Mary Jo Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892-1918 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1988), 55-70.
51. Robert Hunter, Tenement Conditions in Chicago: Report by the Investigating Committee of the City Homes Association (Chicago: City Homes Association, 1901), preface; Edith Abbott, The Tenements of Chicago, 1880-1935 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), 50-61; and Philpott, The Slum, 26-41, for a good, brief description of the report. For insight on the women's innovative use of maps, see Mary Jo Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men of the Chicago School, 1892-1918 (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1988), 55-70.
52. Hunter, Tenement Conditions.
53. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
54. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
55. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
56. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
57. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
58. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
59. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
60. See Robert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); John C. Sproat, "The Best Men": Liberal Reformers in the Gilded Age (New York: Oxford University Press, 1968); Herbert G. Gutman, Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Vintage, 1977); George M. Fredrickson, The Black Image in the White Mind (New York: Harper and Row, 1971); John E. Bodnar, The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1885); and John Roche, The Quest of the Dream: The Development of Civil Rights and Human Relations in Modern America (New York: Macmillan, 1963). For a good case study of the politics of ethnic division, see Robert A. Slayton, Back of the Yards: The Making of a Local Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986), 151-72.
61. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 17 (quote), 11-20, 104-5; Philpott, The Slum, 41. I want to thank John Jentz for highlighting the importance of communications in the analysis of politics. For Chicago, see David Paul Nord, Newspapers and New Politics: Midwestern Municipal Reform 1890-1900 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research, 1981).
62. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 17 (quote), 11-20, 104-5; Philpott, The Slum, 41. I want to thank John Jentz for highlighting the importance of communications in the analysis of politics. For Chicago, see David Paul Nord, Newspapers and New Politics: Midwestern Municipal Reform 1890-1900 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research, 1981).
63. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 101-4; Chicago, Proceedings of the City Council (1902-3): 174-86 [hereafter referred to as Chicago, Proceedings]; Chicago Tribune, April 29, 1902; Jane Addams, "The Housing Problem in Chicago," Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Sciences 20 (1902): 99-107. Bottled water did offer an alternative to supplies from the tap for those who could afford it. Various kinds of filters were yet another defense against Chicago's unfiltered public drinking supplies.
64. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 101-4; Chicago, Proceedings of the City Council (1902-3): 174-86 [hereafter referred to as Chicago, Proceedings]; Chicago Tribune, April 29, 1902; Jane Addams, "The Housing Problem in Chicago," Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Sciences 20 (1902): 99-107. Bottled water did offer an alternative to supplies from the tap for those who could afford it. Various kinds of filters were yet another defense against Chicago's unfiltered public drinking supplies.
65. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 101-4; Chicago, Proceedings of the City Council (1902-3): 174-86 [hereafter referred to as Chicago, Proceedings]; Chicago Tribune, April 29, 1902; Jane Addams, "The Housing Problem in Chicago," Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Sciences 20 (1902): 99-107. Bottled water did offer an alternative to supplies from the tap for those who could afford it. Various kinds of filters were yet another defense against Chicago's unfiltered public drinking supplies.
66. Hunter, Tenement Conditions, 101-4; Chicago, Proceedings of the City Council (1902-3): 174-86 [hereafter referred to as Chicago, Proceedings]; Chicago Tribune, April 29, 1902; Jane Addams, "The Housing Problem in Chicago," Annals of the American Association of Political and Social Sciences 20 (1902): 99-107. Bottled water did offer an alternative to supplies from the tap for those who could afford it. Various kinds of filters were yet another defense against Chicago's unfiltered public drinking supplies.
67. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
68. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
69. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
70. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
71. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
72. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
73. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
74. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
75. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
76. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
77. For a sophisticated analysis of evolving theories of disease causation, see Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Bristol: Hilger, 1990). For an American context, see John Duffy, The Sanitarians: A History of American Public Health (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990); for Chicago, see Thomas Neville Bonner, Medicine in Chicago 1850-1950: A Chapter in the Social and Scientific Development of a City, 2d ed. (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1991); and Fred O. Tonney, "The Introduction of Bacteriology into the Service of Public Health in Chicago," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 5 (1937): 22-23. For gendered perspectives, see Nancy Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 64 (1990): 509-39; and Suellen Hoy, Chasing Dirt: The American Pursuit of Cleanliness (New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). A sample of two nonepidemic years shows that deaths from airborne diseases represented about 60 percent of the six leading causes of death and water-borne diseases about 40 percent. See Chicago, Department of Health, Annual Report (1895): 10; Ibid., 1904: 274. Although contemporary attention to typhoid fever may have been out of proportion, this social construction does not detract from the excellent scholarship on the subject. See in particular Joel Tarr, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban Pollution in Historical Perspective (Akron, Ohio: University of Akron Press, 1996); Howard Markel, Quarantine!: East European Jewish Immigrants and the New York City Epidemics of 1892 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997); and Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years, 1830-1910 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987).
78. Residents, An Inquiry, 5; Nelson Algren, Chicago: City on the Make (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1951).
79. Tomes, "The Private Side"; Deegan, Jane Addams and the Men, 143-66.
80. Chicago Tribune, January 18, 1900; August 3, 10, 1902.
81. See Ibid., August, 23, 28; September 2, 6, 8, 25, 1902, for school related stories. The Board of Education had ordered the water shut off in response to reports of the alarming number of those stricken by a disease. Further testing confirmed that the germs were being pumped through the distribution system and were reaching the drinking fountains in the schools. Also see Ibid., August 22, 1902, for the health department's official bulletin on the epidemic; and Ibid., September 9, 1902, for the report of the minister's sermon.
82. Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades: The Autobiography of Alice Hamilton, M.D. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 98-99; see note 30 below. Also see Residents, An Inquiry, 9-12, for a full account of Hamilton's experiments; and Addams, Twenty Years, 210-11, for her observations not only on the epidemic of 1902, but also on the corruption-riddled system of sanitation services. For important insights on Hamilton's social activism, see Christopher Sellers, Hazards of the Job (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 70-77.
83. Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades: The Autobiography of Alice Hamilton, M.D. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 98-99; see note 30 below. Also see Residents, An Inquiry, 9-12, for a full account of Hamilton's experiments; and Addams, Twenty Years, 210-11, for her observations not only on the epidemic of 1902, but also on the corruption-riddled system of sanitation services. For important insights on Hamilton's social activism, see Christopher Sellers, Hazards of the Job (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 70-77.
84. Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades: The Autobiography of Alice Hamilton, M.D. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 98-99; see note 30 below. Also see Residents, An Inquiry, 9-12, for a full account of Hamilton's experiments; and Addams, Twenty Years, 210-11, for her observations not only on the epidemic of 1902, but also on the corruption-riddled system of sanitation services. For important insights on Hamilton's social activism, see Christopher Sellers, Hazards of the Job (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 70-77.
85. Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades: The Autobiography of Alice Hamilton, M.D. (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 98-99; see note 30 below. Also see Residents, An Inquiry, 9-12, for a full account of Hamilton's experiments; and Addams, Twenty Years, 210-11, for her observations not only on the epidemic of 1902, but also on the corruption-riddled system of sanitation services. For important insights on Hamilton's social activism, see Christopher Sellers, Hazards of the Job (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 70-77.
86. Chicago Tribune, August 22, 1902 (quote); August 13, 20, 22, 28; September 3, 30, 1902, for the city's campaign in the Maxwell Street area.
87. Chicago Tribune, December 18, 1902, for the quoted phrase; Ibid. for coverage of the bill's passage. For the passage of the ordinance, see Chicago, Proceedings (1902-3): 1634-47. For Hamilton's scientific work, see Alice Hamilton, "The Fly as a Carrier of Typhoid," Journal of the American Medical Association 40 (February 28, 1903): 576-83; and Naomi Rogers, "Germs with Legs: Flies, Disease, and the New Public Health," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 606-8.
88. Chicago Tribune, December 18, 1902, for the quoted phrase; Ibid. for coverage of the bill's passage. For the passage of the ordinance, see Chicago, Proceedings (1902-3): 1634-47. For Hamilton's scientific work, see Alice Hamilton, "The Fly as a Carrier of Typhoid," Journal of the American Medical Association 40 (February 28, 1903): 576-83; and Naomi Rogers, "Germs with Legs: Flies, Disease, and the New Public Health," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 606-8.
89. Chicago Tribune, December 18, 1902, for the quoted phrase; Ibid. for coverage of the bill's passage. For the passage of the ordinance, see Chicago, Proceedings (1902-3): 1634-47. For Hamilton's scientific work, see Alice Hamilton, "The Fly as a Carrier of Typhoid," Journal of the American Medical Association 40 (February 28, 1903): 576-83; and Naomi Rogers, "Germs with Legs: Flies, Disease, and the New Public Health," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 606-8.
90. Chicago Tribune, December 18, 1902, for the quoted phrase; Ibid. for coverage of the bill's passage. For the passage of the ordinance, see Chicago, Proceedings (1902-3): 1634-47. For Hamilton's scientific work, see Alice Hamilton, "The Fly as a Carrier of Typhoid," Journal of the American Medical Association 40 (February 28, 1903): 576-83; and Naomi Rogers, "Germs with Legs: Flies, Disease, and the New Public Health," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 63 (1989): 606-8.
91. Philpott, The Slums, 102, for the first quotation; Ibid., 101-3, for additional details, including a count of thirty-four exemptions granted during the first three months of the law's operation. Abbott, Tenements, 63, for second quotation; Ibid., 64, on Ball. Also see Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1904, for additional biographical details on Ball. Trained as a civil engineer at Yale University, he had worked in the patent office on sanitary technologies and had served as an engineer in Washington's sewer department before becoming the chief inspector in New York.
92. Philpott, The Slums, 102, for the first quotation; Ibid., 101-3, for additional details, including a count of thirty-four exemptions granted during the first three months of the law's operation. Abbott, Tenements, 63, for second quotation; Ibid., 64, on Ball. Also see Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1904, for additional biographical details on Ball. Trained as a civil engineer at Yale University, he had worked in the patent office on sanitary technologies and had served as an engineer in Washington's sewer department before becoming the chief inspector in New York.
93. Philpott, The Slums, 102, for the first quotation; Ibid., 101-3, for additional details, including a count of thirty-four exemptions granted during the first three months of the law's operation. Abbott, Tenements, 63, for second quotation; Ibid., 64, on Ball. Also see Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1904, for additional biographical details on Ball. Trained as a civil engineer at Yale University, he had worked in the patent office on sanitary technologies and had served as an engineer in Washington's sewer department before becoming the chief inspector in New York.
94. Philpott, The Slums, 102, for the first quotation; Ibid., 101-3, for additional details, including a count of thirty-four exemptions granted during the first three months of the law's operation. Abbott, Tenements, 63, for second quotation; Ibid., 64, on Ball. Also see Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1904, for additional biographical details on Ball. Trained as a civil engineer at Yale University, he had worked in the patent office on sanitary technologies and had served as an engineer in Washington's sewer department before becoming the chief inspector in New York.
95. Philpott, The Slums, 102, for the first quotation; Ibid., 101-3, for additional details, including a count of thirty-four exemptions granted during the first three months of the law's operation. Abbott, Tenements, 63, for second quotation; Ibid., 64, on Ball. Also see Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1904, for additional biographical details on Ball. Trained as a civil engineer at Yale University, he had worked in the patent office on sanitary technologies and had served as an engineer in Washington's sewer department before becoming the chief inspector in New York.
96. Residents, An Inquiry, 15, for the first quotation; 12-13, for the second quotation; 12-20, for accounts and analysis of tenants' fruitless efforts to get the health department to enforce the law. See Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 98-100, for evidence of middle-class immigrant Italian opposition to Powers. Also see the story of a spontaneous, mass protest against intolerable environmental conditions, "Dirty Streets Cause Protest," Chicago Tribune, July 26, 1902. It is difficult to measure how common these kinds of householder uprisings to put pressure on their aldermen for infrastructure improvements and public services were made or recorded by the press. Nevertheless, the fact that at least one such story was covered by the newspaper suggests that people were concerned about the quality of their home and neighborhood environments.
97. Residents, An Inquiry, 15, for the first quotation; 12-13, for the second quotation; 12-20, for accounts and analysis of tenants' fruitless efforts to get the health department to enforce the law. See Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 98-100, for evidence of middle-class immigrant Italian opposition to Powers. Also see the story of a spontaneous, mass protest against intolerable environmental conditions, "Dirty Streets Cause Protest," Chicago Tribune, July 26, 1902. It is difficult to measure how common these kinds of householder uprisings to put pressure on their aldermen for infrastructure improvements and public services were made or recorded by the press. Nevertheless, the fact that at least one such story was covered by the newspaper suggests that people were concerned about the quality of their home and neighborhood environments.
98. Residents, An Inquiry, 15, for the first quotation; 12-13, for the second quotation; 12-20, for accounts and analysis of tenants' fruitless efforts to get the health department to enforce the law. See Nelli, Italians in Chicago, 98-100, for evidence of middle-class immigrant Italian opposition to Powers. Also see the story of a spontaneous, mass protest against intolerable environmental conditions, "Dirty Streets Cause Protest," Chicago Tribune, July 26, 1902. It is difficult to measure how common these kinds of householder uprisings to put pressure on their aldermen for infrastructure improvements and public services were made or recorded by the press. Nevertheless, the fact that at least one such story was covered by the newspaper suggests that people were concerned about the quality of their home and neighborhood environments.
99. Residents, An Inquiry, 19, 20 (quotes); Chicago Tribune, April 15-18, 1903, for the initial response of the press to the publication of the inquiry. Also see Ibid., April 17, 1903, for a full list of the properties named as in violation of the law.
100. Residents, An Inquiry, 19, 20 (quotes); Chicago Tribune, April 15-18, 1903, for the initial response of the press to the publication of the inquiry. Also see Ibid., April 17, 1903, for a full list of the properties named as in violation of the law.
101. Residents, An Inquiry, 19, 20 (quotes); Chicago Tribune, April 15-18, 1903, for the initial response of the press to the publication of the inquiry. Also see Ibid., April 17, 1903, for a full list of the properties named as in violation of the law.
102. Residents, An Inquiry, 16 (quote), 15-19; Chicago Tribune, April 17, 1903, 1, for the reference to the health department defense; Ibid., April 15-17, 1903.
103. Residents, An Inquiry, 16 (quote), 15-19; Chicago Tribune, April 17, 1903, 1, for the reference to the health department defense; Ibid., April 15-17, 1903.
104. Ibid., October 10, 1903, for a list of graft investigations. For perceptions of the riverfront and lakefront zones as defining the city's social geography, see "The Social Geography of Chicago, " Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4; Addams, "The Housing Problem"; and Charles Bushnell, "Some Social Aspects of the Chicago Stock Yards," American Journal of Sociology 7 (1901-2): passim.
105. Ibid., October 10, 1903, for a list of graft investigations. For perceptions of the riverfront and lakefront zones as defining the city's social geography, see "The Social Geography of Chicago, " Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4; Addams, "The Housing Problem"; and Charles Bushnell, "Some Social Aspects of the Chicago Stock Yards," American Journal of Sociology 7 (1901-2): passim.
106. Ibid., October 10, 1903, for a list of graft investigations. For perceptions of the riverfront and lakefront zones as defining the city's social geography, see "The Social Geography of Chicago, " Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4; Addams, "The Housing Problem"; and Charles Bushnell, "Some Social Aspects of the Chicago Stock Yards," American Journal of Sociology 7 (1901-2): passim.
107. Ibid., October 10, 1903, for a list of graft investigations. For perceptions of the riverfront and lakefront zones as defining the city's social geography, see "The Social Geography of Chicago, " Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4; Addams, "The Housing Problem"; and Charles Bushnell, "Some Social Aspects of the Chicago Stock Yards," American Journal of Sociology 7 (1901-2): passim.
108. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
109. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
110. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
111. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
112. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
113. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
114. Chicago Tribune, April 16, 1903, 4 (quote); April 17-18, 1903, for Dr. Reynolds's response. On Dr. Reynolds's history in the health department, see my earlier working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'Everlasting Purity': Science, Engineering, and the Chlorination of Chicago's Water Supply, 1880-1920," a paper presented to the biannual meeting of the American Society of Environmental History (Baltimore, 1997); and Reynolds's own account of the department, Arthur Reynolds, "Three Chicago and Illinois Public Health Officers: John H. Rauch, Oscar C. DeWolf, and Frank W. Reilly," Bulletin of the Society of Medical History of Chicago 1 (1912): 87-134. Doctors and health providers rallied to his support during the crisis. See Chicago Tribune, April 21-22, 1903. For the damming admissions of the university's property manager, see Ibid., June 13, 1903. The well-respected city engineer, John Ericson, reacted with disbelief to Reynolds's accusation about the waterworks, but ordered an immediate investigation to remove any possible doubt. True to his word, he found a worker at the Harrison Street pumping station who admitted two days later that he had seen a backup of raw sewage flowing toward the water supply well. See Ibid., April 22, 1903. Also see Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades, 99-100, for her confession about the true epidemiology of the 1902 typhoid fever outbreak.
115. Chicago Tribune, April 18-22, 1903. Also see "The Social Geography of Chicago," Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4.
116. Chicago Tribune, April 18-22, 1903. Also see "The Social Geography of Chicago," Charities 2, no. 4 (1903): 3-4.
117. Chicago Tribune, April 22-27; June 3, 1903; "Sanitary Ills Disclosed by Hull-House Workers," Charities 10 (June 13, 1903): 587-88.
118. Chicago Tribune, April 22-27; June 3, 1903; "Sanitary Ills Disclosed by Hull-House Workers," Charities 10 (June 13, 1903): 587-88.
119. For the final sessions of the CSC and Dr. Reynolds's statement, respectively, see Chicago Tribune, July 1, 4, 10, 1903. For charges of intimidation, see Ibid., June 17, 24; November 15, 1903.
120. For the final sessions of the CSC and Dr. Reynolds's statement,
121. Ibid., June 9, 1903 (quotes); July 31, 1903, for the statistics.
122. Ibid., June 3, 6, 13, 17, 1903. The craftsmen charged that Young and Kelly were taking bribes from the contractors building the Wendell Phillips High School. The plumbers called a work stoppage when asked to do a substandard job, appealing for support from Kelly, a former president of the local union. Instead, the city official came to the building site on behalf of the contractors, reportedly advising the men to "let this go on; you won't loose anything by it." Blatantly disregarding the health risks posed for the school children and their families, the chief engineer of the board of education and the sanitary inspector of the local area admitted to going along with this fraudulent scheme to cut costs for the contractor. See Ibid., July 20-31; August 13, 23; September 1, 15, 20, 1903; "Lax Methods of the Chicago Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (August 1, 1903): 100. On the Citizens' Association, see Harold L. Platt, "Creative Necessity: Municipal Reform in Gilded Age Chicago," in The Constitution, Law, and American Life: Critical Aspects of the Nineteenth-Century Experience, ed. Donald G. Nieman (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 162-90.
123. Ibid., June 3, 6, 13, 17, 1903. The craftsmen charged that Young and Kelly were taking bribes from the contractors building the Wendell Phillips High School. The plumbers called a work stoppage when asked to do a substandard job, appealing for support from Kelly, a former president of the local union. Instead, the city official came to the building site on behalf of the contractors, reportedly advising the men to "let this go on; you won't loose anything by it." Blatantly disregarding the health risks posed for the school children and their families, the chief engineer of the board of education and the sanitary inspector of the local area admitted to going along with this fraudulent scheme to cut costs for the contractor. See Ibid., July 20-31; August 13, 23; September 1, 15, 20, 1903; "Lax Methods of the Chicago Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (August 1, 1903): 100. On the Citizens' Association, see Harold L. Platt, "Creative Necessity: Municipal Reform in Gilded Age Chicago," in The Constitution, Law, and American Life: Critical Aspects of the Nineteenth-Century Experience, ed. Donald G. Nieman (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 162-90.
124. Ibid., June 3, 6, 13, 17, 1903. The craftsmen charged that Young and Kelly were taking bribes from the contractors building the Wendell Phillips High School. The plumbers called a work stoppage when asked to do a substandard job, appealing for support from Kelly, a former president of the local union. Instead, the city official came to the building site on behalf of the contractors, reportedly advising the men to "let this go on; you won't loose anything by it." Blatantly disregarding the health risks posed for the school children and their families, the chief engineer of the board of education and the sanitary inspector of the local area admitted to going along with this fraudulent scheme to cut costs for the contractor. See Ibid., July 20-31; August 13, 23; September 1, 15, 20, 1903; "Lax Methods of the Chicago Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (August 1, 1903): 100. On the Citizens' Association, see Harold L. Platt, "Creative Necessity: Municipal Reform in Gilded Age Chicago," in The Constitution, Law, and American Life: Critical Aspects of the Nineteenth-Century Experience, ed. Donald G. Nieman (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 162-90.
125. Ibid., June 3, 6, 13, 17, 1903. The craftsmen charged that Young and Kelly were taking bribes from the contractors building the Wendell Phillips High School. The plumbers called a work stoppage when asked to do a substandard job, appealing for support from Kelly, a former president of the local union. Instead, the city official came to the building site on behalf of the contractors, reportedly advising the men to "let this go on; you won't loose anything by it." Blatantly disregarding the health risks posed for the school children and their families, the chief engineer of the board of education and the sanitary inspector of the local area admitted to going along with this fraudulent scheme to cut costs for the contractor. See Ibid., July 20-31; August 13, 23; September 1, 15, 20, 1903; "Lax Methods of the Chicago Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (August 1, 1903): 100. On the Citizens' Association, see Harold L. Platt, "Creative Necessity: Municipal Reform in Gilded Age Chicago," in The Constitution, Law, and American Life: Critical Aspects of the Nineteenth-Century Experience, ed. Donald G. Nieman (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992), 162-90.
126. Chicago, Civil Service Commission, "Report of July 22, 1903," as quoted in Chicago Tribune, July 23, 1903.
127. Ibid., August 18, 23, 29; September 1, 27-28, 1903; "Chicago's Absurd Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (October 17, 1903): 353-54.
128. Ibid., August 18, 23, 29; September 1, 27-28, 1903; "Chicago's Absurd Sanitary Bureau," Charities 11 (October 17, 1903): 353-54.
129. Edwin Oakes Jordan, "Typhoid Fever and Water Supply in Chicago," Journal of the American Medical Association 39 (December 20, 1902): 1563-65 (quotes), 1561-66; Chicago Tribune, August 6, 1903, for the report of typhoid cases in Wilmette. For insight on Jordan, see Carolyn G. Shapiro-Shapin, "'A Really Excellent Scientific Contribution': Scientific Creativity, Scientific Professionalism, and the Chicago Drainage Case," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71 (1997): 385-411.I have told the story of the Chicago Sanitary District in another working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'A Fountain Inexhaustible': Environmental Perspectives on Water Management in Chicago, 1840-1980," a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of the History of Technology (London, 1996).
130. Edwin Oakes Jordan, "Typhoid Fever and Water Supply in Chicago," Journal of the American Medical Association 39 (December 20, 1902): 1563-65 (quotes), 1561-66; Chicago Tribune, August 6, 1903, for the report of typhoid cases in Wilmette. For insight on Jordan, see Carolyn G. Shapiro-Shapin, "'A Really Excellent Scientific Contribution': Scientific Creativity, Scientific Professionalism, and the Chicago Drainage Case," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71 (1997): 385-411.I have told the story of the Chicago Sanitary District in another working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'A Fountain Inexhaustible': Environmental Perspectives on Water Management in Chicago, 1840-1980," a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of the History of Technology (London, 1996).
131. Edwin Oakes Jordan, "Typhoid Fever and Water Supply in Chicago," Journal of the American Medical Association 39 (December 20, 1902): 1563-65 (quotes), 1561-66; Chicago Tribune, August 6, 1903, for the report of typhoid cases in Wilmette. For insight on Jordan, see Carolyn G. Shapiro-Shapin, "'A Really Excellent Scientific Contribution': Scientific Creativity, Scientific Professionalism, and the Chicago Drainage Case," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71 (1997): 385-411.I have told the story of the Chicago Sanitary District in another working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'A Fountain Inexhaustible': Environmental Perspectives on Water Management in Chicago, 1840-1980," a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of the History of Technology (London, 1996).
132. Edwin Oakes Jordan, "Typhoid Fever and Water Supply in Chicago," Journal of the American Medical Association 39 (December 20, 1902): 1563-65 (quotes), 1561-66; Chicago Tribune, August 6, 1903, for the report of typhoid cases in Wilmette. For insight on Jordan, see Carolyn G. Shapiro-Shapin, "'A Really Excellent Scientific Contribution': Scientific Creativity, Scientific Professionalism, and the Chicago Drainage Case," Bulletin of the History of Medicine 71 (1997): 385-411.I have told the story of the Chicago Sanitary District in another working paper, Harold L. Platt, "'A Fountain Inexhaustible': Environmental Perspectives on Water Management in Chicago, 1840-1980," a paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of the History of Technology (London, 1996).
133. Chicago Tribune, September 22, 1903 (quote); Ibid., 25-29, 1903 for full details on the story. The mayor's directive to give city business to favored insiders on a no-bid basis was not limited to Sullivan's plumbing work, according to Gildea. All steam fitting work, for example, was supposed to be given to Ed McDonald, the brother of the city's infamous underground lord of gambling and vice, Mike McDonald. In the case of the illegal water taps, the whistle blower was company manager J. J. Bowen. His willingness to testify probably stems from the fact that Sullivan had recently filed criminal charges against him for embezzling funds from the company. For the water theft stories, see Ibid., August 6, 8; September 12, 1903.
134. Chicago Tribune, September 22, 1903 (quote); Ibid., 25-29, 1903 for full details on the story. The mayor's directive to give city business to favored insiders on a no-bid basis was not limited to Sullivan's plumbing work, according to Gildea. All steam fitting work, for example, was supposed to be given to Ed McDonald, the brother of the city's infamous underground lord of gambling and vice, Mike McDonald. In the case of the illegal water taps, the whistle blower was company manager J. J. Bowen. His willingness to testify probably stems from the fact that Sullivan had recently filed criminal charges against him for embezzling funds from the company. For the water theft stories, see Ibid., August 6, 8; September 12, 1903.
135. Ibid., September 29, 1903, for the mayor's quotation; Ibid., October 1-4, 8, 10, 19-20, 27; November 15, 18, 1903. The new plumbing code was enacted in 1905. See Abbott, Tenements, 64-65.
136. Ibid., September 29, 1903, for the mayor's quotation; Ibid., October 1-4, 8, 10, 19-20, 27; November 15, 18, 1903. The new plumbing code was enacted in 1905. See Abbott, Tenements, 64-65.
137. Ibid., September 29, 1903, for the mayor's quotation; Ibid., October 1-4, 8, 10, 19-20, 27; November 15, 18, 1903. The new plumbing code was enacted in 1905. See Abbott, Tenements, 64-65.
138. Clarke as quoted in Chicago Tribune, March 12, 1904, 6; Ibid., March 9-April 4; April 21, 1904; February 23, 1905; Chicago, Proceedings (1903-4): 1137-38, 1302-3; Abbott Tenements, 64-65; Philpott, The Slum, 104-9.
139. Clarke as quoted in Chicago Tribune, March 12, 1904, 6; Ibid., March 9-April 4; April 21, 1904; February 23, 1905; Chicago, Proceedings (1903-4): 1137-38, 1302-3; Abbott Tenements, 64-65; Philpott, The Slum, 104-9.
140. Clarke as quoted in Chicago Tribune, March 12, 1904, 6; Ibid., March 9-April 4; April 21, 1904; February 23, 1905; Chicago, Proceedings (1903-4): 1137-38, 1302-3; Abbott Tenements, 64-65; Philpott, The Slum, 104-9.
141. Clarke as quoted in Chicago Tribune, March 12, 1904, 6; Ibid., March 9-April 4; April 21, 1904; February 23, 1905; Chicago, Proceedings (1903-4): 1137-38, 1302-3; Abbott Tenements, 64-65; Philpott, The Slum, 104-9.
142. Clarke as quoted in Chicago Tribune, March 12, 1904, 6; Ibid., March 9-April 4; April 21, 1904; February 23, 1905; Chicago, Proceedings (1903-4): 1137-38, 1302-3; Abbott Tenements, 64-65; Philpott, The Slum, 104-9.
143. See Ball's report on the Nineteenth Ward in, Chicago, City of. Department of Health, Annual Report (1906): 164-68, passim; and Charles Ball, "Report of Bureau of Sanitation, 1911-1919, " in Chicago, City of. Department of Health Annual Report ( 1911-1918): 601-91.
144. See Ball's report on the Nineteenth Ward in, Chicago, City of. Department of Health, Annual Report (1906): 164-68, passim; and Charles Ball, "Report of Bureau of Sanitation, 1911-1919, " in Chicago, City of. Department of Health Annual Report (1911-1918): 601-91.
145. See Ball's report on the Nineteenth Ward in, Chicago, City of. Department of Health, Annual Report (1906): 164-68, passim; and Charles Ball, "Report of Bureau of Sanitation, 1911-1919, " in Chicago, City of. Department of Health Annual Report ( 1911-1918): 601-91.
146. Jon C. Teaford, The Unheralded Triumph: City Government in America, 1870-1900 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1984).
147. Davis, Spearheads for Reform, chaps. 8 and 9. On the tendency of consensus historians to cast the radicalism of the progressives in psychological terms, cf. Staughton Lynd, "Jane Addams and the Radical Impulse," Commentary 32 (1961): 54-59; and Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America, 1889-1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (New York: Knopf, 1965).
148. Davis, Spearheads for Reform, chaps. 8 and 9. On the tendency of consensus historians to cast the radicalism of the progressives in psychological terms, cf. Staughton Lynd, "Jane Addams and the Radical Impulse," Commentary 32 (1961): 54-59; and Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America, 1889-1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (New York: Knopf, 1965).
149. Davis, Spearheads for Reform, chaps. 8 and 9. On the tendency of consensus historians to cast the radicalism of the progressives in psychological terms, cf. Staughton Lynd, "Jane Addams and the Radical Impulse," Commentary 32 (1961): 54-59; and Christopher Lasch, The New Radicalism in America, 1889-1963: The Intellectual as a Social Type (New York: Knopf, 1965).
150. Addams, Twenty Years, 201.
151. On the limits of civil service reform and Harrison's attack on its independence, see Lindberg, To Serve, 35-57; on the related corruption of the health department, see Philpott, Slum, 105-9; and on the continuation of the machine with its base in the river wards, see Harold F Gosnell, Machine Politics, Chicago Model, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1968 [1937]).
152. On the limits of civil service reform and Harrison's attack on its independence, see Lindberg, To Serve, 35-57; on the related corruption of the health department, see Philpott, Slum, 105-9; and on the continuation of the machine with its base in the river wards, see Harold F Gosnell, Machine Politics, Chicago Model, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1968 [1937]).
153. On the limits of civil service reform and Harrison's attack on its independence, see Lindberg, To Serve, 35-57; on the related corruption of the health department, see Philpott, Slum, 105-9; and on the continuation of the machine with its base in the river wards, see Harold F Gosnell, Machine Politics, Chicago Model, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago, 1968 [1937]).
154. Hurley, Environmental Inequalities; John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth-Century Southern New England." Journal of Social History 29 (1995): 149-71; and see the citations listed in the accompanying essay, Delores Greenberg, "Reconstructing Race and Protest: Environmental Justice in New York City."
155. Hurley, Environmental Inequalities; John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth-Century Southern New England." Journal of Social History 29 (1995): 149-71; and see the citations listed in the accompanying essay, Delores Greenberg, "Reconstructing Race and Protest: Environmental Justice in New York City."
156. Hurley, Environmental Inequalities; John T. Cumbler, "Whatever Happened to Industrial Waste?: Reform, Compromise, and Science in Nineteenth-Century Southern New England." Journal of Social History 29 (1995): 149-71; and see the citations listed in the accompanying essay, Delores Greenberg, "Reconstructing Race and Protest: Environmental Justice in New York City."