"A Really Excellent Scientific Contribution": Scientific Creativity, Scientific Professionalism, and the Chicago Drainage Case, 1900-1906

Bulletin of the History of Medicine

Volumn 71, Issue 3, 1997, Pages 385-411

  Shapiro Shapin, Carolyn G ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; EXPERT WITNESS; HISTORY; ISOLATION AND PURIFICATION; LEGAL ASPECT; MICROBIOLOGICAL EXAMINATION; MICROBIOLOGY; SALMONELLA TYPHI; SEWAGE; UNITED STATES; WATER POLLUTION;

BACTERIOLOGICAL TECHNIQUES; CHICAGO; EXPERT TESTIMONY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; MISSOURI; SALMONELLA TYPHI; SEWAGE; UNITED STATES; WATER MICROBIOLOGY; WATER POLLUTION;

EID: 0031225819     PISSN: 00075140     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (176)

1. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth- Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
2. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth- Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
3. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth- Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
4. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth- Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
5. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth-Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
6. On scientific creativity see Frederic L. Holmes, "Patterns of Scientific Creativity," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 19-35; idem, Lavoisier and the Chemistry of Life: An Exploration of Scientific Creativity (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985); idem, Claude Bernard and Animal Chemistry: The Emergence of a Scientist (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974); Gerald Geison, Michael Foster and the Cambridge School of Physiology: The Scientific Enterprise in Late Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Frederic L. Holmes and William Coleman, eds., The Investigative Enterprise: Experimental Physiology in Nineteenth- Century Medicine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988); and Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life: The Construction of Scientific Facts (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986).
7. Charles Rosenberg, Kenneth Allen De Ville, Christopher Hamlin, and James Mohr have used legal battles to explore rifts within the medical profession and scientific community. See Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Kenneth Allen De Ville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy (New York: New York University Press, 1990); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); idem, "Scientific Method and Expert Witnessing: Victorian Perspectives on a Modern Problem," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1986, 16: 485-513; and James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
8. Charles Rosenberg, Kenneth Allen De Ville, Christopher Hamlin, and James Mohr have used legal battles to explore rifts within the medical profession and scientific community. See Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Kenneth Allen De Ville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy (New York: New York University Press, 1990); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); idem, "Scientific Method and Expert Witnessing: Victorian Perspectives on a Modern Problem," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1986, 16: 485-513; and James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
9. Charles Rosenberg, Kenneth Allen De Ville, Christopher Hamlin, and James Mohr have used legal battles to explore rifts within the medical profession and scientific community. See Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Kenneth Allen De Ville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy (New York: New York University Press, 1990); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); idem, "Scientific Method and Expert Witnessing: Victorian Perspectives on a Modern Problem," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1986, 16: 485-513; and James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
10. Charles Rosenberg, Kenneth Allen De Ville, Christopher Hamlin, and James Mohr have used legal battles to explore rifts within the medical profession and scientific community. See Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Kenneth Allen De Ville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy (New York: New York University Press, 1990); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); idem, "Scientific Method and Expert Witnessing: Victorian Perspectives on a Modern Problem," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1986, 16: 485-513; and James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
11. Charles Rosenberg, Kenneth Allen De Ville, Christopher Hamlin, and James Mohr have used legal battles to explore rifts within the medical profession and scientific community. See Charles E. Rosenberg, The Trial of the Assassin Guiteau: Psychiatry and Law in the Gilded Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); Kenneth Allen De Ville, Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America: Origins and Legacy (New York: New York University Press, 1990); Christopher Hamlin, A Science of Impurity: Water Analysis in Nineteenth-Century Britain (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990); idem, "Scientific Method and Expert Witnessing: Victorian Perspectives on a Modern Problem," Soc. Stud. Sci., 1986, 16: 485-513; and James C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993).
12. State of Missouri v. State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago, 180 U.S. 208 (1901).
13. State of Missouri v. State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago, 200 U.S. 495 (1906). The eight-volume transcript of the trial was published separately as Transcript of the Record of the Supreme Court of the United States: The State of Missouri v. State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago (Washington, D.C.: Judd and Detweiler, 1905).
14. State of Missouri v. State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago, 202 U.S. 598 (1906).
15. Many turn-of-the-century medical and scientific journals expressed concerns about the validity of courtroom science and the danger that offering expert testimony posed to their professions. They devoted much page-space to discussions of bringing scientific experts into the courtroom and the proper decorum for those scientists who chose to testify. Their articles and editorials reveal scientists' fears that public disagreements, monetary exchange, unqualified personnel, and legal chicanery would debase the medical and scientific professions. This assessment of expert witnessing at the turn of the century stems from surveys of the American Journal of Physiology, American Journal of Science, American Journal of the Medical Sciences, Boston Medical and Surgical Journal, Bulletin of the American Academy of Medicine, British Medical Journal, Johns Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, Journal of the American Medical Association, Public Health Papers and Reports of the American Public Health Association, Journal of Infectious Diseases, Journal of Experimental Medicine, St. Louis Medical Review, St. Louis Medical Gazette, St. Louis Medical and Surgical Journal, and Science.
16. During the Progressive Era, state, local, and national agencies increasingly hired scientific experts to design and administer health-related projects; see Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967). However, during this time period the federal government allotted little money for public health research; in 1901 the U.S. Congress provided the Marine Hospital Service Hygienic Laboratory with a total appropriation of $35,000 for building funds and the expansive project of investigating "infectious and contagious diseases, and matters pertaining to the public health" (Victoria A. Harden, Inventing the NIH: Federal Biomedical Research Policy, 1887-1937 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986], pp. 17, 71-73; quotation and figure on p. 17).
17. During the Progressive Era, state, local, and national agencies increasingly hired scientific experts to design and administer health-related projects; see Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967). However, during this time period the federal government allotted little money for public health research; in 1901 the U.S. Congress provided the Marine Hospital Service Hygienic Laboratory with a total appropriation of $35,000 for building funds and the expansive project of investigating "infectious and contagious diseases, and matters pertaining to the public health" (Victoria A. Harden, Inventing the NIH: Federal Biomedical Research Policy, 1887-1937 [Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986], pp. 17, 71-73; quotation and figure on p. 17).
18. Scientists in turn-of-the-century Chicago held simultaneous municipal and university appointments; to combat urban health problems, cities and local universities shared resources. A comparison of Illinois state and Chicago municipal office appointments (found in the City of Chicago, Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago, 1881-1906, and the Annual Reports of the Illinois State Board of Health, 1879-1906) with the correspondence and papers of university scientists Edwin Oakes Jordan and Arthur William Palmer reveals substantial overlap between the university and public service communities: see Edwin Oakes Jordan Papers, Department of Special Collections, Joseph Regenstein Library, University of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.; Arthur William Palmer Papers, Record Series 15/5/20, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library, Urbana, Ill. Patricia Peck Gossel has found a similar sharing of scientific talent between the universities and city and state health departments; see Patricia Peck Gossel, "A Need for Standard Methods: The Case of American Bacteriology," in The Right Tools for the Job: At Work in Twentieth-Century Life Sciences, ed. Adele E. Clarke and Joan H. Fujimura (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 287-311.
19. Scientists in turn-of-the-century Chicago held simultaneous municipal and university appointments; to combat urban health problems, cities and local universities shared resources. A comparison of Illinois state and Chicago municipal office appointments (found in the City of Chicago, Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago, 1881- 1906, and the Annual Reports of the Illinois State Board of Health, 1879-1906) with the correspondence and papers of university scientists Edwin Oakes Jordan and Arthur William Palmer reveals substantial overlap between the university and public service communities: see Edwin Oakes Jordan Papers, Department of Special Collections, Joseph Regenstein Library, University of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.; Arthur William Palmer Papers, Record Series 15/5/20, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library, Urbana, Ill. Patricia Peck Gossel has found a similar sharing of scientific talent between the universities and city and state health departments; see Patricia Peck Gossel, "A Need for Standard Methods: The Case of American Bacteriology," in The Right Tools for the Job: At Work in Twentieth-Century Life Sciences, ed. Adele E. Clarke and Joan H. Fujimura (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 287-311.
20. Scientists in turn-of-the-century Chicago held simultaneous municipal and university appointments; to combat urban health problems, cities and local universities shared resources. A comparison of Illinois state and Chicago municipal office appointments (found in the City of Chicago, Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago, 1881- 1906, and the Annual Reports of the Illinois State Board of Health, 1879-1906) with the correspondence and papers of university scientists Edwin Oakes Jordan and Arthur William Palmer reveals substantial overlap between the university and public service communities: see Edwin Oakes Jordan Papers, Department of Special Collections, Joseph Regenstein Library, University of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.; Arthur William Palmer Papers, Record Series 15/5/20, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library, Urbana, Ill. Patricia Peck Gossel has found a similar sharing of scientific talent between the universities and city and state health departments; see Patricia Peck Gossel, "A Need for Standard Methods: The Case of American Bacteriology," in The Right Tools for the Job: At Work in Twentieth-Century Life Sciences, ed. Adele E. Clarke and Joan H. Fujimura (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 287-311.
21. William T. Sedgwick, "Concerning the Attitude of the State Toward Scientific Investigation," Science, 1901, n.s., 13: 93.
22. Edwin Oakes Jordan, "The Sphere of Bacteriology," Science, 1904, n.s., 20: 659.
23. Ibid.
24. William Sedgwick to E. O. Jordan, 26 March 1903, 24 June 1902, 10 January 1901, and 1 December 1905, in Jordan Papers (n. 8).
25. They found their gold standard of research in the newly opened Johns Hopkins University Medical School, then the paragon of laboratory instruction and experimental science. On the Johns Hopkins University Medical School see Kenneth Ludmerer, Learning to Heal: The Development of American Medical Education (New York: Basic Books, 1985).
26. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
27. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth-Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
28. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
29. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
30. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
31. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
32. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
33. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
34. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800-1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
35. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
36. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
37. On the disparity between scientific theory and public health work see Nancy J. Tomes, "The Private Side of Public Health: Sanitary Science, Domestic Hygiene, and the Germ Theory, 1870-1900," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 509-39; Judith Walzer Leavitt, "'Typhoid Mary' Strikes Back: Bacteriological Theory and Practice in Early Twentieth- Century Public Health," Isis, 1992, 83: 608-29; idem, The Healthiest City: Milwaukee and the Politics of Health Reform (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982); Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz, "Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice, and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1870-1920," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1974, 29: 55-73; and idem, Public Health and the State: Changing Views in Massachusetts, 1842-1936 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972). On the public health work of chemists and engineers see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2); Arnold Thackray, Jeffrey L. Sturchio, P. Thomas Carroll, and Robert Bud, Chemistry in America: 1876-1976 (Boston: Reidel, 1985); Samuel Haber, The Quest for Authority and Honor in the American Professions, 1750-1900 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), chap. 9; and Joel Tarr, James McCurley III, Francis C. McMichael, and Terry Yosie, "Water and Wastes: A Retrospective Assessment of Wastewater Technology in the United States, 1800- 1932," Technol. Cult., 1984, 25: 226-63. Related texts include Martin Melosi, Pollution and Reform in American Cities, 1870-1930 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1980); and Stanley K. Schultz and Clay McShane, "To Engineer the Metropolis: Sewers, Sanitation, and City Planning in Late-Nineteenth-Century America," J. Amer. Hist., 1978, 65: 389-411. While social and intellectual conditions in turn-of-the-century America fostered the hiring of chemists, bacteriologists, and engineers, the content of the work these scientists produced contributed equally to their growing role in American life, see John Harley Warner, "Science in Medicine," Osiris, 2d ser., 1985, 1: 37-58.
38. On the quest for pure water in the United States, see Nelson M. Blake, Water for the Cities: A History of the Urban Water Supply Problem in the United States (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1956); Stuart Galishoff, Safeguarding the Public Health: Newark, 1895-1918 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975); Colleen K. O'Toole, The Search for Purity: A Retrospective Policy Analysis of the Decision to Chlorinate Cincinnati's Public Water Supply, 1890- 1920 (New York: Garland, 1990); and Tarr et al., "Water and Wastes" (n. 14).
39. On the quest for pure water in the United States, see Nelson M. Blake, Water for the Cities: A History of the Urban Water Supply Problem in the United States (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1956); Stuart Galishoff, Safeguarding the Public Health: Newark, 1895-1918 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975); Colleen K. O'Toole, The Search for Purity: A Retrospective Policy Analysis of the Decision to Chlorinate Cincinnati's Public Water Supply, 1890- 1920 (New York: Garland, 1990); and Tarr et al., "Water and Wastes" (n. 14).
40. On the quest for pure water in the United States, see Nelson M. Blake, Water for the Cities: A History of the Urban Water Supply Problem in the United States (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1956); Stuart Galishoff, Safeguarding the Public Health: Newark, 1895-1918 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975); Colleen K. O'Toole, The Search for Purity: A Retrospective Policy Analysis of the Decision to Chlorinate Cincinnati's Public Water Supply, 1890-1920 (New York: Garland, 1990); and Tarr et al., "Water and Wastes" (n. 14).
41. On the quest for pure water in the United States, see Nelson M. Blake, Water for the Cities: A History of the Urban Water Supply Problem in the United States (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1956); Stuart Galishoff, Safeguarding the Public Health: Newark, 1895-1918 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1975); Colleen K. O'Toole, The Search for Purity: A Retrospective Policy Analysis of the Decision to Chlorinate Cincinnati's Public Water Supply, 1890- 1920 (New York: Garland, 1990); and Tarr et al., "Water and Wastes" (n. 14).
42. Typhoid reached epidemic levels in 1871-72, 1876, 1881, 1885, and 1891. In the 1870s and 1880s, it caused between 4 and 7 percent of the city's total mortality. While Chicago's typhoid mortality hovered around 3 percent of total mortality in nonepidemic years, during the period 1870-94 New York City's typhoid rate remained below 2 percent of total mortality, Boston's lingered around 2 percent after peaking at 3 percent in 1871 and 1873, and Philadelphia's fluctuated to levels as high as 4 percent in 1876, 1880, and 1888 but, like Chicago's, remained about 3 percent. See City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health for the Years 1895 and 1896, unnumbered inserts between pp. 185 and 186. Historians have used typhoid fever to study medicine, societal values, clinical terminology, clinical understanding, and therapeutics. See Dale C. Smith, "The Rise and Fall of Typhomalarial Fever," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1982, 37: 182-220, 287-321; Lloyd G. Stevenson, "Exemplary Disease: The Typhoid Pattern," ibid., pp. 159-81; and Jan R. McTavish, "Antipyretic Treatment and Typhoid Fever: 1860-1900," ibid., 1987, 42: 486-506.
43. Typhoid reached epidemic levels in 1871-72, 1876, 1881, 1885, and 1891. In the 1870s and 1880s, it caused between 4 and 7 percent of the city's total mortality. While Chicago's typhoid mortality hovered around 3 percent of total mortality in nonepidemic years, during the period 1870-94 New York City's typhoid rate remained below 2 percent of total mortality, Boston's lingered around 2 percent after peaking at 3 percent in 1871 and 1873, and Philadelphia's fluctuated to levels as high as 4 percent in 1876, 1880, and 1888 but, like Chicago's, remained about 3 percent. See City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health for the Years 1895 and 1896, unnumbered inserts between pp. 185 and 186. Historians have used typhoid fever to study medicine, societal values, clinical terminology, clinical understanding, and therapeutics. See Dale C. Smith, "The Rise and Fall of Typhomalarial Fever," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1982, 37: 182-220, 287-321; Lloyd G. Stevenson, "Exemplary Disease: The Typhoid Pattern," ibid., pp. 159-81; and Jan R. McTavish, "Antipyretic Treatment and Typhoid Fever: 1860-1900," ibid., 1987, 42: 486-506.
44. Typhoid reached epidemic levels in 1871-72, 1876, 1881, 1885, and 1891. In the 1870s and 1880s, it caused between 4 and 7 percent of the city's total mortality. While Chicago's typhoid mortality hovered around 3 percent of total mortality in nonepidemic years, during the period 1870-94 New York City's typhoid rate remained below 2 percent of total mortality, Boston's lingered around 2 percent after peaking at 3 percent in 1871 and 1873, and Philadelphia's fluctuated to levels as high as 4 percent in 1876, 1880, and 1888 but, like Chicago's, remained about 3 percent. See City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health for the Years 1895 and 1896, unnumbered inserts between pp. 185 and 186. Historians have used typhoid fever to study medicine, societal values, clinical terminology, clinical understanding, and therapeutics. See Dale C. Smith, "The Rise and Fall of Typhomalarial Fever," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1982, 37: 182-220, 287-321; Lloyd G. Stevenson, "Exemplary Disease: The Typhoid Pattern," ibid., pp. 159-81; and Jan R. McTavish, "Antipyretic Treatment and Typhoid Fever: 1860-1900," ibid., 1987, 42: 486-506.
45. Typhoid reached epidemic levels in 1871-72, 1876, 1881, 1885, and 1891. In the 1870s and 1880s, it caused between 4 and 7 percent of the city's total mortality. While Chicago's typhoid mortality hovered around 3 percent of total mortality in nonepidemic years, during the period 1870-94 New York City's typhoid rate remained below 2 percent of total mortality, Boston's lingered around 2 percent after peaking at 3 percent in 1871 and 1873, and Philadelphia's fluctuated to levels as high as 4 percent in 1876, 1880, and 1888 but, like Chicago's, remained about 3 percent. See City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health for the Years 1895 and 1896, unnumbered inserts between pp. 185 and 186. Historians have used typhoid fever to study medicine, societal values, clinical terminology, clinical understanding, and therapeutics. See Dale C. Smith, "The Rise and Fall of Typhomalarial Fever," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1982, 37: 182-220, 287-321; Lloyd G. Stevenson, "Exemplary Disease: The Typhoid Pattern," ibid., pp. 159-81; and Jan R. McTavish, "Antipyretic Treatment and Typhoid Fever: 1860-1900," ibid., 1987, 42: 486-506.
46. James C. O'Connell, Chicago's Quest for Pure Water (Washington, D.C.: Public Works Historical Association, 1976); idem, "Technology and Pollution: Chicago's Water Policy, 1833-1930" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1980); Louis P. Cain, Sanitation Strategy for a Lakefront Metropolis: The Case of Chicago (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978); and idem, "Raising and Watering a City," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2d ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 439-50.
47. James C. O'Connell, Chicago's Quest for Pure Water (Washington, D.C.: Public Works Historical Association, 1976); idem, "Technology and Pollution: Chicago's Water Policy, 1833-1930" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1980); Louis P. Cain, Sanitation Strategy for a Lakefront Metropolis: The Case of Chicago (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978); and idem, "Raising and Watering a City," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2d ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 439-50.
48. James C. O'Connell, Chicago's Quest for Pure Water (Washington, D.C.: Public Works Historical Association, 1976); idem, "Technology and Pollution: Chicago's Water Policy, 1833-1930" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1980); Louis P. Cain, Sanitation Strategy for a Lakefront Metropolis: The Case of Chicago (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978); and idem, "Raising and Watering a City," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2d ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 439-50.
49. James C. O'Connell, Chicago's Quest for Pure Water (Washington, D.C.: Public Works Historical Association, 1976); idem, "Technology and Pollution: Chicago's Water Policy, 1833-1930" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1980); Louis P. Cain, Sanitation Strategy for a Lakefront Metropolis: The Case of Chicago (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1978); and idem, "Raising and Watering a City," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers, 2d ed. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 439-50.
50. Illinois State Board of Health, "State Sanitary Survey," Annual Report for 1884, p. 60. Quarantine, Rauch believed, would most likely succeed in keeping cholera from American shores, but American cities needed to be secure so that, if typhoid or other germs did break through the barriers, "the disease may be met and fought under the most favorable circumstances" (p. 60). On cholera see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); and Howard Markel, "Cholera, Quarantines, and Immigration Restriction: The View from Johns Hopkins, 1892," Bull. Hist. Med., 1993, 67: 691-95.
51. Illinois State Board of Health, "State Sanitary Survey," Annual Report for 1884, p. 60. Quarantine, Rauch believed, would most likely succeed in keeping cholera from American shores, but American cities needed to be secure so that, if typhoid or other germs did break through the barriers, "the disease may be met and fought under the most favorable circumstances" (p. 60). On cholera see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); and Howard Markel, "Cholera, Quarantines, and Immigration Restriction: The View from Johns Hopkins, 1892," Bull. Hist. Med., 1993, 67: 691-95.
52. Illinois State Board of Health, "State Sanitary Survey," Annual Report for 1884, p. 60. Quarantine, Rauch believed, would most likely succeed in keeping cholera from American shores, but American cities needed to be secure so that, if typhoid or other germs did break through the barriers, "the disease may be met and fought under the most favorable circumstances" (p. 60). On cholera see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); and Howard Markel, "Cholera, Quarantines, and Immigration Restriction: The View from Johns Hopkins, 1892," Bull. Hist. Med., 1993, 67: 691-95.
53. Illinois State Board of Health, "State Sanitary Survey," Annual Report for 1884, p. 60. Quarantine, Rauch believed, would most likely succeed in keeping cholera from American shores, but American cities needed to be secure so that, if typhoid or other germs did break through the barriers, "the disease may be met and fought under the most favorable circumstances" (p. 60). On cholera see Charles E. Rosenberg, The Cholera Years: The United States in 1832, 1849, and 1866 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962); and Howard Markel, "Cholera, Quarantines, and Immigration Restriction: The View from Johns Hopkins, 1892," Bull. Hist. Med., 1993, 67: 691-95.
54. Annual Report of the Citizens' Association of Chicago, 1886, pp. 7-8.
55. "Hering, Rudolph," Dict. Amer. Biog., 8: 576-77; and Transcript (n. 4), pp. 6977-78.
56. "Hering, Rudolph," Dict. Amer. Biog., 8: 576-77; and Transcript (n. 4), pp. 6977-78.
57. City engineers Benezette Williams and Samuel G. Artingstall assisted Hering: O'Connell, "Technology and Pollution" (n. 17), p. 90.
58. Jay Slater, "The Self-Purification of Rivers and Streams: A Study of the Transformation of Water Safety Standards in the Late Nineteenth Century," Synthesis (Cambridge), 1974, 2: 41-55.
59. In 1866 St. Louis sent engineer James Kirkwood to Europe to study filter designs, but technical and financial difficulties prevented St. Louis from acting upon Kirkwood's plan for filtering the water of the muddy Mississippi. See Blake, Water for the Cities (n. 15), p. 260; George Chandler Whipple, "Fifty Years of Water Purification," in A Half-Century of Public Health, ed. Mazyck P. Ravenal (New York: American Public Health Association, 1921), p. 163. By 1895, the River City had constructed a waterworks system five miles above the northern limits of the city, and by 1900 had almost completed the Bissell's Point filtration plant - a plant that city officials believed would be overwhelmed by the increased volume of sewage that Chicago would send; see Jennifer Ann Crets, "'Water of Diamond Transparency': The Legacy of Chain of Rocks Waterworks Park," Gateway Heritage, 1994, 15: 48-59.
60. In 1866 St. Louis sent engineer James Kirkwood to Europe to study filter designs, but technical and financial difficulties prevented St. Louis from acting upon Kirkwood's plan for filtering the water of the muddy Mississippi. See Blake, Water for the Cities (n. 15), p. 260; George Chandler Whipple, "Fifty Years of Water Purification," in A Half-Century of Public Health, ed. Mazyck P. Ravenal (New York: American Public Health Association, 1921), p. 163. By 1895, the River City had constructed a waterworks system five miles above the northern limits of the city, and by 1900 had almost completed the Bissell's Point filtration plant - a plant that city officials believed would be overwhelmed by the increased volume of sewage that Chicago would send; see Jennifer Ann Crets, "'Water of Diamond Transparency': The Legacy of Chain of Rocks Waterworks Park," Gateway Heritage, 1994, 15: 48-59.
61. In 1866 St. Louis sent engineer James Kirkwood to Europe to study filter designs, but technical and financial difficulties prevented St. Louis from acting upon Kirkwood's plan for filtering the water of the muddy Mississippi. See Blake, Water for the Cities (n. 15), p. 260; George Chandler Whipple, "Fifty Years of Water Purification," in A Half-Century of Public Health, ed. Mazyck P. Ravenal (New York: American Public Health Association, 1921), p. 163. By 1895, the River City had constructed a waterworks system five miles above the northern limits of the city, and by 1900 had almost completed the Bissell's Point filtration plant - a plant that city officials believed would be overwhelmed by the increased volume of sewage that Chicago would send; see Jennifer Ann Crets, "'Water of Diamond Transparency': The Legacy of Chain of Rocks Waterworks Park," Gateway Heritage, 1994, 15: 48-59.
62. On city image and public health see Leavitt, Healthiest City (n. 14). On the association of impurity with danger, see Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966).
63. On city image and public health see Leavitt, Healthiest City (n. 14). On the association of impurity with danger, see Mary Douglas, Purity and Danger: An Analysis of the Concepts of Pollution and Taboo (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966).
64. Josiah Hartzell, head of the Ohio State Board of Health, condemned dilution as an unacceptably risky means of disposing of potentially infectious sewage in his paper presented at the 1895-96 American Public Health Association Annual Meeting: Josiah Hartzell, "The Mississippi River as a Sewer," in Selections from Reports and Papers Presented at the Meetings of the American Public Health Association, 1884-1907, ed. Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz (New York: Arno Press, 1977), pp. 27-29.
65. Josiah Hartzell, head of the Ohio State Board of Health, condemned dilution as an unacceptably risky means of disposing of potentially infectious sewage in his paper presented at the 1895-96 American Public Health Association Annual Meeting: Josiah Hartzell, "The Mississippi River as a Sewer," in Selections from Reports and Papers Presented at the Meetings of the American Public Health Association, 1884-1907, ed. Barbara Gutmann Rosenkrantz (New York: Arno Press, 1977), pp. 27-29.
66. "The Drainage Bill," Joliet Republic and Sun, 31 May 1890, p. 4, col. 2.
67. "Is Constitutional: The Illinois Supreme Court Sustains the Drainage Act," Chicago Tribune, 13 June 1890, p. 1, col. 7; "The Sanitary District Act Sustained," ibid., p. 4, col. 2; and "The Drainage Law Upheld: A Decision Which is Expected to Help Illinois Democrats," New York Times, 13 June 1890, p. 2, col. 4. The Sanitary District had full responsibility for all debts and liabilities of the construction; it possessed the powers of eminent domain and of taxing, borrowing, and issuing bonds. It could tax at 0.5 percent all property in its district and could issue up to $20 million in bonds; see O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), pp. 10-14.
68. "Is Constitutional: The Illinois Supreme Court Sustains the Drainage Act," Chicago Tribune, 13 June 1890, p. 1, col. 7; "The Sanitary District Act Sustained," ibid., p. 4, col. 2; and "The Drainage Law Upheld: A Decision Which is Expected to Help Illinois Democrats," New York Times, 13 June 1890, p. 2, col. 4. The Sanitary District had full responsibility for all debts and liabilities of the construction; it possessed the powers of eminent domain and of taxing, borrowing, and issuing bonds. It could tax at 0.5 percent all property in its district and could issue up to $20 million in bonds; see O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), pp. 10-14.
69. "Is Constitutional: The Illinois Supreme Court Sustains the Drainage Act," Chicago Tribune, 13 June 1890, p. 1, col. 7; "The Sanitary District Act Sustained," ibid., p. 4, col. 2; and "The Drainage Law Upheld: A Decision Which is Expected to Help Illinois Democrats," New York Times, 13 June 1890, p. 2, col. 4. The Sanitary District had full responsibility for all debts and liabilities of the construction; it possessed the powers of eminent domain and of taxing, borrowing, and issuing bonds. It could tax at 0.5 percent all property in its district and could issue up to $20 million in bonds; see O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), pp. 10-14.
70. "Is Constitutional: The Illinois Supreme Court Sustains the Drainage Act," Chicago Tribune, 13 June 1890, p. 1, col. 7; "The Sanitary District Act Sustained," ibid., p. 4, col. 2; and "The Drainage Law Upheld: A Decision Which is Expected to Help Illinois Democrats," New York Times, 13 June 1890, p. 2, col. 4. The Sanitary District had full responsibility for all debts and liabilities of the construction; it possessed the powers of eminent domain and of taxing, borrowing, and issuing bonds. It could tax at 0.5 percent all property in its district and could issue up to $20 million in bonds; see O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), pp. 10-14.
71. "To Enjoin the Canal's Operation," Waterways Journal, 29 July 1899, p. 5; "Against the Drainage Canal," New York Times, 11 July 1899, p. 2, col. 3. Studies of urban public health tend to locus on the ideas and programs of a single city. The Chicago Drainage Case offers the historian a means of comparing public health responses in two cities, Chicago and St. Louis. An exception to the single-city studies is found in Margaret Humphreys Warner, "Local Control versus National Interest: The Debate over Southern Public Health, 1878- 1884," J. Southern Hist., 1984, 50: 407-28.
72. "To Enjoin the Canal's Operation," Waterways Journal, 29 July 1899, p. 5; "Against the Drainage Canal," New York Times, 11 July 1899, p. 2, col. 3. Studies of urban public health tend to locus on the ideas and programs of a single city. The Chicago Drainage Case offers the historian a means of comparing public health responses in two cities, Chicago and St. Louis. An exception to the single-city studies is found in Margaret Humphreys Warner, "Local Control versus National Interest: The Debate over Southern Public Health, 1878- 1884," J. Southern Hist., 1984, 50: 407-28.
73. "To Enjoin the Canal's Operation," Waterways Journal, 29 July 1899, p. 5; "Against the Drainage Canal," New York Times, 11 July 1899, p. 2, col. 3. Studies of urban public health tend to locus on the ideas and programs of a single city. The Chicago Drainage Case offers the historian a means of comparing public health responses in two cities, Chicago and St. Louis. An exception to the single-city studies is found in Margaret Humphreys Warner, "Local Control versus National Interest: The Debate over Southern Public Health, 1878-1884," J. Southern Hist., 1984, 50: 407-28.
74. "St. Louis Must Make the Fight," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 21 July 1899, p. 6, col. 2.
75. Annual Report of the Citizens' Association of Chicago, 1888, p. 30.
76. Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 29 March 1899, p. 5596.
77. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
78. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
79. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
80. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
81. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
82. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
83. The Sanitary and Ship Canal cost Chicago more than $45 million to build: O'Connell, Chicago's Quest (n. 17), p. 1. The figure for the Sanitary District and Illinois appropriations was determined from the vouchers printed in the Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 1898-1906. On the legal costs, see Howland J. Hamlin, Biennial Report of the Attorney General of the State of Illinois, 1903-1904 (Springfield: Illinois State Journal Co., State Printers, 1904), pp. 14-15. In contrast to Chicago's, the St. Louis operation functioned on a small scale. Employees on the municipal payroll handled most of the laboratory work and much of the field supervision and collection. In the fiscal year that ended 31 March 1901, the St. Louis Health Department paid out $28,200 for river water analysis; during the following year (1 April 1901-14 February 1902) they invested $23,343.67 in "costs and legal expenses" (City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1902, p. 278). This total of $51,543.67 covered the bulk of the river studies done between December 1899 and July 1902. Total appropriations were determined from City of St. Louis Health Department, Annual Reports, 1901-6. Missouri congressmen and the American Public Health Association tried, albeit in vain, to procure additional federal research funds from the U.S. Congress for "a scientific investigation by thoroughly impartial investigators of the pollution of rivers which the people of more than one State were dependent for their water supply" ("To Investigate River Pollution," Waterways Journal, 13 January 1900, p. 8). See also "River Pollution Inquiry," ibid., 27 January 1900, p. 5.
84. James Cassedy, "Jordan, Edwin Oakes," Dict. Sci. Biog., 7: 170-71.
85. On Palmer see "Palmer, Arthur William," Science, 1904, 19: 276.
86. Transcript (n. 4), pp. 4744-45.
87. Frank S. Bright to William McKendree Springer, 21 March 1903, William McKendree Springer Papers, Chicago Historical Society, Chicago, Ill.
88. Bright to Springer, 2 April 1903, Springer Papers.
89. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
90. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
91. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
92. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
93. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
94. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
95. On the Deep Waterway see "St. Louisans in Washington: Are Promised About $18,000,000 for Mississippi River Improvements," Waterways Journal, 25 January 1902, p. 6; untitled editorial, ibid., 8 March 1902, p. 8; "From Congressman Bartholdt," ibid., 26 April 1902, p. 8; and "River and Harbor Bill," ibid., 21 June 1902, p. 8. For St. Louis's campaign to boost its city as a healthy locale, see "St. Louis as a Summer Resort: According to Dr Robert J. Hyatt Is the Greatest in the Country," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 10 August 1902, Magazine. On the healthful climate, see also editorials from ibid., 11 July 1902, p. 6, col. 1; and 12 August 1902, p. 6, col. 2. For the earlier protests of the channel see "Chicago River: Foulest of All Water Courses," ibid., 21 January 1900, Magazine.
96. "The St. Louis Water Supply," St. Louis Med. Rev., 1902, 46: 421.
97. T[homas] M. Drown to E[dwin] O[akes] Jordan, 5 January 1901, Jordan Papers (n. 8).
98. Drown to Jordan, 20 July 1904, Jordan Papers. 42. Ibid.
99. Drown to Sedgwick, 7 June 1903, William T. Sedgwick Papers, Manuscripts and Archives, Yale University Library, New Haven, Conn.
100. Charles Smart, Preface to "Procedures Recommended for the Study of Bacteria with Especial Reference to Greater Uniformity in the Description and Differentiation of Species. Being the Report of A Committee of Bacteriologists to The Committee on the Pollution of Water Supplies of the American Public Health Association," Pub. Health Pap. Rep., 1897, 23: 56; and idem, "Report of the Committee on the Pollution of Water Supplies," ibid., 1895, 21: 312-15.
101. Charles Smart, Preface to "Procedures Recommended for the Study of Bacteria with Especial Reference to Greater Uniformity in the Description and Differentiation of Species. Being the Report of A Committee of Bacteriologists to The Committee on the Pollution of Water Supplies of the American Public Health Association," Pub. Health Pap. Rep., 1897, 23: 56; and idem, "Report of the Committee on the Pollution of Water Supplies," ibid., 1895, 21: 312-15.
102. Rosenkrantz, Public Health and the State (n. 14), pp. 99-100.
103. Ibid., p. 101.
104. Ibid., p. 105.
105. Transcript (n. 4), p. 1996.
106. Ibid., p. 1997.
107. Ibid., p. 2202.
108. Ibid., pp. 2204-5.
109. Ibid., pp. 779-85. Dr. Amand Ravold (1859-1942), professor of bacteriology at Washington University and the St. Louis Medical College, served as St. Louis's city bacteriologist from 1894 to 1902. From 1897 through 1902 he directed a biological survey of the Illinois, Mississippi, and Missouri Rivers. See "Amand Nicholas Ravold," JAMA, 1942, 120: 781-82; and "Amand Ravold, Compiled Biography," Archives, Washington University Medical School, St. Louis, Missouri.
110. Ibid., pp. 779-85. Dr. Amand Ravold (1859-1942), professor of bacteriology at Washington University and the St. Louis Medical College, served as St. Louis's city bacteriologist from 1894 to 1902. From 1897 through 1902 he directed a biological survey of the Illinois, Mississippi, and Missouri Rivers. See "Amand Nicholas Ravold," JAMA, 1942, 120: 781-82; and "Amand Ravold, Compiled Biography," Archives, Washington University Medical School, St. Louis, Missouri.
111. Ibid., pp. 779-85. Dr. Amand Ravold (1859-1942), professor of bacteriology at Washington University and the St. Louis Medical College, served as St. Louis's city bacteriologist from 1894 to 1902. From 1897 through 1902 he directed a biological survey of the Illinois, Mississippi, and Missouri Rivers. See "Amand Nicholas Ravold," JAMA, 1942, 120: 781-82; and "Amand Ravold, Compiled Biography," Archives, Washington University Medical School, St. Louis, Missouri.
112. State of Missouri v. State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of Chicago (n. 4), p. 525.
113. Transcript (n. 4), p. 4752.
114. Indeed, Chicago health commissioner A. R. Reynolds bragged that Chicago stood in a superior position to St. Louis in terms of their investigations because they used graduate students to do their analyses, a cheaper workforce than the municipal scientists employed by St. Louis: Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 30 October 1901, p. 7458. In the University of Chicago laboratory, Jordan was assisted by Frank L. Stevens (botany), Walter G. Sackett (bacteriology), and Ernest E. Irons (bacteriology): Transcript (n. 4), pp. 5810-15.
115. Indeed, Chicago health commissioner A. R. Reynolds bragged that Chicago stood in a superior position to St. Louis in terms of their investigations because they used graduate students to do their analyses, a cheaper workforce than the municipal scientists employed by St. Louis: Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago, 30 October 1901, p. 7458. In the University of Chicago laboratory, Jordan was assisted by Frank L. Stevens (botany), Walter G. Sackett (bacteriology), and Ernest E. Irons (bacteriology): Transcript (n. 4), pp. 5810-15.
116. Transcript (n. 4), p. 5816.
117. Ibid., pp. 5814-15.
118. Ibid., p. 5815.
119. "Schematic Representation of the Self Purification of the Waters of the Missouri, Mississippi and Illinois Rivers," ibid., p. 7001.
120. E. O. Jordan, "Some Observations upon the Bacterial Self-Purification of Streams," J. Exp. Med., 1900, 5: 271-314. In a footnote, Jordan noted that "the observations recorded in this paper were made during a study of the chemical and bacterial condition of the Illinois River and its tributaries, undertaken in behalf of the Sanitary District of Chicago" (p. 271).
121. E. O. Jordan, "Some Observations upon the Bacterial Self-Purification of Streams," J. Exp. Med., 1900, 5: 271-314. In a footnote, Jordan noted that "the observations recorded in this paper were made during a study of the chemical and bacterial condition of the Illinois River and its tributaries, undertaken in behalf of the Sanitary District of Chicago" (p. 271).
122. Ibid., p. 276. Jordan warned that because streams differed, "inferences made on the basis of experience obtained elsewhere under a different set of conditions can have little weight in the present state of our knowledge" (p. 276).
123. Ibid., p. 276. Jordan warned that because streams differed, "inferences made on the basis of experience obtained elsewhere under a different set of conditions can have little weight in the present state of our knowledge" (p. 276).
124. Jordan noted that "although every attempt was made to minimize the dangers arising from transportation of the sample, there can be no doubt that our work has suffered from the unavoidable delay in plating, and it must be freely admitted that the numerical counts obtained in the routine work have not strictly comparable values" (ibid., p. 282).
125. "An Old Song Revised," St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 19 January 1900, p. 6, col. 3.
126. Jordan, "Observations" (n. 60), pp. 309-10.
127. Theobald Smith to Jordan, 6 February 1901, Jordan Papers (n. 8).
128. Henry P. Bowditch, Russell H. Chittenden, and William Osler were among Welch's coeditors.
129. From the start of the nineteenth century, scientists, sanitarians, and city officials gradually adopted chemical and bacteriological standards for evaluating water supplies, but never fully dismissed taste, color, turbidity, and general appearance as determinants of a water's "purity"; see Hamlin, Science of Impurity (n. 2).
130. Samuel P. Hays, Conservation and the Gospel of Efficiency: The Progressive Conservation Movement, 1890-1920 (NewYork: Atheneum, 1975).
131. Jordan, "Observations" (n. 60), p. 276.
132. Gossel, "Need for Standard Methods" (n. 8), p. 292.
133. Smart, Preface to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 56.
134. Smart, "Report" (n. 44), p. 314; William H. Welch, Introduction to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 59. This committee included J. George Adami of McGill University, Wyatt Johnston of the Provincial Board of Health of Quebec, J. J. McKenzie of the Provincial Board of Ontario, George W. Fuller of the Lawrence Experiment Station, Gardiner T. Swartz of Rhode Island, and F. Ferguson of the New York Hospital; certain leading bacteriologists, including Surgeon-General George M. Sternberg, Welch of Johns Hopkins, Victor C. Vaughan of Ann Arbor, T. Mitchell Prudden of the University of New York, and Theobald Smith, were overextended and declined to participate, offering their services in an advisory capacity only. A subcommittee convened a meeting of "most of the prominent bacteriologists of the US and Canada" at the Academy of Medicine in New York City on 21-22 June 1895; when the convention ended, Theobald Smith of Harvard and William T. Sedgwick joined the efforts to help resolve the "difficult questions which remained" (Smart, Preface to "Procedures" [n. 44], pp. 56-57).
135. Smart, "Report" (n. 44), p. 314; William H. Welch, Introduction to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 59. This committee included J. George Adami of McGill University, Wyatt Johnston of the Provincial Board of Health of Quebec, J. J. McKenzie of the Provincial Board of Ontario, George W. Fuller of the Lawrence Experiment Station, Gardiner T. Swartz of Rhode Island, and F. Ferguson of the New York Hospital; certain leading bacteriologists, including Surgeon-General George M. Sternberg, Welch of Johns Hopkins, Victor C. Vaughan of Ann Arbor, T. Mitchell Prudden of the University of New York, and Theobald Smith, were overextended and declined to participate, offering their services in an advisory capacity only. A subcommittee convened a meeting of "most of the prominent bacteriologists of the US and Canada" at the Academy of Medicine in New York City on 21-22 June 1895; when the convention ended, Theobald Smith of Harvard and William T. Sedgwick joined the efforts to help resolve the "difficult questions which remained" (Smart, Preface to "Procedures" [n. 44], pp. 56-57).
136. Smart, "Report" (n. 44), p. 314; William H. Welch, Introduction to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 59. This committee included J. George Adami of McGill University, Wyatt Johnston of the Provincial Board of Health of Quebec, J. J. McKenzie of the Provincial Board of Ontario, George W. Fuller of the Lawrence Experiment Station, Gardiner T. Swartz of Rhode Island, and F. Ferguson of the New York Hospital; certain leading bacteriologists, including Surgeon-General George M. Sternberg, Welch of Johns Hopkins, Victor C. Vaughan of Ann Arbor, T. Mitchell Prudden of the University of New York, and Theobald Smith, were overextended and declined to participate, offering their services in an advisory capacity only. A subcommittee convened a meeting of "most of the prominent bacteriologists of the US and Canada" at the Academy of Medicine in New York City on 21-22 June 1895; when the convention ended, Theobald Smith of Harvard and William T. Sedgwick joined the efforts to help resolve the "difficult questions which remained" (Smart, Preface to "Procedures" [n. 44], pp. 56-57).
137. Welch, Introduction to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 59 (emphasis in original). Robert Koch's emphasis on pure cultures and monomorphism led scientists to report a single bacterial strain cultured under different circumstances (and therefore showing morphological differences) as distinct species: Gossel, "Need for Standard Methods" (n. 8), p. 292.
138. Welch, Introduction to "Procedures" (n. 44), p. 59 (emphasis in original). Robert Koch's emphasis on pure cultures and monomorphism led scientists to report a single bacterial strain cultured under different circumstances (and therefore showing morphological differences) as distinct species: Gossel, "Need for Standard Methods" (n. 8), p. 292.
139. "Report of Committee on Standard Methods of Water Analysis," Pub. Health Pap. Rep., 1901, 27: 377.
140. Ibid., pp. 382-83, 389-91.
141. "Standard Methods of Water Analysis," Science, 1900, n.s., 12: 908.
142. Ibid.
143. "Standard Methods," 1901 (n. 74), p. 383.
144. Ibid., p. 377; "Report of the Committee on Standard Methods of Water Analysis. Third Report of Progress," Pub. Health Pap. Rep., 1902, 28: 388-96.
145. Ibid., p. 377; "Report of the Committee on Standard Methods of Water Analysis. Third Report of Progress," Pub. Health Pap. Rep., 1902, 28: 388-96.
146. "Report of Committee on Standard Methods of Water Analysis to the Laboratory Section of the American Public Health Association," J. Infect. Dis., 1905, Suppl. 1: 1-141, quotation on p. 6.
147. Ibid.
148. Transcript (n. 4), p. 4927.
149. Ibid., p. 4121.
150. Edward Bartow, Chemical and Biological Survey of the Waters of Illinois (Urbana: University of Illinois, 1906), p. 23 (emphasis added).
151. Ibid., p. 20.
152. Illinois State Board of Health, Annual Report for 1905, p. 11.
153. For the funds made available see the vouchers published in Proceedings of the Sanitary District of Chicago (n. 31), 1903-4.
154. Norman MacLeod Harris, who testified for Chicago, published "Concerning an Improved Method of Making Collodium Sacs," Johns Hopkins Hosp. Bull., 1902, 13: 112-15, which he offered as "an improved method of making these sacs, the technique of which is simple and readily acquired, whilst the materials are practically always at hand in every laboratory for making them upon briefest notice" (p. 112).
155. Transcript (n. 4), p. 4483.
156. Ibid.
157. See, for example, F. Elbridge Wynekoop, "Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever by the Blood Test," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1895 and 1896, pp. 223-31; Adolph Gehrmann, "The Results of Widal's Test in the Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever from Dried Blood Specimens," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1897 and 1898, pp. 204-14; and Carl Fisch, "Recent Views on the Mechanism of the Widal Reaction," St. Louis Med. Gaz., 1899, 2: 201-4, 245-48.
158. See, for example, F. Elbridge Wynekoop, "Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever by the Blood Test," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1895 and 1896, pp. 223-31; Adolph Gehrmann, "The Results of Widal's Test in the Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever from Dried Blood Specimens," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1897 and 1898, pp. 204-14; and Carl Fisch, "Recent Views on the Mechanism of the Widal Reaction," St. Louis Med. Gaz., 1899, 2: 201-4, 245-48.
159. See, for example, F. Elbridge Wynekoop, "Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever by the Blood Test," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1895 and 1896, pp. 223-31; Adolph Gehrmann, "The Results of Widal's Test in the Diagnosis of Typhoid Fever from Dried Blood Specimens," in City of Chicago, Biennial Report of the Department of Health of the City of Chicago for the Years 1897 and 1898, pp. 204-14; and Carl Fisch, "Recent Views on the Mechanism of the Widal Reaction," St. Louis Med. Gaz., 1899, 2: 201-4, 245-48.
160. Transcript (n. 4), pp. 6180-92, 6195-97, 6236-53. No uphold epidemic emerged downstream.
161. Ibid., p. 7961.
162. Review of "Report of Stream's Examination, Chemical and Bacteriological, of the Waters Between Lake Michigan at Chicago and the Mississippi River at St. Louis for the Purpose of Determining Their Condition and Quality Before and After the Opening of the Drainage Channel," Amer. J. Med. Sci., 1903, 126: 915-16, quotation on p. 915.
163. William B. Wherry to Jordan, 21 January 1905, Jordan Papers (n. 8).
164. William H. Welch to Jordan, 23 March 1904, Jordan Papers. On Welch see Donald Fleming, William H. Welch and the Rise of Modern Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press,
165. Welch criticized Chicago's choice of method for disposing of its sewage, but noted that "I do not think that it can be shown to endanger the health of St. Louis" (Welch to Jordan, 23 March 1904, Jordan Papers). He declined an opportunity to testify during the Drainage Case, informing Sanitary District attorney James Todd that he "regretted after our interview that I should have given any favorable consideration to the suggestion that I should testify, as I disapprove of our American system of hiring experts to testify for only one side of a scientific matter, and I have consistently kept out of such employment, save in two or three cases where it seemed my clear duty to give testimony" (Welch to James Todd, 14 February 1904, Jordan Papers).
166. See Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Company, 206 U.S. 230 (1907); Darling v. City of Newport News, 249 U.S. 540 (1919); and New York v. New Jersey, 256 U.S. 296 (1921). In 1900 there was no national legislation protecting water supplies against sewage pollution; see City of St. Louis Health Department, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1901, p. 183. By 1890, the U.S. government had prohibited the dumping of "filth, refuse, or other waste of any kind" that would impede navigation in ports, harbors, and navigable rivers (United States Statutes: An Act Making for Provision for Emergencies in River and Harbor Works, 56th Cong., 1st sess., 1900, p. 580); however, the regulation of sewage pollution waited until the Water Pollution Control Act of 1948. Local boards reacted earlier, regulating, filtering and (after 1908) chlorinating the source of their drinking water. See Fitzhugh Mullan, Plagues and Politics: The Story of the United States Public Health Service (New York: Basic Books, 1989), p. 142.
167. See Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Company, 206 U.S. 230 (1907); Darling v. City of Newport News, 249 U.S. 540 (1919); and New York v. New Jersey, 256 U.S. 296 (1921). In 1900 there was no national legislation protecting water supplies against sewage pollution; see City of St. Louis Health Department, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1901, p. 183. By 1890, the U.S. government had prohibited the dumping of "filth, refuse, or other waste of any kind" that would impede navigation in ports, harbors, and navigable rivers (United States Statutes: An Act Making for Provision for Emergencies in River and Harbor Works, 56th Cong., 1st sess., 1900, p. 580); however, the regulation of sewage pollution waited until the Water Pollution Control Act of 1948. Local boards reacted earlier, regulating, filtering and (after 1908) chlorinating the source of their drinking water. See Fitzhugh Mullan, Plagues and Politics: The Story of the United States Public Health Service (New York: Basic Books, 1989), p. 142.
168. See Georgia v. Tennessee Copper Company, 206 U.S. 230 (1907); Darling v. City of Newport News, 249 U.S. 540 (1919); and New York v. New Jersey, 256 U.S. 296 (1921). In 1900 there was no national legislation protecting water supplies against sewage pollution; see City of St. Louis Health Department, Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Health Commissioner, 1901, p. 183. By 1890, the U.S. government had prohibited the dumping of "filth, refuse, or other waste of any kind" that would impede navigation in ports, harbors, and navigable rivers (United States Statutes: An Act Making for Provision for Emergencies in River and Harbor Works, 56th Cong., 1st sess., 1900, p. 580); however, the regulation of sewage pollution waited until the Water Pollution Control Act of 1948. Local boards reacted earlier, regulating, filtering and (after 1908) chlorinating the source of their drinking water. See Fitzhugh Mullan, Plagues and Politics: The Story of the United States Public Health Service (New York: Basic Books, 1989), p. 142.
169. E. Mitscherlich and E. H. Marth, Microbial Survival in the Environment: Barteria and Rickettsiae Important in Human and Animal Health (Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 1984), p. 421.
170. The St. Louis medical and public health communities respected this growing concentration of science. When St. Louis city bacteriologist Amand Ravold resigned from the City Health Department following a diphtheria antitoxin scandal, the mayor of St. Louis replaced him with C. A. Snodgras, one of Jordan's University of Chicago bacteriology students: C. A. Snodgras to Jordan, 27 May 1902, Jordan Papers (n. 8). On the antitoxin scandal see B. Meade Bolton, C. Fisch, and E. C. Walden, "Report of the Commission Appointed to Investigate the Cases of Tetanus in St. Louis Following the Administration of Diphtheria Antitoxin," St. Louis Med. Rev., 1901, 44: 361-68.
171. Paul F. Clark, Pioneer Microbiologists of America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961), pp. 247-70. On the growth of Chicago as an urban center see William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991).
172. Paul F. Clark, Pioneer Microbiologists of America (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1961), pp. 247-70. On the growth of Chicago as an urban center see William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991).
173. E. O. Jordan, Harry L. Russell, and F. Robert Zeit, "The Longevity of the Typhoid Bacillus in Water," J. Infect. Dis., 1904, 1: 641-89.
174. L. P. Kinnicutt, "Standard Methods to Be Used in the Sanitary Analysis of Water," Science, 1905, n.s., 21: 258. Leonard Parker Kinnicutt (1854-1911) was a chemist and sanitary engineer who taught at the Worcester Polytechnic Institute in Massachusetts; he testified for Chicago during the Drainage Case. See "Kinnicutt, Leonard Parker," Dict. Amer. Biog., 10: 418-19.
175. L. P. Kinnicutt, "Standard Methods to Be Used in the Sanitary Analysis of Water," Science, 1905, n.s., 21: 258. Leonard Parker Kinnicutt (1854-1911) was a chemist and sanitary engineer who taught at the Worcester Polytechnic Institute in Massachusetts; he testified for Chicago during the Drainage Case. See "Kinnicutt, Leonard Parker," Dict. Amer. Biog., 10: 418-19.
176. William Welch to James Todd, 14 February 1904, Jordan Papers (n. 8).