Qing connections to the early modern world: Ethnography and cartography in eighteenth-century China

Modern Asian Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 623-662

  Hostetler, Laura ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT CHICAGO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CARTOGRAPHY; EIGHTEENTH CENTURY; HISTORICAL CARTOGRAPHY;

CHINA;

EID: 0033869605     PISSN: 0026749X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x00003772     Document Type: Article

References (117)

1. Tian Wen, Qian shu (1690), preface, 1-2.
2. Bodleian Library MS. chin.c.15, preface.
3. Han being the fifty-sixth 'nationality.' Han is a term with a long history. In the eighteenth century the term hanren (Han people) referred to those people who considered themselves descendants of the Han dynasty (202 B.C.-A.D. 220). The term hanren was also used to distinguish culturally Chinese peoples from their non-Han neighbors (i.e., Miao, Zhuang, etc.). Since the late nineteenth and early twentieth century the term han has come to refer to anyone who is, appears, claims, or is assumed to be, ethnically Chinese. For an in-depth study of the modern term han as a construct, see Leo J. Moser, The Chinese Mosaic: The Peoples and Provinces of China (Boulder and London: Westview Press, 1985).
4. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), especially chapter ten, 'Census, Map, Museum'; David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992); Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturalion (London and New York: Routledge, 1992).
5. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), especially chapter ten, 'Census, Map, Museum'; David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992); Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturalion (London and New York: Routledge, 1992).
6. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), especially chapter ten, 'Census, Map, Museum'; David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992); Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturalion (London and New York: Routledge, 1992).
7. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), especially chapter ten, 'Census, Map, Museum'; David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992); Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturalion (London and New York: Routledge, 1992).
8. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London and New York: Verso, 1991), especially chapter ten, 'Census, Map, Museum'; David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps: The Emergence of Cartography as a Tool of Government in Early Modern Europe (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1992); Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality: Quantification and Western Society, 1250-1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964); Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturalion (London and New York: Routledge, 1992).
9. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, 'Connected Histories: Notes towards a Reconfiguration of Early Modern Eurasia,' Modern Asian Studies 31.3 (1997): 736-7. While my focus is primarily on the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, I do not mean to preclude the existence of early modern trends during the late Ming (1368-1643).
10. I use the term local histories for books written by individuals (ji,shu). I reserve the term gazetteer (fang zhi, or tong zhi) for works of a more official nature often commissioned imperially for a given region. The distinction is in some ways minor as the same individuals were often involved in the compilation of both. However, the gazetteers tend to follow a more standardized format.
11. The word 'Miao' has several meanings. Although the term can refer to a specific ethnic group narrowly defined (usually called Hmong outside of China), it is used here in its broader eighteenth-century sense that encompassed any non-Han, or culturally non-Chinese, group living in southwest China.
12. For an in-depth study of gaitu guiliu policy during the early Qing see John Herman, 'Empire in the Southwest: Early Qing Reforms to the Native Chieftain System,' Journal of Asian Studies 56.1 (1997): 47-74. See also Kent C. Smith, 'Ch'ing Policy and the Development of Southwest China: Aspects of Ortai's Governor-Generalship, 1726-1731' (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1970).
13. For an in-depth study of gaitu guiliu policy during the early Qing see John Herman, 'Empire in the Southwest: Early Qing Reforms to the Native Chieftain System,' Journal of Asian Studies 56.1 (1997): 47-74. See also Kent C. Smith, 'Ch'ing Policy and the Development of Southwest China: Aspects of Ortai's Governor-Generalship, 1726-1731' (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1970).
14. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
15. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
16. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
17. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
18. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
19. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
20. For a discussion of internal colonization see Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development, 1536-1966 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1975). For recent scholarship on the Qing as a colonial power see Peter C. Perdue, 'Comparing Empires: Manchu Colonialism,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1998): 255-61, 'Boundaries, Maps, and Movement: Chinese, Russian, and Mongolian Empires in Early Modern Central Eurasia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 263-86, and 'Military Mobilization in Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century China, Russia, and Mongolia,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 757-93; Nicola Di Cosmo, 'Qing Colonial Administration in Inner Asia,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 287-309; Michael Adas, 'Imperialism and Colonialism in Comparative Perspective,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 371-88; and the other articles in the same issue of the International History Review, which is devoted to Manchu Colonialism.
21. John King Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of Treaty Ports, 1842-1854 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1948). 'Response to the West' is the standard characterization of Fairbank's model for viewing China's entry into the modern world. See Paul A. Cohen, Discovering History in China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
22. John King Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy on the China Coast: The Opening of Treaty Ports, 1842-1854 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1948). 'Response to the West' is the standard characterization of Fairbank's model for viewing China's entry into the modern world. See Paul A. Cohen, Discovering History in China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).
23. For a succinct synopsis of Weber's influence on Western scholarship of China see the introduction to William T. Rowe's, Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1984), 1-14.
24. Scholars have begun to take a more outward-looking approach. See James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995); Joanna Waley-Cohen, 'China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century,' American Historical Review 98.4 (1993): 1525-44, 'Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 869-99 , and 'Religion, War, and Empire-Building in Eighteenth-Century China,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 336-52. See also articles cited in note 9 above.
25. Scholars have begun to take a more outward-looking approach. See James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995); Joanna Waley-Cohen, 'China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century,' American Historical Review 98.4 (1993): 1525-44, 'Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 869-99 , and 'Religion, War, and Empire-Building in Eighteenth-Century China,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 336-52. See also articles cited in note 9 above.
26. Scholars have begun to take a more outward-looking approach. See James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995); Joanna Waley-Cohen, 'China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century,' American Historical Review 98.4 (1993): 1525-44, 'Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 869-99 , and 'Religion, War, and Empire-Building in Eighteenth-Century China,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 336-52. See also articles cited in note 9 above.
27. Scholars have begun to take a more outward-looking approach. See James Hevia, Cherishing Men from Afar: Qing Guest Ritual and the Macartney Embassy of 1793 (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1995); Joanna Waley-Cohen, 'China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century,' American Historical Review 98.4 (1993): 1525-44, 'Commemorating War in Eighteenth-Century China,' Modern Asian Studies 30.4 (1996): 869-99 , and 'Religion, War, and Empire-Building in Eighteenth-Century China,' International History Review XX.2 (June 1988): 336-52. See also articles cited in note 9 above.
28. Waley-Cohen, 'Religion, War, and Empire-Building.'
29. David M. Farquhar, 'Emperor as Bodhisattva in the Governance of the Ch'ing Empire,' Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 38 (1978): 5-34.
30. Chia Ning, 'The Lifanyuan and the Inner Asian Rituals in the Early Qing (1644-1795),' Late Imperial China 14.1 (June 1993): 60-92. In a recent paper entitled 'The Manchu Rule in Early Modern Mongolia' presented at the 1998 meetings of the Association for Asian Studies, she further explores the religious and secular aspects of Qing rule in Mongolia.
31. Chia Ning, 'The Lifanyuan and the Inner Asian Rituals in the Early Qing (1644-1795),' Late Imperial China 14.1 (June 1993): 60-92. In a recent paper entitled 'The Manchu Rule in Early Modern Mongolia' presented at the 1998 meetings of the Association for Asian Studies, she further explores the religious and secular aspects of Qing rule in Mongolia.
32. For a thorough summary of recent scholarship on the Qing focusing on Manchu rule as distinct from Han, see Evelyn S. Rawski's 'Presidential Address: Reenvisioning the Qing: The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History,' Journal of Asian Studies 55.4 (November 1996): 829-50. The virulence of Ho Ping-ti's response, 'In Defense of Sinicization: A Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's "Reenvisioning the Qing,"' Journal of Asian Studies 57.1 (February 1998): 123-55, reveals the extent of the threat that new directions in Qing studies poses to Chinese nationalist historiography, and the kind of reaction they can provoke.
33. For a thorough summary of recent scholarship on the Qing focusing on Manchu rule as distinct from Han, see Evelyn S. Rawski's 'Presidential Address: Reenvisioning the Qing: The Significance of the Qing Period in Chinese History,' Journal of Asian Studies 55.4 (November 1996): 829-50. The virulence of Ho Ping-ti's response, 'In Defense of Sinicization: A Rebuttal of Evelyn Rawski's "Reenvisioning the Qing,"' Journal of Asian Studies 57.1 (February 1998): 123-55, reveals the extent of the threat that new directions in Qing studies poses to Chinese nationalist historiography, and the kind of reaction they can provoke.
34. Pamela Kyle Crossley, 'Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage,' Journal of Asian Studies 46.4 (November 1987): 779-81.
35. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
36. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
37. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
38. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
39. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
40. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
41. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
42. Laura Hostetler, 'Chinese Ethnography in the Eighteenth Century: Miao Albums of Guizhou Province,' Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1995. The seven texts are Tian Rucheng's Yanjiao jiwen (The Southern Frontier: A Record of Things Heard) 1560; Guo Zizhang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) 1608; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter KXGZTZ) of 1673; Tian Wen's Qian shu (Book of Guizhou) 1690; the Kangxi Guizhou tongzhi (Kangxi Guizhou Gazetteer) of 1692; Qianlong Guizhou tongzhi (Qianlong Guizhou Gazetteer - hereafter QLGZTZ) 1741; and Li Zongfang's Qian ji (Record of Guizhou Province) prefaced 1834.
43. Qianji, 59: 7.
44. Although the earlier, 1560, text discussed sixteen different groups, some of them did not reside in Guizhou.
45. Although I have suggested above that sinicization per se was not a Manchu goal, Han officials involved in governing the area and compiling the gazetteers retained their own vision and goals for bringing non-Han frontier peoples into the empire.
46. KXGZTZ, 1673, juan 29, miaoliao subsection, entry 3.
47. KXGZTZ, 1673, juan 29, miaoliao subsection, entry 22. Across the seven texts we do see a substantial amount of borrowing. However, up until at least 1741 and possibly beyond, the content is not mindlessly repeated, but carefully sifted through, revised, and consistently expanded. The 1834 text, by contrast, shows a reverse in this trend. Although the number of categories of non-Han people have doubled, reaching eighty-two, the amount of text in each entry is severely reduced. By the mid-nineteenth century the careful search for direct information based on observation seems no longer to have been pursued. An exploration for the reasons for this trend would make an interesting study. A few of the most plausible causes stem from the general political situation at the time that diverted energy and resources elsewhere: internal rebellion threatened the Qing from within, opium imports from British India were growing at a rapid pace, and Western powers were beginning to reveal themselves as a serious threat.
48. Qian shu, preface, 1b.
49. Ibid.
50. Qian shu, preface, 2a.
51. Qian shu, preface, 2a and b.
52. Secret Palace Memorials of the Kangxi Reign Period, vol 1 (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1976), p. 404. See also Chuang Chi-fa, 'Xie Sui zhigong tu yanjiu [A Study of the Tribute Presenting Scroll by Hsieh Sui],' Proceedings of the 1991 Taipei Art History Conference, National Palace Museum, Taipei, 1991, p. 773.
53. Secret Palace Memorials of the Kangxi Reign Period, vol 1 (Taipei: National Palace Museum, 1976), p. 404. See also Chuang Chi-fa, 'Xie Sui zhigong tu yanjiu [A Study of the Tribute Presenting Scroll by Hsieh Sui],' Proceedings of the 1991 Taipei Art History Conference, National Palace Museum, Taipei, 1991, p. 773.
54. From the context it is not entirely clear whether he had maps drawn or actual illustrations, but the former is more likely. The word for map and for illustration, tu, is the same in classical Chinese.
55. Although less common, some album entries are arranged according to activity (beating drums, bathing, singing, attending school, sacrificing a buffalo, etc.) rather than by group name.
56. I have examined more than eighty such albums, and know of the existence of at least thirty more. For full bibliographic information see Hostetler, 1995.
57. For a summary of earlier scholarship on Miao albums see Hostetler, 1995, 55-68.
58. Ibid., ch. 5.
59. Albums were sometimes presented to high-ranking officials as gifts. Archibald R. Colquhoun, Across Chryse (London: Sampson Low, Marston Searle and Rivington, 1883), 359-60.
60. Untitled. Museum für Völkerkunde, Abteilung Ostasien, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, # 43 304, preface. Although there is significant overlap, the thirty-seven existing entries in the album do not correlate directly to the forty-one entries in the 1741 Guizhou gazetteer. Some of the texts bear a degree of similarity to each other, but they are from from identical.
61. Berlin album, preface.
62. 'Miaoman tuce ye' Library of Congress, East Asian Collection, Rare Book, D827 M59, Preface.
63. 'Diansheng yi xi yi nan yiren tushuo,' Museum für Völkerkunde, Leipzig, Archive # F III d 2, Preface.
64. 'Yunnan san yi bai miao tu' (Illustrations of Yunnan's hundred Miao from three frontiers), Bodleian Library, Oxford University, Ms.Chin.c.37, 4 vols, preface, p. i.
65. See, for example, A Happy People - the Miaos (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) . Other examples also abound. During a 'minorities festival' held in September of 1991 large wooden placards illustrating China's southwestern minorities and detailing their dwelling places, population figures, and customs, lined the main thoroughfare of the Yuan Ming Yuan, the ruins of a Qing summer palace located north of Peking. Further inside the park representatives of various minority groups manned exhibits and put on performances relating to their cultural heritage. This festival is an example of efforts on the part of the government of the People's Republic of China to create political unity in the face of ethnic and cultural diversity. By encouraging the participation of many different ethnic groups, the authorities used the festival as a forum for promoting the concept of national unity. At the same time, by creating a forum where Han Chinese could observe peoples from different parts of the country, the government made a statement about the extent and scope of its domain. Dru Gladney and Louisa Schein have both written on the relationship of the majority Han population to China's 'others' in terms of the construction of both Han, and national identity. See Dru Gladney, 'Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities,' Journal of Asian Studies 53.1 (1994): 92-123; Louisa Schein, 'Gender and Internal Orientalism in China,' Modern China 23.1 (January 1997): 69-98. On the construction of Muslim, hui, identity see Dru Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Council on East Asia, 1991).
66. See, for example, A Happy People - the Miaos (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) . Other examples also abound. During a 'minorities festival' held in September of 1991 large wooden placards illustrating China's southwestern minorities and detailing their dwelling places, population figures, and customs, lined the main thoroughfare of the Yuan Ming Yuan, the ruins of a Qing summer palace located north of Peking. Further inside the park representatives of various minority groups manned exhibits and put on performances relating to their cultural heritage. This festival is an example of efforts on the part of the government of the People's Republic of China to create political unity in the face of ethnic and cultural diversity. By encouraging the participation of many different ethnic groups, the authorities used the festival as a forum for promoting the concept of national unity. At the same time, by creating a forum where Han Chinese could observe peoples from different parts of the country, the government made a statement about the extent and scope of its domain. Dru Gladney and Louisa Schein have both written on the relationship of the majority Han population to China's 'others' in terms of the construction of both Han, and national identity. See Dru Gladney, 'Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities,' Journal of Asian Studies 53.1 (1994): 92-123; Louisa Schein, 'Gender and Internal Orientalism in China,' Modern China 23.1 (January 1997): 69-98. On the construction of Muslim, hui, identity see Dru Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Council on East Asia, 1991).
67. See, for example, A Happy People - the Miaos (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) . Other examples also abound. During a 'minorities festival' held in September of 1991 large wooden placards illustrating China's southwestern minorities and detailing their dwelling places, population figures, and customs, lined the main thoroughfare of the Yuan Ming Yuan, the ruins of a Qing summer palace located north of Peking. Further inside the park representatives of various minority groups manned exhibits and put on performances relating to their cultural heritage. This festival is an example of efforts on the part of the government of the People's Republic of China to create political unity in the face of ethnic and cultural diversity. By encouraging the participation of many different ethnic groups, the authorities used the festival as a forum for promoting the concept of national unity. At the same time, by creating a forum where Han Chinese could observe peoples from different parts of the country, the government made a statement about the extent and scope of its domain. Dru Gladney and Louisa Schein have both written on the relationship of the majority Han population to China's 'others' in terms of the construction of both Han, and national identity. See Dru Gladney, 'Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities,' Journal of Asian Studies 53.1 (1994): 92-123; Louisa Schein, 'Gender and Internal Orientalism in China,' Modern China 23.1 (January 1997): 69-98. On the construction of Muslim, hui, identity see Dru Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Council on East Asia, 1991).
68. See, for example, A Happy People - the Miaos (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1988) . Other examples also abound. During a 'minorities festival' held in September of 1991 large wooden placards illustrating China's southwestern minorities and detailing their dwelling places, population figures, and customs, lined the main thoroughfare of the Yuan Ming Yuan, the ruins of a Qing summer palace located north of Peking. Further inside the park representatives of various minority groups manned exhibits and put on performances relating to their cultural heritage. This festival is an example of efforts on the part of the government of the People's Republic of China to create political unity in the face of ethnic and cultural diversity. By encouraging the participation of many different ethnic groups, the authorities used the festival as a forum for promoting the concept of national unity. At the same time, by creating a forum where Han Chinese could observe peoples from different parts of the country, the government made a statement about the extent and scope of its domain. Dru Gladney and Louisa Schein have both written on the relationship of the majority Han population to China's 'others' in terms of the construction of both Han, and national identity. See Dru Gladney, 'Representing Nationality in China: Refiguring Majority/Minority Identities,' Journal of Asian Studies 53.1 (1994): 92-123; Louisa Schein, 'Gender and Internal Orientalism in China,' Modern China 23.1 (January 1997): 69-98. On the construction of Muslim, hui, identity see Dru Gladney, Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People's Republic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Council on East Asia, 1991).
69. See Benjamin Elman, From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, Council on East Asian Studies, 1984).
70. For a full citation to Hodgen see note 4. For a discussion of the early roots of the shift from a qualitative to a quantitative emphasis in Europeans' understanding of their environment, see Crosby. For a discussion of eighteenth-century European epistemology and its relationship to travel writing see Pratt.
71. For reproductions of John White's drawings see Paul Hulton (ed.), America 1585: The Complete Drawings of John White (The University of North Carolina Press and British Museum Publications, 1984). White's human subjects extended beyond North America to include Turkish and Tartar subjects, as well as the ancient and mythical Picts. He also made illustrations of New World flora and fauna that he observed first hand.
72. Although they are less common than hand-painted albums, I have seen two Miao albums that were printed by woodblock. The gazetteers were also printed from carved wooden blocks. The European engravings were made from copper plates. The Qing Imperial Illustrations of Tributaries (Huang ging zhigong tu), commissioned by the Qianlong Emperor in 1751, contained both illustrations and text describing non-Han peoples from China's internal frontier, and overseas tributaries - including Europeans. See Hostetler, 1995, ch. 8. Its forty-one illustrations of peoples from Guizhou province bear a loose resemblance to the those found in the Miao albums - much like Theodore De Bry's illustrations bear some resemblance to the water color originals of John White.
73. Leonard Bell, 'Artists and Empire: Victorian Representations of Subject People,' Art History 5 (March 1982), 73.
74. J. R. Abbey, Travel in Aguatint and Lithography 1770-1860 From the Library of J. R. Abbey (London, 1972). See Bell, 85.
75. For critiques of representation generally see Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books, 1973) and Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); for critiques of ethnographic representation see James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1988) and George Marcus and Michael Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
76. For critiques of representation generally see Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books, 1973) and Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); for critiques of ethnographic representation see James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1988) and George Marcus and Michael Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
77. For critiques of representation generally see Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books, 1973) and Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); for critiques of ethnographic representation see James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1988) and George Marcus and Michael Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
78. For critiques of representation generally see Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Books, 1973) and Edward W. Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979); for critiques of ethnographic representation see James Clifford, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1988) and George Marcus and Michael Fischer, Anthropology as Cultural Critique: An Experimental Moment in the Human Sciences (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
79. The rich literature on the topic of orientalism stems out of debate that variously builds on and argues against Said's Orientalism. On non-Western 'orientalism' see Schein, 1997 and Stephen Tanaka, Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1993). For Japanese depictions of others in the early modern period see Ronald P. Toby, 'The Race to Classify,' Anthropology Newsletter 39.4 (April 1998): 55-6, and 'The Indianness of Iberia and Changing Japanese Iconographies of Other,' in Stuart B. Schwartz (ed.), Implicit Understandings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 323-51.
80. The rich literature on the topic of orientalism stems out of debate that variously builds on and argues against Said's Orientalism. On non-Western 'orientalism' see Schein, 1997 and Stephen Tanaka, Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1993). For Japanese depictions of others in the early modern period see Ronald P. Toby, 'The Race to Classify,' Anthropology Newsletter 39.4 (April 1998): 55-6, and 'The Indianness of Iberia and Changing Japanese Iconographies of Other,' in Stuart B. Schwartz (ed.), Implicit Understandings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 323-51.
81. The rich literature on the topic of orientalism stems out of debate that variously builds on and argues against Said's Orientalism. On non-Western 'orientalism' see Schein, 1997 and Stephen Tanaka, Japan's Orient: Rendering Pasts into History (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1993). For Japanese depictions of others in the early modern period see Ronald P. Toby, 'The Race to Classify,' Anthropology Newsletter 39.4 (April 1998): 55-6, and 'The Indianness of Iberia and Changing Japanese Iconographies of Other,' in Stuart B. Schwartz (ed.), Implicit Understandings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 323-51.
82. Kenneth Ganza spoke of a rising tide of empiricism in art in the middle Ming, and of an 'explosion of geographical exploration.' Leo Shin spoke on the transformation in textual representations of the south during the Ming period. His findings showed that empirical observation was gradually becoming more important in travel writing during the late Ming. John Herman found that writing about non-Han peoples in Guizhou during the late Ming increasingly tended to follow certain patterns. Information, which had sometimes been more free-ranging earlier, began to be limited to certain categories. I would suggest that more than displaying a lack of real interest in non-Han peoples, this tendency he uncovered may instead reflect a reconfiguration of what kinds of knowledge were considered important in building the empire. As Herman also noted, the authors used a number of techniques to prepare non-Han peoples of the southwest for colonial subjugation. This included mapping them onto the empire; systematically enumerating differences between Han and non-Han; and historicizing certain groups (i.e., the Songjia were said to be descendants of earlier Han migrations to the area). He also observed a growing interest in the agricultural production of the region, and in other kinds of natural wealth. The mapping of Xinjiang, the new frontier, as part of the Qing empire occupied Jim Millward, who remarked on the increasing amount of detail in maps of the region following the 1759 Qing conquest. The surveys and their products show evidence of a high regard for empirical method. Kenneth Ganza, 'To Hear with the Ears is not as Good as to See with the Eyes: Travel Painting as an Expression of Empiricism in the Late Ming and Early Qing.' Leo K. Shin, 'The Culture of Travel Writings in Late Ming China.' John Herman, 'The Cant of Conquest: Creating "Barbarians" and "Chinese" in the Southwest.' James Millward, 'Mapping Land and History: Qing Depictions of Xinjiang/the Western Regions.' Each of these papers were presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, March 12-16, 1997.
83. Kenneth Ganza spoke of a rising tide of empiricism in art in the middle Ming, and of an 'explosion of geographical exploration.' Leo Shin spoke on the transformation in textual representations of the south during the Ming period. His findings showed that empirical observation was gradually becoming more important in travel writing during the late Ming. John Herman found that writing about non-Han peoples in Guizhou during the late Ming increasingly tended to follow certain patterns. Information, which had sometimes been more free-ranging earlier, began to be limited to certain categories. I would suggest that more than displaying a lack of real interest in non-Han peoples, this tendency he uncovered may instead reflect a reconfiguration of what kinds of knowledge were considered important in building the empire. As Herman also noted, the authors used a number of techniques to prepare non-Han peoples of the southwest for colonial subjugation. This included mapping them onto the empire; systematically enumerating differences between Han and non-Han; and historicizing certain groups (i.e., the Songjia were said to be descendants of earlier Han migrations to the area). He also observed a growing interest in the agricultural production of the region, and in other kinds of natural wealth. The mapping of Xinjiang, the new frontier, as part of the Qing empire occupied Jim Millward, who remarked on the increasing amount of detail in maps of the region following the 1759 Qing conquest. The surveys and their products show evidence of a high regard for empirical method. Kenneth Ganza, 'To Hear with the Ears is not as Good as to See with the Eyes: Travel Painting as an Expression of Empiricism in the Late Ming and Early Qing.' Leo K. Shin, 'The Culture of Travel Writings in Late Ming China.' John Herman, 'The Cant of Conquest: Creating "Barbarians" and "Chinese" in the Southwest.' James Millward, 'Mapping Land and History: Qing Depictions of Xinjiang/the Western Regions.' Each of these papers were presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, March 12-16, 1997.
84. Kenneth Ganza spoke of a rising tide of empiricism in art in the middle Ming, and of an 'explosion of geographical exploration.' Leo Shin spoke on the transformation in textual representations of the south during the Ming period. His findings showed that empirical observation was gradually becoming more important in travel writing during the late Ming. John Herman found that writing about non-Han peoples in Guizhou during the late Ming increasingly tended to follow certain patterns. Information, which had sometimes been more free-ranging earlier, began to be limited to certain categories. I would suggest that more than displaying a lack of real interest in non-Han peoples, this tendency he uncovered may instead reflect a reconfiguration of what kinds of knowledge were considered important in building the empire. As Herman also noted, the authors used a number of techniques to prepare non-Han peoples of the southwest for colonial subjugation. This included mapping them onto the empire; systematically enumerating differences between Han and non-Han; and historicizing certain groups (i.e., the Songjia were said to be descendants of earlier Han migrations to the area). He also observed a growing interest in the agricultural production of the region, and in other kinds of natural wealth. The mapping of Xinjiang, the new frontier, as part of the Qing empire occupied Jim Millward, who remarked on the increasing amount of detail in maps of the region following the 1759 Qing conquest. The surveys and their products show evidence of a high regard for empirical method. Kenneth Ganza, 'To Hear with the Ears is not as Good as to See with the Eyes: Travel Painting as an Expression of Empiricism in the Late Ming and Early Qing.' Leo K. Shin, 'The Culture of Travel Writings in Late Ming China.' John Herman, 'The Cant of Conquest: Creating "Barbarians" and "Chinese" in the Southwest.' James Millward, 'Mapping Land and History: Qing Depictions of Xinjiang/the Western Regions.' Each of these papers were presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, March 12-16, 1997.
85. Kenneth Ganza spoke of a rising tide of empiricism in art in the middle Ming, and of an 'explosion of geographical exploration.' Leo Shin spoke on the transformation in textual representations of the south during the Ming period. His findings showed that empirical observation was gradually becoming more important in travel writing during the late Ming. John Herman found that writing about non-Han peoples in Guizhou during the late Ming increasingly tended to follow certain patterns. Information, which had sometimes been more free-ranging earlier, began to be limited to certain categories. I would suggest that more than displaying a lack of real interest in non-Han peoples, this tendency he uncovered may instead reflect a reconfiguration of what kinds of knowledge were considered important in building the empire. As Herman also noted, the authors used a number of techniques to prepare non-Han peoples of the southwest for colonial subjugation. This included mapping them onto the empire; systematically enumerating differences between Han and non-Han; and historicizing certain groups (i.e., the Songjia were said to be descendants of earlier Han migrations to the area). He also observed a growing interest in the agricultural production of the region, and in other kinds of natural wealth. The mapping of Xinjiang, the new frontier, as part of the Qing empire occupied Jim Millward, who remarked on the increasing amount of detail in maps of the region following the 1759 Qing conquest. The surveys and their products show evidence of a high regard for empirical method. Kenneth Ganza, 'To Hear with the Ears is not as Good as to See with the Eyes: Travel Painting as an Expression of Empiricism in the Late Ming and Early Qing.' Leo K. Shin, 'The Culture of Travel Writings in Late Ming China.' John Herman, 'The Cant of Conquest: Creating "Barbarians" and "Chinese" in the Southwest.' James Millward, 'Mapping Land and History: Qing Depictions of Xinjiang/the Western Regions.' Each of these papers were presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Asian Studies, March 12-16, 1997.
86. See, for example, David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, and Anderson, Imagined Communities, ch. ten.
87. See, for example, David Buisseret (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, and Anderson, Imagined Communities, ch. ten.
88. Theodore N. Foss, 'A Western Interpretation of China: Jesuit Cartography,' in Charles E. Ronan, S. J. and Bonnie B. C. Oh (eds), East Meets West: The Jesuits in China, 1582-1773 (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1988), 234.
89. Cordell D. K. Yee, 'Traditional Chinese Cartography and the Myth of West-ernization.' In J. B. Harley, and David Woodward (eds), The History of Cartography, Vol. 2, Book 2, Cartography in the Traditional East and Southeast Asian Societies (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 170-202. A burgeoning interest in Qing cartography has followed on the heels of Cordell Yee's important and pioneering work (see also his other essays in the History of Cartography). Scholars who are presently working in this area include Mark Elliott, Patterson Giersch, John Herman, James Millward, Richard Smith, and Emma Teng.
90. Joanna Waley-Cohen has explored the first purpose in her 'China and Western Technology.' She shows that both the Kangxi and Qianlong emperors employed Jesuits because they valued the advanced cartography techniques and improved cannon technology they provided; both directly assisted Qing military undertakings. Her article demonstrates that using a combination of to-scale cartography and increasing accuracy in cannon manufacture allowed Qing armies to win the second Jinchuan war (1771-76) fought in western Sichuan province against tribespeople native to the area. In another context she suggests that one reason the Qianlong emperor had copper plate engravings of military victory scenes engraved in France may have been to 'let his military might become known to the French king.' See 'Commemorating War,' 892.
91. Josef Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848: Science, Engineering and Statecraft (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 3-4.
92. Foss, 234; Yee, 183-4.
93. Lloyd Brown, The Story of Maps (New York: Dover Publications, 1977), 252.
94. James Cracraft, The Petrine Revolution in Russian Imagery (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997), 278.
95. Lo-shu Fu (trans. and ed.), A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820). AAS Monographs and Papers, no. 22 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966), vol. 1, 106 and 122-3; Da Qing Shengzu Ren Huangdi Shilu (The Veritable Records of the Kangxi Reign), 6 vols (Taipei: Huawen shuju reprint, 1964), 3598 (270/11b). See also Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K'anghsi (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), 82.
96. Lo-shu Fu (trans. and ed.), A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820). AAS Monographs and Papers, no. 22 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966), vol. 1, 106 and 122-3; Da Qing Shengzu Ren Huangdi Shilu (The Veritable Records of the Kangxi Reign), 6 vols (Taipei: Huawen shuju reprint, 1964), 3598 (270/11b). See also Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K'anghsi (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), 82.
97. Lo-shu Fu (trans. and ed.), A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820). AAS Monographs and Papers, no. 22 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1966), vol. 1, 106 and 122-3; Da Qing Shengzu Ren Huangdi Shilu (The Veritable Records of the Kangxi Reign), 6 vols (Taipei: Huawen shuju reprint, 1964), 3598 (270/11b). See also Jonathan D. Spence, Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K'anghsi (New York: Vintage Books, 1975), 82.
98. Le P. Antoine Gaubil, Corresondance de Pékin, 1722-1759 (Geneva, Librairie Droz, 1970), 710 (letter to P. Berthier, 1752). Translations from the French are mine.
99. Gaubil, 710 (letter to P. Berthier, 1752).
100. Gaubil, 711 (letter to P. Berthier, 1752).
101. Gaubil, 711 (letter to P. Berthier, 1752).
102. La Grande Encyclopédie Inrentaire Raisonné des Sciences, des Lettres et des Arts (Paris: Société Anonyme de la Grande Encyclopédie), 23: 1121.
103. Foss, 250, note 104.
104. Gaubil, 715-16 (letter to P. Berthier, 19 November 1752).
105. Gaubil, 371 (letter to Delisle, July 1734).
106. Joseph Anne Marie de Moyriac De Mailla, Histoire Générale de La Chine (Ch'eng-Wen Publishing Company, Taipei, 1967), 11: 364.
107. See for example: Dai Yi (ed.), Jian ming ging shi (Renmin chuban she, 1980), foreword, 1; Ma Reheng and Ma Dazheng (eds), Qingdai bianjiang kaifa yanjiu (Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1990), foreword, 1; Jiang Yingliang (ed.), Zhongguo minzu shi (Minzu chubanshe, 1990), 1; Miaozu jianshi (Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1985), publishers' note, 1.
108. See for example: Dai Yi (ed.), Jian ming ging shi (Renmin chuban she, 1980), foreword, 1; Ma Reheng and Ma Dazheng (eds), Qingdai bianjiang kaifa yanjiu (Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1990), foreword, 1; Jiang Yingliang (ed.), Zhongguo minzu shi (Minzu chubanshe, 1990), 1; Miaozu jianshi (Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1985), publishers' note, 1.
109. See for example: Dai Yi (ed.), Jian ming ging shi (Renmin chuban she, 1980), foreword, 1; Ma Reheng and Ma Dazheng (eds), Qingdai bianjiang kaifa yanjiu (Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1990), foreword, 1; Jiang Yingliang (ed.), Zhongguo minzu shi (Minzu chubanshe, 1990), 1; Miaozu jianshi (Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1985), publishers' note, 1.
110. See for example: Dai Yi (ed.), Jian ming ging shi (Renmin chuban she, 1980), foreword, 1; Ma Reheng and Ma Dazheng (eds), Qingdai bianjiang kaifa yanjiu (Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1990), foreword, 1; Jiang Yingliang (ed.), Zhongguo minzu shi (Minzu chubanshe, 1990), 1; Miaozu jianshi (Guiyang: Guizhou minzu chubanshe, 1985), publishers' note, 1.
111. Cf. Peter Purdue on nationalist historiography, 'Military Mobilization,' 761.
112. In my opinion, the English translation of Zhongguo as 'Middle Kingdom' may have had as much to do with Western perceptions (and representations) of China as ethnocentric as with the actual derivation of the term, but that would form the topic for a separate article.
113. Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), especially pages 27-33. See also Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 143-50.
114. Prasenjit Duara, Rescuing History from the Nation: Questioning Narratives of Modern China (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), especially pages 27-33. See also Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped: A History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), 143-50.
115. Siam officially changed its name to Thailand in 1941. The Thai term for Thailand translates literally as 'the Thai nation.' The name change, from 'Muang Thai' ('the country of the Thai') marked a conscious shift in the way in which Thai sovereignty was conceptualized (Thongchai, 49).
116. Waley-Cohen, 'Commemorating War.'
117. Colonialism is part of an imperialist impulse, not a nationalistic one. Colonialism and nationalism are, however, not totally unrelated. As Thongchai shows in the case of Thailand, many modern nation states developed their present borders and their commitment to the modern nation-state system through competition with colonial empires. Anderson sees a direct connection between what he calls 'official nationalism' and imperialism. In such cases nationalism can be used as a foil for imperialism (see Imagined Communities, chapter six).